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Kh'

THE TODAS

Sif/^kJifr^ntc^^Wi^l^^/h

•

THE TODAS

W. H. R. RIVERS

FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

WITH ILL us TRA TIONS

Uontion
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1906

All rights 7-ese7i'cd

Richard Clay and Sons, Limited,
bread street hill, e.c., and

bungay, suffolk.

NonClrc
Reading
Ctr. ^

PREFACE

It has been my object in writing this book to make it, not
merely a record of the customs and behefs of a people, but
also a demonstration of anthropological method. The great
need of anthropology at the present time is for more exact
method, not only in collecting material, but also in recording
it, so that readers may be able to assign its proper value to
each fact, and may be provided with definite evidence which
will enable them to estimate the probable veraciousness and
thoroughness of the record.

With this idea in my mind I have tried to describe as fully
as possible the way in which my account has been built up,
and have been careful to point out the different degrees of
trustworthiness of different portions of my story. Perhaps I
have been so anxious to make it clear when my record is of
doubtful value that sometimes I may have laid undue stress
on its uncertainties and deficiencies.

I have tried to make a clear distinction between my
description of Toda custom and belief, and any theoretical
conclusions drawn by myself, and have kept the latter for
sections at the ends of chapters or for special chapters, of
which those numbered xi, xix, xxix and xxx are the most
important.

It m.ay be thought by some that the book is unduly loaded
with minute detail, and I am myself aware that I have often
complicated, perhaps even obscured, the story I am telling by
the mass of detail with which it is accompanied. I have had,

3101 1)?,*?

vi PREFACE

however, no scruples on this score, partly because I wished
my readers thoroughly to grasp the nature of the material on
which my account is based, but still more, because details
which may seem insignificant or trivial are often of great
importance in the comparative study of custom and belief.

I have not attempted such a comparative study of Toda
institutions. It was often very tempting to suggest resem-
blances with the practices of other peoples of the present or
the past, but the result would have been to swell the book to
unwieldy dimensions, and perhaps to have obscured the
description of the life of the people. In giving parallels for
Toda custom I have therefore limited myself to examples
from other parts of India, and even here I have only dealt
with a few resemblances which illustrate certain suggestions
made in the final chapter on the origin and affinities of the
Toda people.

In c(3nclusion, I am very glad to express my gratitude for
help received from many sources. The researches on which
the book is based were undertaken in consequence of the
award to myself of the income of the Gunning Fund of the
Royal Society for the years 190 1-2, and my work was also
assisted by a grant from the British Association. In India I
received every assistance from those whose official positions
gave them the means of helping me, and my thanks are
especially due to Mr. Edgar Thurston, whose kind interest
and assistance I cannot sufficiently acknowledge. I owe
much to the care and attention with which my two inter-
preters, P. Samuel and Albert Urrilla, performed their duties,
and I am greatly indebted to the managers of the Church of
England Zenana Missionary Society at Ootacamund for the
services of the former, and to Mr. C. M. Mullaly and Mr.
Hadfield for giving the latter leave from his forest duties in
order that he might help me.

Of friends in England I am especially indebted to Dr.
C. S. Myers, who kindly read nearly the whole of the book in
proof; to Syed Ali Bilgrami for information on various
points connected with Indian custom ; to Don M. da Zilva

PREFACE vii

Wickramasinghe for reading Chapter xxv, dealing with the
language ; and to Mr. H. N. Webber for help, especially in
the revision of the genealogical tables.

Most of the illustrations in the book are from photographs
taken under my direction by Messrs. Wiele and Klein of
Madras, and I am indebted to H M. India Office for per-
mission to make use of illustrations from " An Account of
the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris," by the
late J. Williamson Breeks (1873), and to Messrs. Longmans
Green and Co., for permission to make use of illustrations
from " A Phrenologist amongst the Todas," by the late
Colonel W'illiam E. Marshall (1873).

W. H. R. R.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

I'ACE

INTRODUCTION I

CHAPTER II

THE TODA PEOPLE l8

CHAPTER III

DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 38

CHAPTER IV

THE VILLAGE DAIRY 56

CHAPTER V

THE TI DAIRY 83

CHAPTER \T

BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 1 23

CHAPTER VH
ORDINATION CEREMONIES 144

CHAPTER VIII

SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 166

CHAPTER IX

THE TODA GODS 182

X CONTENTS

CHAPTER X

TAGE

prayp:r . 213

CHAPTER XI

THE DAIRY RITUAL 23 1

CHAPTER XII

DIVINATION AND MAGIC . 249

CHAPTER XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 274

CHAPTER XIV

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 313

CHAPTER XV

FUNERAL CEREMONIES • ZZI

CHAPTER XVI
FUNERAL CEREMONIES {continued) 372

CHAPTER XVII

SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 405

CHAPTER XVIII

SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 4^7

CHAPTER XIX

THE TODA RELIGION 442

CHAPTER XX

GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 4^1

CHAPTER XXI

KINSHIP 483

CHAPTER XXII

MARRIAGE $02

CONTENTS xi

CHAPTER XXIII

PAGE

SOCIAL ORGANISATION 540

CHAPTER XXIV

ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 570

CHAPTER XXV

LANGUAGE 6o2

CHAPTER XXVI

PERSONAL NAMES 619

CHAPTER XXVII

RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 628

CHAPTER XXVIII

THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 643

CHAPTER XXIX

TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 679

CHAPTER XXX

THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 693

APPENDIX I 719

APPENDIX II— BIBLIOGRAPHY 731

APPENDIX III— LIST OF VILLAGES 734

APPENDIX IV— LIST OF PLANTS 738

GLOSSARY 741

INDEX 749

GENEALOGICAL TABLES.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. I'AGE

1. Toda Man. Full Face 19

2. Toda Man. Side Face 20

3. Toda Woman. Full Face 21

4. Toda Woman. Side Face 22

5. The Village of Taradr, showing two Dairies in the Foreground

and three Houses in the Background 25

6. The Village of Taradr, showing the Houses surrounded by

a Wall, in which there is one Opening in the Middle .... 27

7. The chief House of the Village of Kiudr 28

8. The Village of Peivors, showing a Double Hut (in the Back-

ground). The two Buildings on the Left are Dairies, and

the Structure in the Centre is a Calf-House 29

9. A Toda Man, Siriar (20), with his Wife and Child, showing the

ordinary Method of wearing the ' Putkuli ' 30

10. Kodrner performing the Salutation called ' Kaimukhti.' His

Right Arm is bared (' Kevenarut'), and he has removed his
Turban 31

11. Women Pounding and Sifting. The Broom is on the Ground to

the Right 33

12. The ' Kalmelpudithti ' Salutation taking place at the Village of

Nodrs. On the Left is the House ; on the Right is the less
important Dairy of the Village ( the ' Tarvali '), and in Front of
it is the Stone called ' Menkars ' 35

13. The Conical Dairy of Nodrs. The Stone at the Right-Hand

End of the Wall is the 'Teidrtolkars' 44

14. The lower part of the Conical Dairy of Nodrs, which is hidden

by the Wall in Fig. 13. The ' Wursol' is shown eating ' Al '
from a Leaf-Plate 46

15. 6d (26) Churning 51

16. The morning Milking at the Village of Molkush. In the Back-

ground is a modern ' Tu ' made of Wooden Palings . . . 53

17. A Milking Scene 54

18. The chief Dairy Vessels 59

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. I'AGE

19. The 'Wursol' of Nodrs carrying the ' Adimu' and ' Patatpun'

to fetch Water 63

20. The ' Pahkartmokh ' Saluting the Threshold of the Dairy at

Kiudr, ' Pavnersatiti ' 65

21. The ' Kudrpali ' of Kars, with the ' Kudrpalikartmokh ' standing

on the Wall. In the Foreground is the Mound called
' Imudrikars.' In the Background on the Right is the Calf-
House 67

23. The 'Wursol' of Kars, Kernpisi (56), standing by the side of

his Dairy 75

24. The ' Kugvali ' of Taradr. On its Left is the ' Kwotars,' and

on the extreme Right, under the Tree, is the ' Kush.' The

flat Stone to the Right of the ' Kugvali ' is the ' Piidrshtikars' ']^

25. The ' Poh ' of Kanodrs. The two Walls are shown 80

26. Showing the General Plan of the Ti Dairy . . 87

27. The 'Palol' Karkievan, saluting at Modr. He is standing in

the ' Pepkarmus.' The Building next to the ' Palol ' is the
' Ti poh ' ; that on the Right is the ' Karenpoh,' and between it
and the 'Ti poh ' can be seen the Hut where the Inhabitants
of the ' Ti mad ' sleep 95

28. To show the Attitude adopted by the ' Palol '' when

Praying 96

29. To show the Method of carrying the Contents of the Dairy.

The boy Kalmad (64) is carrying the ' Patatpur ' ; Karsiiln
(15) the ' Ertatpur.' In front of Kalmad is the entrance of
the Pen at Kars called ' Althftu ' 125

30. I. A. The 'Madth.' B. A'Patat.' C. Another ' Patat.' D. The

' Parskadrvenmu.' E. The ' Irkartpun.' 2. A. The axe.
B. The fire-sticks. C. The ' Majpariv.' D. The ' Pol-
machok.' E. The 'Ertatpun.' F. A ' Tek.' G. The lamp. 127

31. The Dairy of Kiudr with the ' Pahkartmokh ' Etamudri (58) ; on

the Right of the Dairy above and to the Left of the head of
Etamudri is the Stone called ' Neurziilnkars,' by which the
'Patatmani' is laid 129

32. The ' Neurziilnkars' of Kiudr, by the side of which the 'Ertat-

mani' are laid 130

33. The four 'Neurziilnkars' at Modr. Behind the Stones on the

Right is Karkievan, the ' Palol' of the 'Tiir' ; on the Left is
Nerponers, the ' Palol ' of the ' Warsir ' ; in the Centre is the
' Kaltmokh,' Katsog, carrying a sickle-shaped Knife .... 141

34. Punatvan (53) drinking during his Ordination as ' Pahkartmokh'

of Karia 146

35. Imitation Buffalo Horns 190

36. Midjkudr and Mongudrvan Divining at a Funeral 253

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. PAGE

yj. Punatvan and Pichievan attempting to make Fire at the

' Erkumptthpimi ' Ceremony 277

38. Punatvan uttering the 'Erkumptthpimi' Prayer. He is hold-

ing the ' Erkumptthkud,' and one of the ' Tudr ' Leaves in his
hand can be distinctly seen 279

39. Stroking the back of the Calf with the 'Toashtitudr.' Punatvan

is beginning the third Movement, and one of the Branches

of Leaves can be seen on the Ground behind the Calf . . . 280

40. Punatvan and Pichievan cutting up the Calf In the Back-

ground Kodrner is sharpening up the ' Ko ' 281

41. Roasting the pieces of the Calf 283

42. The ' Irndrtkars' at Kars. In the Background is the ' Wursuli ' 299

43. Gap in the Wall at Nodrs through which the Calf is driven at the

'Irnortiti' Ceremony 301

44. The ' Nersatiti ' Salutation 304

45. The ' Puzhars ' at Molkush 314

46. Tersveli sitting at the Door of the ' Puzhars ' at Karia with her

face turned from the Sun 325

47. Sintagars drinking at the ' Marthk maj atpimi ' Ceremony.

The boy, Pongudr, is sitting behind her 328

48. Funeral Hut roimd which women are lamenting. Several

pairs are pressing their foreheads together. The Hut is
not within a stone circle, showing that the Funeral is not
being held at an old Funeral Place 339

49. The 'Puzhutpimi' Ceremony. In the Centre is the Corpse.

The foremost man on the Left is kneeling down preparatory

to throwing Earth 346

50. The 'Puzhutpimi' Ceremony. Throwing Earth backwards on

the Corpse 347

51. The Wooden 'Teiks' at Inikitj 35°

52. Leading the Buffalo to be Killed 353

53. The Corpse by the head of the dying Buffalo 355

54. Saluting the dead Buffalo 357

55. The Mourners round the Body 358

56. Kotas playing Music at a Toda Funeral 364

57. Keinba and Perpakh ; the former is holding in his hand the

imitation Bow and Arrow and has his Cloak over his Head . 393

58. Bough of the 'Tudr' Tree. (From Marshall.) 434

59. The Memorial of Keirevan 440

60. Kuriolv and Pilimurg 55^

61. Showing Methods of wearing the Toda Garments and of doing

the Hair 573

62. Tilipa (12) wearing his Hair long on account of a vow made

at a Hindu Temple 575

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. I'AGE

63 and 64. To show Method of Shaving the Head of a Child . . . 577

65. Karol (64), the 'Wursol' of Taradr, making Fire 582

66. To show a Stage in the construction of a Hut 584

67. (From Breeks). — The first Man on the Left is holding a Bow

and Arrow ; the second a Club (probably the ' Nanmakud ')
in his Right Hand, and the ' Tadri ' in his Left ; the third
Man is carrying a Club, and the fourth Man is playing the
' Buguri' 587

68. (From Breeks). — The five Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills 629

69. A Badaga greeting a Toda 631

70. A view of Nodrs. The Stone in the Foreground on the Left is

the ' Nerovkars' ; that on the Right is the ' Uteiks.' In the
Background in the Centre is an old ' Tu.' The lower part of
the Conical Dairy can be seen between the Boy and the
'Uteiks' • 646

71. The Stones at Pishkwosht called ' Teuar ' 657

72. The Village of Umgas, showing the ' Nadrkkars' in the Centre.

Behind the Stones is the 'Poh' of this Village, and on its

Right are the Dwelling-Huts 673

73. Plan of 'Etudmad' 689

74. Plan of Ancient Toda Villages 690

75. (From Breeks). — A Cairn on the Nilgiri Hills 711

76. Various objects found in the Nilgiri Cairns, taken from Breeks. 713

PHONETIC SYSTEM

Tllli following is the phonetic system which has been used
in this book. The use of man)' of the signs is more fully
described in Chapter XXV.

Voivels.

a, the a of father.

a, the u of hut.

(I, the a of hat.

c, the ei of their,

fc', the e of met.

/, the ee of meet.

/, the i of hit.

0, the o of post.

0, the o of pot.

0, the o of word.

b, as in English.

c/i, the ch of church.

tt used in the text for the
English sound and
also for the lingual
consonant (i}

f, as in English.

g, the g of sing.
gg, the g of finger.
gh, the ch of ich.

the aw of law.

the oo of moon.

I/,

the u of full.

/I,

the German vowel.

ai.

the i of bite.

ail,

the ou of house.

ei,

the a of date.

en,

the French diphthong,

oi,

the oy of boy.

Consonants.

//, used for a sound of
doubtful nature
(see p. 6i i).

/, as in English.

/■, as in English.

kh, the ch of auch.

/. used in the text for
the English sound
and for the lingual
consonant /.

' One uf llic mubl frequenl consunanLal sounds in ihe Toda language is dr
wliich in the text always stands for </r ; when d comes before sh, it also
represents the lingual sound. In both cases the (/ was hardly appreciated by my
ear, and the European will perhaps most nearly imitate the Toda sound if he
pronounces dr and dih as r and sh.

PHONETIC SYSTEM

n,
u,

f-;}

•y,

s/i.

as in English,
as in English,
a nasal n, as in French.

as in English.

a sound resembling the

English s.
as in English.

as in English and also
for the lingual A

the th both of though
and throw.

■ as in English.

s, the z of zeal.

s/i, the si of occasion.

Sounds represented by c//, s, s/i, and t/i, very frequently
inserted cuphonically in Toda words, have usually been
omitted. J have also omitted the signs showing the long
vowels whenever a word occurs frequently throughout the
book, and the glossary should be consulted to ascertain the
correct method of pronouncing such words. Similarly,
Appendices III and IV- should be consulted to ascertain the
proper pronunciation of the names of places and plants.

I do not use the plurals of Toda words, either in the
English form or in that proper to the Toda language ; thus,
I write "the two J^a/o/" and not "the Uwo palois" or "the
iw'O palolani."

Map.

The names printed in the same type as Kars are those
of Toda villages ; the names in italics, as Nanjanad are those
of Badaga villages ; the names in small black type, as
Ootacamund are those of towns with a general population,
or of c/tr/i bungalows.

THE TODAS

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The people whose manners and customs I am about to
describe live on the undulating plateau of the Nilgiri Hills in
Southern India. The hills were visited by a Portuguese
missionary in 1602, and have been invaded by Indian tribes
on various occasions, but, at the beginning of the last century,
the plateau and its inhabitants were absolutely unknown to
Europeans. The earliest definite information about the hills
at this time is given in a letter from William Keys, an
assistant revenue surveyor, written in 181 2, but it was not
till several years later that further information about the
people began to be published.

Of the various tribes inhabiting the hills, the Todas excited
the greatest interest, and this interest has continued, partly
because the people are so different from any other of the races
by which they are surrounded, but still more because both
they and their customs are so picturesque and, in many ways,
so unique.

A very large literature^ has accumulated about the Todas
and their customs. This literature is so extensive that when
I determined to go to the Nilgiri Hills, I was reproached by
more than one anthropologist for going to people about whom
we already knew so much ; and one even said that, so far as
his department of knowledge was concerned, he was sure that
we had all the information we could expect to get.

^ The bibliography of ihis Uterature is given in Appendix II.

THE TODAS CHAP,

A review of the literature, however, showed me that there
were certain subjects about which our information was of the
scantiest. This was especially the case in matters connected
with the social organisation. Little was known of the system
of kinship, and it was not known whether there was any definite
system of exogamy. The Todas furnish one of the best
existing examples of the custom of polyandry, but scarcely
anything was known about the various social regulations
which must be associated with such a practice.

I had not worked long among the Todas before I discovered
the existence of many customs and ceremonies previously
undescribed, and I was able to obtain much more detailed
accounts of others which had already been repeatedly
recorded. I found that there was so much to be done that
I gave up an intention of working with several different
tribes, and devoted the whole of my time to the Todas.

This book is not intended to be a complete account of all
that is known about the Toda people. Their physical anthro-
pology has been so ably dealt with by Mr. Edgar Thurston
that I leave this subject almost untouched, and I omit all but
a brief mention of my own psychological observ^ations which
I have published in detail elsewhere.^ The book deals
almost exclusively with the religion and sociology of the
people. Even here, however, the account will be far from
complete. After several months' work among a people
about whom " we knew all there was to be known," I came
away knowing that there were subjects of which I had barely
touched the fringe, and many others on which my information
could have been made far more complete with greater oppor-
tunity. About certain subjects the Todas are extremely
reticent, and my information is in consequence very defective.
There arc many points on which I know my information to
be far from complete, and doubtless there are far more
numerous examples of deficiency of which 1 am not aware.

Some deficiencies of the record are due to certain un-
toward events which occurred during my visit. After
I had been working among the Todas for about four
months, various misfortunes befell some of those who had

' Sqc Brilish Journal of rsychology, 1905, vol. i., p. 321.

INTRODUCTION

been my chief guides to Toda lore. One man who had
pointed out to me certain sacred places fell ill and made
up his mind that he was going to die. Another man lost his
wife a few days after he had shown me the method of per-
forming one of the most sacred of Toda ceremonies. A
third man who had revealed to me the details of the cere-
monial of the most sacred Toda dairy, suffered the loss of his
own village dairy by fire.

The Todas consulted their diviners, who ascribed these
events to the anger of the gods because their secrets had
been revealed to the stranger. In consequence my sources of
information ran dry to a large extent, and the difficulties in
the way of the investigation of the more sacred topics were
greatly increased. By the time it was settled that I was
to blame I was nearly at the end of my visit, but it was in the
last two or three weeks that I had hoped to overcome the
scruples of the people and to obtain information on many
doubtful points about which I had to come away unsatisfied.

One of the subjects on which my material is defective is the
folk-lore. I have a number of tales, but they are only
a small part of the store of Toda legend. I regret especially
the incompleteness of my work in this respect because I
believe that the Todas are rapidly forgetting their folk-tales
and the legends of their gods, while their ceremonial remains
to a large extent intact, and seems likely to continue so for
some time.

I was especially struck by this because, in previous anthro-
pological experience in the islands of Torres Straits with
Dr. Haddon, we had found the exact opposite to be the case.
In these islands, the ceremonial had disappeared, and the
only record of it to be obtained was that derived from the
memories of the oldest inhabitants. Nevertheless in Torres
Straits the store of legend was still ample, and the agreement
of the stories obtained from different individuals was so great
that it was evident that the people had preserved their folk-
lore with fidelity.

The difference between the two communities is easily ex-
plained. In Torres Straits missionary influence is strong, and
missionary effort is always directed to break down the practices

B 2

THE TODAS CHAP.

associated with belief. The ceremonial in Torres Straits had
been swept away, while the stories of the legendary heroes
were almost all that remained to the people of the old life
and w^ere in consequence still cherished.

Among the Todas missionary influence, whether of Christian
or Hindu, has had little effect, and the ritual of the Todas in
some parts of the hills is almost, if not quite, untouched by
outside influences.^ The effect of intercourse with other
peoples seems to be showing itself largely in the form of loss
of interest in the stories of the past.

One of the most striking aspects of the customs and cere-
monies of the Todas is that these have in many cases no
exact parallels in other places. Perhaps the most definite
result which modern research in anthropology has brought
out is the extraordinary similarity of custom throughout the
world. Customs apparently identical are found in races so
widely separated geographically and so diverse ethnologically
that it seems certain the customs must have developed in total
independence of one another. There seems to be an identity
of idea actuating custom in peoples very different from one
another in their surroundings and conditions of life.

The nearest parallels to Toda custom and ceremonial are
undoubtedly to be found in the Indian peninsula, but even
here, though there is often a general resemblance, this breaks
down on going into detail. Even when the resemblance is so
close as to suggest a common origin, the differences in detail
are often very great. '^

One clue to this exceptional nature of Toda custom and
belief is to be found in the geographical position of the people,
which has to a large extent isolated them from the world in
general.

The plateau on which they live, broken by numerous hills
and valleys, is the top of a scarp formed by the meeting of
the Eastern and Western Ghats. Some of the hills project

' As we shall see later, this is only true of some parts of the hills and some
'nstilulions.

- With more exact knowledge of Indian customs and ceremonies which have
lingered on side by side with, though often obscured by Brahmanism, it is possible
that these differences would be found to be much slighter than the evidence at
jiresent available suggests.

INTRODUCTION

more than the rest above the general level of the plateau,
which ranges from 6,000 to 7,500 feet above the sea, and the
loftiest of these hills reaches the height of 8,760 feet. The
plateau is so high that, though it is situated onl}' about eleven
degrees from the equator, the thermometer rarely rises above
70" F., and in the nights of the cold season may touch the
freezing point.

In every direction the sides of the hills leading up to
the plateau are steep and often precipitous. To the south-
east, east, and north-east there is a rapid fall of about 5,000
feet to the plains of the Coimbatore district, though to the
south this plain only forms a gap about twenty miles in
breadth between the Nilgiri and the Anaimalai Hills. On
the north-west the slope is more gradual and is broken by
the Wainad district about 3,000 feet above the sea. To the
north there is a steep fall, but only for about 4,000 feet, to the
plateau of Mysore, which is about 3,000 feet above the sea.

The south-western part of the hills is known as the
Kundahs and may be regarded as a range separate from
the greater part of the plateau, from which it is divided by
a wide valley, the Avalanche Valley. From the Kundahs
there is an extremely precipitous fall to the Malabar
district.

The steep sides leading up to the plateau on which the
Todas live are clothed with thick, almost impenetrable jungle,
which is extremely malarious, so that a night spent on the
way to the summit is very likely to produce fever.

The hills appear to have been for long an object of reverence
to Hindus on account of their height and inaccessibility.
Dubois states that " as it is very difficult to reach the top of
this mountain, a view of the summit alone (and it is visible a
long way off) is considered sufficient to remove the burden
of sin from the conscience of any person who looks at it." ^

When the hills were first visited by Europeans, their use as
a sanatorium was long delayed owing to the difficulty of
making roads, and it was not till after many years that the
hills became a regular resort of the European population.
We shall see later that the isolation of the Todas has certainly

^ Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, part ii., chap. v.

THE TODAS chap.

not been complete, and that the hills have been invaded by
strangers, especially from the side of the VVainad ; but the
isolation has probably been considerable, and, for long periods,
it may have been complete.

In their isolation from the world in general, however, the
Todas have not been alone. Two other tribes, the Kotas and
the Badagas, occupy the plateau with them, and the peculiar
relations between the three tribes are among the most in-
teresting features of the social life of the Nilgiris. The Todas
are a purely pastoral people, limiting their activities almost
entirely to the care of their buffaloes and to the complicated
ritual which has grown up in association with these animals.
The Badagas are chiefly agriculturists ; the Kotas are artisans
and mechanics ; and both supply the Todas with part of
their produce. There is here a well-marked instance of
division of labour, in which the labour of the Todas is reduced
to a minimum. Their privileged position is usually held to
be due to the tradition that they are the " lords of the soil,"
and the produce which the Todas receive from the other tribes
is supposed to be of the nature of tribute.

The jungle on the slopes of the hills is inhabited by two
wild, dwarfish tribes, the Kurumbas and Irulas, who have a
general resemblance to the many other jungle tribes of
Southern India. These people are much feared by the tribes
of the plateau for their supposed magical powers, but they
have little to do with the complex social life of the others.

The district in which the three tribes live is not extensive.
The extreme length of the plateau, from east to west, is about
forty-two miles, and its average breadth, from north to south,
about ten miles, the maximum breadth being fifteen miles in
the centre of the district. The total area of the plateau is less
than 500 square miles. In this district there live about 800
Todas, 1,200 Kotas, and 34,000 Badagas. In addition, there
are now extensive European settlements, the largest of which
is Ootacamund, the seat of the Madras Government for six
months of the year. The other large European settlements
are Coonoor and Kolagiri, while Wellington, near Coonoor, is
a military station.

The plateau of the Nilgiris is divided into four districts,

INTRODUCTION

ordinarily known by the names, Todanad, Mekanad, Peran-
ganad, and Kundanad, and these districts are recognised by
the Todas. The Todanad is the largest district, and is the
part where the majority of the Todas live. Their own name
for it is Marsadr.

The Mekanad is called by the Todas Karadr, and is now
very sparsely inhabited, though there are many old villages
in the district.

The Peranganad is the eastern part of the hills, and is
called by the Todas Purgodr, and is the chief seat of a few of
their clans.

The fourth district, or Kundanad, is that already mentioned
as the Kundahs in the south-west part of the hills. It is the
chief seat of one Toda clan, but it also contains villages
belonging to others. It is especially visited in the dry season,
since its large rainfall often provides ample pasturage when
this is burnt up on other parts of the hills. The Toda
name of the district is Medr.

A few Todas live near Gudalur in the Wainad, some
3,000 feet lower than the main plateau.

Methods

The description of Toda life to be given in this book is the
outcome of an attempt to apply rigorous methods in the
investigation of sociology and religion. In the brief time
which was at my disposal, it was essential to employ methods
of investigation which would enable me to tell with some
certainty whether I was obtaining accurate and trustworthy
information. Two great sources of error in anthropological
investigation are the dependence on the evidence of only a
few individuals and the necessity of paying for information.

The first source of error was easily avoided, and I was able
to obtain my information from a large body of witnesses,
usually independently of one another. As regards the
second source, the Todas are inveterate beggars, and are
now thoroughly accustomed to receive payment for every
service rendered to the European, even of the most trivial
kind. Payment for information was inevitable, but I

THE TODAS chap.

minimised the danger by arranging that every man who
came to me for work should receive a definite stipulated sum
as a recompense for his time and trouble. I paid, not for the
information, but for the trouble taken in giving a day or half
a day to my service. As a general rule, anything like pay-
ment by results was carefully avoided. The sum paid was
for coming to me, and if anyone was reluctant to talk about
one subject, we passed on to another. Only at the end of my
visit did I depart from this rule on a few occasions, and
offered rewards to one or two individuals for certain items of
information ; but by this time I was in a position to judge the
value of the information I received, and I only employed this
procedure in cases where I knew the degree of trustworthiness
of my informant.

Definite methods for the verification of the evidence
obtained were the more necessary in my work among the
Todas, in that I was obliged throughout to depend on inter-
preters. I was, however, very fortunate in my assistants. I
first worked with a forest ranger, Albert Urrilla, who knew
the Todas very well, though he had no special knowledge of
their customs. He translated faithfully, and, owing to his
wide knowledge of the hills, he was extremely useful in
helping me to become familiar with the names and positions
of the many Toda villages. After about six weeks' work,
Albert had to return to his forest duties, and, except for a week
towards the end of my visit, the interpreter for the rest of my
work was P. Samuel, a catechist who had been endeavouring
for ten years to convert the Todas to Christianity, under the
auspices of the Church of England Zenana Missionary
Society. When he began to work with me, Samuel had a
very limited acquaintance with Toda ceremonies, but he was
very familiar with the general life of the people, and was
especially acquainted with the actual working of many of
their social customs. Some of the Todas at first objected
strongly to his helping me, probably on account of his mis-
sionary efforts, but he soon overcame this initial difficulty and
gained the general confidence of the people. He was well
acquainted with the Toda language, and soon became a very
careful inquirer into customs and beliefs, and I owe much to

INTRODUCTION

his help. He often obtained independent information about
customs, and I was put by him on the track of much that
might otherwise have escaped me. I had hoped that he
would have continued to make inquiries for me after I had
left the hills, and soon after my departure, he forwarded to
me a very valuable account of a ceremony which I had not
been able to witness and other important material. While
with me he had discovered, however, how little progress he
had made with the people during his ten years' work among
them, and how little he had known of their beliefs, and, soon
after my departure, he asked to be given a new sphere of
work and was removed to the Wainad, so that I have not
had the opportunity for which I hoped, of making further
inquiries into tlie many doubtful points which always arise in
working up the notes of anthropological investigation.

One of the chief dangers arising from the use of inter-
preters is that they will often transmit, not what they are
told, but their own versions of what they are told. They
interpret the meaning as well as the words of the informants.
I think I can be certain that this danger was avoided with
both m}' interpreters, and that they gave me as accurate an
account as possible of what the Todas told them. We always
used the Toda names for all specific objects, individuals, and
places, so that the information transmitted to me by the inter-
preters was often in such a form that nearly every noun was
Toda in a setting of English verbs, adverbs, and pronouns.
Thus, referring to one of my notebooks at random, I find the
following : " xAfter cleansing the/i?/^ in this manner, Qdich. palol
puts salt in the ponmukeri^ and takes it and the karpun to the
iipuukndi, taking also five pieces of tudrpill, five sprigs of
putliiniul, and a bundle of taf^ In fact, we habitually used so
many Toda words that the Todas sometimes obviously knew
the general drift of m)' questions before they were interpreted
to them, and, similarly, I could often understand the general
drift of the answer.

The first principle of my investigation was to obtain
independent accounts from different people ; I then compared
these independent accounts and cross-examined into any
discrepancies. The general result of this method was highly

lo THE TODAS chap.

satisfactory from the point of view of Toda veracity. The
general agreement of the accounts obtained from different
individuals was very striking, and, whenever discrepancies
occurred, it was nearl}^ always found that they were due either
to misunderstanding or to differences in the practices of
different sections of the Toda people. These differences
are so great that in many cases it made a rigorous applica-
tion of the method of direct corroboration impossible. There
are distinct differences in the ceremonial and social customs
of the two chief divisions of the Todas and some differences
in the practices of different clans. In the investigation of the
dairy ritual, there were found to be great differences in the
practices of different dairies, and, for the practice of any one
dairy, I had sometimes to be content with the information of
one native only ; but I did not content myself with such
independent accounts till I had satisfied myself of the trust-
worthiness of the witness, and had learnt enough of the
customs in question to be in a position to weigh the evidence.
As regards the differences in the customs of different sections
of the community, many of my informants were able to
describe the practices not only of their own section but also
of others.

After a time I managed to put myself on such terms with
my chief informants that they were always ready to confess
any deficiencies in their knowledge and would refer me to
others whose special experience would make them more
satisfactory informants. Occasionally, however, they carried
this a little too far and pleaded ignorance of a subject when
they were really only reluctant to reveal the more esoteric
knowledge.

Still more important than this method of direct corroboration
of independent accounts is what I may call the method of
indirect corroboration. By this I mean the method of
obtaining the same information in different ways. Often
this indirect corroboration occurred accidentally. The whole
of Toda ceremonial and social life forms such an intricate
web of closely related practices that I rarely set out to
investigate some one aspect of the life of the people without
obtaining information bearing on many other wholly different

INTRODUCTION

aspects, and the information so gained often afforded
valuable corroboration of what I had been told on other
occasions and by other individuals. Thus, in obtaining a
prayer, various matters would arise which would confirm the
accuracy of a legend obtained weeks earlier, or the in-
vestigation of a funeral custom would lead to the indirect
corroboration of evidence concerning the regulation of
marriage.

The most important way in which this method of indirect
corroboration may be intentionally applied is by obtaining
the same information first in an abstract form and then by
means of a number of concrete instances. As an example of
what I mean I may cite the method by which I inquired
into the laws of inheritance of property. I first obtained an
account of what was done in the abstract — of the laws
governing the inheritance of houses, the division of the buffaloes
and other property among the children, &c. Next I gave a
number of hypothetical concrete instances ; I took cases of
men with so many children and so many buffaloes, and
repeating the cases I found that my informant gave answers
which were consistent not only with one another but also
with the abstract regulations previously given. Finally I
took real persons and inquired into what had actually
happened when A or B died, and again obtained a body of
information consistent in itself and agreeing with that already
obtained.

By far my most valuable instrument of inquiry was that
provided by the genealogical method.^ The Todas preserve
in their memories the names of all their ancestors and rela-
tives extending back for several generations. In the tables
given at the end of this book, I have recorded the pedigrees
of seventy-two families, including the whole of the Toda
community. Whenever the name of a man was mentioned
in connexion with ceremony or social custom, his name was
found in the genealogical record and the relation was ascer-
tained in which he stood towards others participating in the
ceremony or custom. By this means a concrete element was
brought into the work which greatly facilitated inquiry.

^ See chapter XX and/o/ir/i. Aiithrop. Inst., 1900, vol. xxx., p. 74.

THE TODAS chap.

Customs and rites were investigated by means of concrete
examples in which the people taking part were real people to
me as well as to my informants. In a later chapter I shall
consider more fully the role of the genealogies in anthro-
pological investigation. I mention them here to give a
preliminary indication of the extensive part they played in
my investigations. In order to give my readers the oppor-
tunity of following my method in some measure for
themselves, I have given after the name of any individual
mentioned in the book the number of the genealogical table
in which his name occurs ; thus " Kodrner (7) " means that
Kodrner is a member of the family of which the pedigree
is recorded in Table 7.

I have already referred to the trustworthiness of the
evidence given by the Todas. I must now speak of the
great differences in this respect shown by different individ-
uals. Some would give full and elaborate accounts of
ceremonial which close investigation showed to be, so far as
one could tell, thoroughly accurate. Others gave careless
and slovenly accounts, full of omissions and inaccuracies of
detail, though they rarely said anything which was distinctly
untrue.

After some experience had been gained, one day's work
was usually sufficient to enable me to make up my mind
whether a man was a careful witness, and if he did not seem
to be so, he was not again called upon for help. Different
men were known to have especial acquaintance with
certain branches of knowledge, and I always endeavoured
to obtain such people. In the case of the religious ritual, it
was not practicable to make use, to any great extent, of men
actually holding any of the sacred offices, but I always had
recourse to people who had held these offices and were
personally familiar with the ceremonial.

Among the many aspects of social life and religion, I soon
found that there were some about which there was no reticence,
and these could be discussed in public with men, women, or
children standing by and perhaps taking part. There were
others which were of a more sacred nature, and, xi they
were approached in public, it was immediately obvious

INTRODUCTION 13

that the people were ill at ease and their answers became
hesitating and unsatisfactory. After a short time I adopted
the practice of devoting the mornings to my psychological
work and to the discussion of affairs of a non-sacred character.
In the afternoons I had private interviews with one individual
at a time, or occasionally two. If I approached any danger-
ous topic during the morning, my guide made me a sign
and I changed the subject, to return to it at an afternoon
sitting.

In the investigation of all the more sacred ceremonies,
it was found to be best that the narrator should be alone.
He knew that he was telling what should not be told
and was embarrassed if any other Todas were there to
hear him.

One of the difficulties of anthropological inquiry is that the
good and trustworthy narrators are often the most reticent.
They are trustworthy because they are honest and pious
members of their community, and are therefore naturally
reluctant to offend against the sanctity of their religious
customs by talking of them to a stranger. Some of my best
informants were such men, who were gradually led on to tell me
far more than they had ever intended, and then, having told
me so much about a given subject, they would sometimes
throw reticence to the winds and tell me all. It was very
instructive in such a case to start a fresh topic which I knew
to be forbidden ground and observe the complete change of
attitude. One old man who had entirely lost his scruples in
our absorption in the details of dairy ritual absolutely refused
to speak a word when I turned to the subject of animal
sacrifice, and for this and some other topics I had to be
content with less scrupulous but at the same time less trust-
worthy witnesses.

I only found one Toda who was deliberately untruthful,
and yet he was so much less reticent and less scrupulous
than others that I often had to have recourse to his services.
After I had been able to convict him more than once of
having given unsatisfactory evidence, he was more accurate,
but I was especially careful to check and obtain independent
accounts of everything he told me, and I have only

14 . THE TODAS chaP.

made use of so much of his evidence as I believe to be
trustworthy. His knowledge was not deep or accurate, but
he often told me enough to enable me to extract the full
account from others, who, seeing I knew something, thought
they might as well tell me all. On one or two subjects, the
whole of my information is derived from this man, but when-
ever this is the case I mention the fact, so that my readers
may know the doubtful nature of the evidence. I only give
such information, however, when I believe it to be correct.
The informant in question was one of the cleverest of the
Todas, and his usual fault was not that he deliberately
deceived, but that he supplied the lacunar in his knowledge
by having recourse to his imagination. In the matter of
folk-tales, where the difficulties of checking an account
are especially great, I was obliged wholly to reject his
assistance.

An altogether different type of witness was my constant
attendant, Kodrner. His special business was to bring me
people as the subjects for my psychological work and
to act as my guide in visiting various parts of the hills.
He did not profess to any wide knowledge of custom or
ceremonial, and was always diffident about the information
he gave ; but he was a good observer, and could give
an excellent account of any ceremony which he had
witnessed or of any procedure in which he had been
involved.

Except in a few cases the Todas were quite unable to
give any explanations of their customs, the answer to
nearly every inquiry being that the custom in question was
ordained by the goddess Teikirzi. In the few cases in
which an explanation was forthcoming, it seemed to me
that it was usually a recent invention. The explanations of
customs given in this book are therefore almost invariably
those arrived at by myself from the study of the available
evidence.

While I was working I had by me the books or
papers of Harkness, Marshall, Breeks, and Thurston, the
chief previous writers on the Todas, and I inquired into
most of the details mentioned by them ; but I have not

INTRODUCTION 15

attempted any criticism or comment on the work of others
except on special occasions when my own information is
lacking or when I am uncertain as to the truth of their
statements. Except in those cases in which I definitely
refer to the work of others, every statement made in this
book is the outcome of my own inquiry or observation.
Whenever my account differs from those of others, it may
be accepted that I have inquired into the discrepancy
and that my account represents the result of a careful
inv^estigation.

As some of the accounts of the Todas were written many
years ago, there is always the possibility that two dissimilar
accounts may both be true and that the differences may
represent changes in custom with lapse of time. There is
one fact, however, which makes it probable that this explana-
tion of discrepancies is not the true one. The accounts of
the Todas which show the closest correspondence with my
own are some of the earliest, especially the book of Captain
Harkness, published in 1832, and the papers of Bernhard
Schmid and C. F. Muzzy, published in 1837 and 1844
respectively. In many cases my work agrees more closely
with these than with the accounts of later observers.

This is, perhaps, a suitable place to mention what I believe
to be the chief source of error in previous accounts of the
Todas. In their extensive intercourse with the Badagas, the
Todas use the language of this people, with which they
appear to be perfectly familiar. The Toda language is very
difficult to understand, and the literature shows that from
the first, most of those who have investigated Toda customs
have used the Badaga language or Tamil as their means of
communication. Every Toda village, every Toda institution
or office, and nearly every object used by the Todas has its
Badaga name as well as its proper Toda name, and, owing to
intercourse through the intermediation of the Badagas, these
names have come to be used not only by nearly all who have
written on the Todas, but also in official documents connected
with the people.

The names by which the Toda villages are known to
Europeans are always the Badaga names and not those of

i6 THE TODAS chap.

the Todas, and similarly with the names of institutions such as
clans, dairies, or ceremonies. The practice of giving Badaga
names in their intercourse with Europeans has become so
engrained that a Toda invariably uses these names when
speaking to a European. During the first few weeks of my
work, I received exclusively Badaga names, and to the end of
my visit, whenever I visited a new district, the Badaga names
would crop up till the people found that I wanted Toda and
not Badaga. Kiunievan, who was the chief informant of Mr.
Breeks in 1872, is still alive, and when I asked him why he
gave Mr. Breeks the Badaga names in every case, he answered
" He did not seem to want anything else," and this answer
seems to me to give the clue to much of the error which has
found its way into many of the accounts which have been
given of the Todas.

One of the most serious errors which has arisen in this way
is one connected with the Toda clans. Every account which
has been given of the clan-system of the Todas is that of a
system which is current among the Badagas as the Toda
system, but has only a limited correspondence with the
actual system as it is in use among the Todas themselves.
Every Toda, if asked by a European to what clan or division
he belongs, will promptly give his division according to the
Badaga classification, and this has led to the incorporation of
this classification in all the accounts of the Todas which deal
with their social organisation.

Some words are necessary about the general plan of the
book. I should have preferred to begin with the social
organisation, and to approach the religious aspect of the life
of the Todas through the ceremonies accompanying the chief
incidents of life, including birth, marriage, and death. The
ideas borrowed from the ritual of the dairy, however, so
pervade the whole of Toda ceremonial, that I have been
obliged to consider the ritual of the dairy at an early stage.
After a preliminary chapter sketching the general character
and life of the people, I have therefore given a full descrip-
tion of the elaborate ceremonial which centres round the
dairy ; and on this follow the accounts of other ceremonies
and sacred institutions and a general discussion of the

INTRODUCTION 17

religion of the people. I then turn to the social aspect of
life, and consider kinship, marriage, and the various factors
upon which the social organisation depends. Then, after
some chapters on diverse topics, I describe the relations of
the Todas with the other tribes of the Nilgiris, and in the final
chapters discuss certain special problems, including the origin
and affinities of the Toda people.

CHAPTER TI

THE TODA PEOPLE

I DO not propose to describe at any length the physical
characters of the Todas.^ It must be sufficient to say here
that the people differ remarkably in general appearance, and
perhaps still more remarkably in general bearing, from the
other inhabitants of Southern India. The average height
of the men is about 5 ft. 7 in., and that of the women 5 ft.
I in. ; both are well-proportioned, and the men robustly built.
Their heads are distinctly dolichocephalic, the cephalic index
of the men being 73-3. The shaved heads of the children
show very well the great length, and probably owing to the
special method of shaving (see Figs. 63 and 64), this feature is
in them exaggerated so as to seem almost abnormal.

The nose is usually well-formed and not especially broad,
the nasal index being 74-9. It is often distinctly rounded in
profile. The skin is of a rich brown colour, distinctly lighter
than that of most of the Dravidian inhabitants of Southern
India. The skins of the women are lighter than those of the
men. There is much hair on the bodies of the men, who
usually grow thick beards, and the hair of the head is
luxuriant in both men and women. The men are strong
and very agile ; the agility being most in evidence when
they have to catch their infuriated buffaloes at the funeral
ceremonies. They stand fatigue well, and often travel
great distances. One day I met an old man about seventy
years of age going to the market at Gudalur for a supply

^ Those who wish for information on this point should consult the articles by
Mr. Edgar Thurston in the Bulletins of the Madras Museum, vol. i., pp. 148 and
207, and vol. iv., p. 2.

crt. ii

THE TOt)A PEOPLE

of grain, and in the evening I met him on his return carrying
a large and heavy bag. He had travelled over thirty miles,
had gone down and again come up some 3,000 feet, and most
of his journey had been in a climate much warmer than that
of his native hills.

FIG. I. — TODA MAN. FULL FACE,

My guide at the end of the day would sometimes go a
distance of eight or ten miles and back to arrange for my
supply of men for the next day's work, and I have seen
him on these occasions running at a steady pace which he
would keep up for miles. In going from one part of the hills
to another, a Toda always travels as nearly as possible in

C 2

THE TODAS

CHAP.

a straight line, ignoring altogether the influence of gravity,
and mounting the steepest hills with no apparent effort.

In all my work with the men, it seemed to me that they
were extremely intelligent. They grasped readily the points
of any inquiry upon which I entered, and often showed a

FIG. 2.— TODA MAN. SIDE FACE.

marked appreciation of complicated questions. They were
interested in the customs of other parts of the world, and
appeared to grasp readily the essential differences between
their own ways and those of other peoples. It is very difficult
to estimate general intelligence, and to compare definitely the
intelligence of different individuals, still more of people of

THE TODA PEOPLE

different races. I can only record my impression, after several
months' close intercourse with the Todas, that they were just
as intelligent as one would have found any average body of
educated Europeans. There were marked individual differ-
ences, just as there are among the more civilised, and it
is probable that I saw chiefly the more intelligent members
of the community.

FIG. 3. — TODA WOMAN. FULL FACE.

My time was largely devoted to experimental work, espe-
cially on the nature of the sensory and perceptual processes.
The people entered readily into this work, quickly grasped
the nature of the methods employed, and showed the same
power of close attention and careful observation which, as I
have found in other races, enable even more definite and con-

THE TODAS

CHAP.

sistent results to be obtained from uncultured races than from
most classes of a civilised community.

I had slighter opportunities of estimating the intelligence of
the women than that of the men, but, as a general rule, it seemed
to me that there was a very marked difference between the

FIG. 4.— TODA WOMAN. SIDE FACE.

two sexes. Some of the younger women, when examined by
various tests, showed as ready a grasp of the methods as any
of the men, but most of the elder women gave me the im-
pression of being extremely stupid. It was often obvious that
they were not attending and were thinking far more of their
personal appearance and of the effect it was having on the
men of the party than of the task they were being set, but
even when a liberal discount was made for this, it seemed

II THE TODA PEOPLE 23

to me that they were distinctly less intelligent than the
men.

The characteristic note in the demeanour of the people is
given by their absolute belief in their own superiority over
the surrounding races. They are grave and dignified, and
yet thoroughly cheerful and well-disposed towards all. In
their intercourse with Europeans, they now recognise the
superior race so far as wealth and the command of physical
and mental resources are concerned, but yet they are not in
the slightest degree servile, and about many matters still
believe that their ways are superior to ours, and, in spite
of their natural politeness, could sometimes not refrain from
showing their contempt for conduct which we are accustomed
to look upon as an indication of a high level of morality. It
is in the matter of ethical standards that the difference
between the Todas and ourselves comes out most strongly.

The Village and the House

The Todas live in little villages scattered about the hills.
The greater part of the plateau consists of grass-covered
hills separated by valleys, sometimes narrow, more often of
wide extent. In every valley there are streams and in
many places swamps. In the hollows of the hills are small
woods, generally known as sholas, and it is usually near
these sholas that the Toda villages are to be found. Some
parts of the hills are much more thickly beset with
villages than others, and this is especially the case in the
neighbourhood of the part known as Governor Shola, about
six to eight miles west and north-west of Ootacamund.

In other parts one may go considerable distances without
finding a Toda village, but relics of the former history of
the Todas may be found widely scattered over the hills,
and I think there can be little doubt that at one time the
Toda habitations were much more generally distributed
than they are at present. The bazaar at Ootacamund has
now become an important place in the economic life of the
Todas ; they sell there the ghi or clarified butter in which form
their dairy produce chiefly goes to the market, and they

THE TODAS CH. il

procure in return at the bazaar the rice and grain and other
things which have now taken their places among the neces-
saries of hfe. In consequence there exists a tendency for the
larger part of the Todas, especially those of the Todanad, to
live wMthin an easy distance of Ootacamund, and many of
the villages in the more distant parts of the hills are now
only occupied for a few weeks in the year.

The Toda name for a village is mad} but this is now often
replaced by the Badaga form of the word, inand, and the
latter word is used exclusively by the Europeans and others
living on the Nilgiri hills. A mad usually consists of several
huts. In some villages there may be only one hut, and the
maximum number I have seen is six. At some places
where there was formerly a village with dwelling-huts there
is now only a dairy, but the term mad is still applied to the
place at which the dairy is situated. The term mad is also
given to the funeral-places of the Todas. Sometimes the
funeral-place is also a village at which people live ; sometimes
it has only a dairy ; while in other places there may be no
trace of human habitations ; but the term mad is equally
applied in all three cases. The term is also used for the
dairies and accessory buildings connected with the most
sacred herds of buffaloes (the //). Each group of buildings
is called a mad or ti mad. The term has therefore a wider
significance than "village" and denotes rather a "place"- —
a place connected in any way with the active life of the
Todas. The chief village of a clan and certain other sacred
or important villages are called etudmad and other villages
are often known as kinmad.

A typical Toda village consists of a small group of huts
iars), often on a piece of ground slightly raised above the
surrounding level and enclosed by a wall {katii). In this
wall there are two or three narrow openings, large enough
to admit a man but not a buffalo. In most villages there is
a dairy or there may be several dairies. Each of these
buildings is also enclosed by a wall, usually higher than that
surrounding the dwelling-huts. The dairies may be near
the huts, but more commonly are at some little distance from

' The word niarth is also occasionally used.

26 THE TODAS chap.

the latter. Somewhere near the dairy will be found a circular
enclosure, the buffalo-pen, or tu} in which the buffaloes are
enclosed at night, and there may be more than one tu for
use on different occasions or for different kinds of buffalo.
There will be a small pen for the calves which is called kadr,
and there may also be a house for the calves ikwotars). A
small structure called kiisli Q kitdsh), used as an enclosure for
calves less than fifteen days old, may often be seen, situated
between the spreading roots of a tree.

Close to the village there will be at least one stream {nipa),
and very often there are two streams. If possible, there
should be two streams, in order that one may be used for the
sacred purposes of the dairy, the pali nipa, while the other
is used for household purposes, the ars nipa. Where there
is only one stream, different parts are used for the two
purposes, and the two parts of the stream then receive the
names pali nipa and ars fiipa. In this case the pali nipa
is always above the ai^s nipa, so as to avoid the danger that
the water used for the dairy shall have been contaminated
by contact with household vessels. At some villages there
may even be a third stream, or part of a stream, used in the
ordination ceremonies of the dairymen.

It has often been a subject of remark by visitors to the
Nilgiri Hills that the Todas have chosen the most beautiful
spots for their dwellings, and interest has been taken in the
love of beauty in nature which this choice shows. I think
there can be little doubt that the choice of suitable dwelling-
places has been chiefly determined by the necessity of a good
water-supply, and if possible of a double water-supply, and the
Todas have chosen the beautiful spots, not because they are
beautiful, but because they are well watered. Their choice
has been dictated, not by a love of beautiful scenery, but by
the practical necessities of their daily life.

In the immediate neighbourhood of a village there are
usually well-worn paths by which the village is approached,
and some of these paths or kalvol receive special names.

' ITarkncss and others have called this pen fuel, but repeated inquiry on my
part failed to elicit this form of the word. Tiielii would mean " where is the tu ?"
and it is possible that llarkne.ss heard the word in this form.

THE TOD A PEOPLE

Some may not be traversed by women. When I first visited
the village of Taradr, nearly the whole population of the
village met me at the spot where the path to the village
leaves the road. We all went along together till I suddenly
found that I was walking with the men and boys only, while
the women and girls were following another path. We were
going by the way over which the sacred buffaloes travel

FIG. 6. — THE VILLAGE OF TARADR, SHOWING THE HOUSES SURROUNDED BY
A WALL, IN WHICH THERE IS ONE OPENING IN THE MIDDLE.

when leaving or approaching the village, and the women
might not tread this path, but had another appointed way
by which they were to reach their home.

Within the village there are also certain recognised paths, of
which two are especially important. One, the punetkalvol, is
the path by which the dairyman goes from his dairy to milk
or tend the buffaloes ; the other is the majvatittJikalvol , the
path which the women must use when they go to the dairy to
receive buttermilk (w(^')from the dairyman. W^omen are not
allowed to go to the dairy or to other places connected with it,
except at appointed times when they receive buttermilk given

THE TODAS

CHAP.

out by the dairyman, and when going for this purpose they
must keep to the inajvatitthkalvol. This path is sometimes
indicated by a stone, the niajvatitthkars, and the spot where
the women stand to receive the buttermilk is called the
inajvatvaiidni.

At many villages there are other stones which have definite

HG. 7. — THE CHIEl' UuL.^t i.il- lilK

names and mark the sites where certain ceremonial functions
are performed.

The house is called ars, and is of the kind shown in Fig. 7.
It is shaped like half a barrel, with the barrel-like roof and
sides projecting for a considerable distance beyond the front
partition containing the door. The size of the hut is by no
means constant ; in some cases it is sufficiently roomy to
enable people to move about with ease and comfort, while in
others it is so small that it is unbearably stuffy, and the
smoke from the fire, which is always burning, makes it difficult
to believe that anyone can long live in it. The entrance to

THE TODA PEOPLE

the hut is always very small, and is closed by a door which
slides over the opening on its inner side.

Some houses are much longer than others, with a door at
each end and a central partition, so as to form a double hut
which is called epotirikhthars, i.e., " both-ways-turned house."
This kind of hut did not seem to be common, and I only saw-
three or four examples, of which one is shown in Fig. 8,

A much more common kind of double hut is called mcrkal-
ars, i.e., " other-side house," in which the back part of the
hut is partitioned off, \\\\\\ a door at one side.

fig. 8. — 'ihk village oi i'kivdks, showing a double hut (in the
background), the two buildings on the left are dairies, and
the structure in the centre is a calf-house.

In some Toda villages there may now be found huts of the
same kind as those of the Badagas. In the cases in which I
found such huts, I was told that they had been built by Badagas
who had lived in the villages while the Toda occupants were
away. Todas may also occasionally be found living away
from their own villages, usually near tea plantations. They
do this because there is a demand for buffalo manure at the
plantations, and when living in this way they not uncommonly
use huts of the Badaga pattern.

In front of the hut on either side of the door there are
usually raised seats called kzvottiin, and there are similar

THE TODAS

CHAt,

raised portions, called tiin, within the huts on which the people
sleep. The floor of the hut is divided into two parts, which
are marked off from one another by the hole in which grain
is pounded by the women. The part in front of this is often
used for churning, and with this part women have nothing
to do, their operations being limited to the hinder part.

A TODA MAN, SIRIAR (20), Willi HIS WIFE AND CHII D, SHOWING
THE ORDINARY METHOD OF WEARING THE ' PUTKULI.'

There is little difference between the dress of men and
women. Each wears a mantle called the put kit li, Avhich is
worn thrown round the shoulders without any fastening. Under
it is worn a loin-cloth called tadrp, and the men also wear a
perineal band called kuv7t, corresponding to the Hindu languti.
The kuvn is kept in position by a string round the waist called
pennar, a string which, we shall see later, is of considerable
ceremonial importance.

There are various ways of wearing the cloak which will be

THE TODA PEOPLE

more fully described in Chapter XXIV. It will be sufificient to
say here that when showing reverence, a Toda bares his right
arm, this method of wearing the cloak so that the arm is
exposed being called kevenarut. It is shown in Figs, i and
10.

The Daily Lifl of the Todas

The daily life of the Toda men is largely devoted to the
care of their buffaloes and to the performance of the dairy
operations. As we shall
see later, much of the
dairy work is the duty
of certain men set aside
to look after the sacred
buffaloes and the sacred
dairies connected with
them. A large propor-
tion, however, of the
Toda buffaloes are not
sacred, and their care
falls on the ordinary
Todas. The milking
and churning is chiefly
the duty of the younger
men and boys, but the
older men also take their
part, while the head of
the family exercises a
general superintendence.

On rising in the morn-
ing, the men salute the
sun with the gesture
called kainiukhti, shown
in Fig. 10, and then

they turn to their work of milking the buffaloes and
churning the milk.

When the dairy operations of the morning are over, the
buffaloes are driven to the grazing ground, the people take
their food and go about any business of the day. Some may

FIG. 10. — KUDRNER PERFORMING THE SALU-
TATION CALLED ' KAIMUKHTl.' HIS
RIGHT ARM IS BARED (' KEVENARUT '),
AND HE HAS REMOVED HIS TURBAN.

32 THE TODAS CHAP.

collect firewood and procure the leaves used as plates and
drinking vessels ; others may carry out any necessary tendance
which the buffaloes require, or may go to fetch grain or rice
from Badaga villages or from the bazaar. The chief men of
the village may perhaps have to attend a meeting of the Jiaiui,
or council, which holds very frequent sittings to adjudicate
upon the many disputed points which arise in connexion
with the intricate social organisation of the people.

While the men are doing their work, the women will have
been seeing to their special tasks, of which three, represented
in Fig. II, have come to be regarded as pre-eminently
woman's work.

They pound the grain with the zvask in a hole situated in
the middle of the floor of the hut,^ and when the pounding is
finished the grain is sifted with the mum, or sieve, and the hut
is swept with the kip. It seemed that pounding grain is
normally performed wearing the tadrp only.

Though these are the three operations which are regarded
as pre-eminently woman's work, the women have other things
to do. They rub the seats or beds both inside and outside
the hut with dried buffalo-dung, and use the same material to
cleanse the various household utensils. They mend the
garments of the family, and some women devote much time
to the special embroidery with which they adorn their
cloaks.

The ordinary routine of the day is often broken by the
visits of people from other villages, who may have come
to talk over a proposed marriage or transference of wives ; to
announce some approaching ceremony ; to discuss some busi-
ness connected with the buffaloes, or perhaps, but probably
rarely, to -pay a friendly call. Such a visit will probably give
the opportunity of observing the characteristic Toda saluta-
tion shown in P"ig. 12.- This is essentially a salutation between
a woman and her male relatives older than herself. If a man

^ For the purpose of photography, a hole was made outside the hut exactly like
that within the hut. The picture must not be taken to indicate that pounding is
ever normally performed out of doors.

^ The old man on the right in this picture shows a very characteristic Toda
attitude, in which a person crouches down completely enveloped in the cloak.

THE TODA PEOPLE

visits a village in which he has any female relatives younger
than himself, these will go out to meet him as he approaches
the house, and each bows down before the man, who raises his

l-IG. II.— WOMEN POUNDING AM) SIFTING. THE BROOM IS ON THE GROUND

TO THE RIGHT.

foot, while the woman places her hand below the foot and
helps to raise it to her forehead, and the same salutation
is repeated with the other foot. This mode of greeting is

34 THE TODAS CH. ii

called kalmelpudithti} or " leg up he puts." It is usually
a salutation in which women bow down before men, but it
may also take place between two men or between two women,
while on certain occasions a male may bow down and have
his forehead touched by the feet of a woman.

In the evening the buffaloes again find their way to the
milking-place, and the operations of the morning are repeated.
When these are finished the buffaloes are shut up in the
enclosure, or tu^ for the night ; the lamp is now lighted and
saluted by the men who use the same gesture as that with
which the sun had been saluted in the morning. The people
then take their food and retire to rest.

Sketch of Social Organisation

I shall consider the social organisation in detail at a much
later stage, but it is necessary to give here a brief sketch
in order to make its main features clear before going on
to describe the Toda ceremonial, which often shows differences
according to the division or clan with which the ceremony is
connected. The fundamental feature of the social organisa-
tion is the division of the community into two perfectly
distinct groups, the Tartharol and the Teivaliol. As we shall
see more fully later, there is a certain amount of resemblance
between these two divisions and the castes of the Hindus.
There is a certain amount of specialisation of function, certain
grades of the priesthood being filled only by members of the
Teivaliol. Further, marriage is not allowed between members
of the two divisions, though certain irregular unions are
permitted ; a Tarthar man must marry a Tarthar woman,
and a Teivali man a Teivali woman. The Tartharol and
Teivaliol are two endogamous divisions of the Toda people.

Each of these primary divisions is subdivided into a
number of secondary divisions. These are exogamous, and
I shall speak of them throughout this book as ' clans,' using
this word as the best general term for an exogamous division
of a tribe or community.

^ This salutation has been previously known by its Badaga name, adabuddiketi.

"J. --r- Z

D 2

36 THE TODAS CHAP.

Each clan possesses a group of villages and takes its name
from the chief of these villages, the etudnmd, and the people
of a clan are known as madol, or village people.

The Tartharol are divided into twelve clans, which take
their names from the villages of Nodrs, Kars, Pan, Taradr,
Keradr, Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni, Pam, Nidrsi, Melgars, Kidmad,
and Karsh.^ The people of each clan are known as Nodrsol,
Karsol, Panol, &c. The Kidmadol and Karshol are much
less important than the other ten clans, having split off from
the Melgarsol in comparatively recent times. The original
number of Tarthar clans appears to have been ten, and I
have no record that any clan of this division has become
extinct.

The Teivaliol are divided into six clans, or vtadol,
taking their names from the villages of Kuudr, Piedr,
Kusharf, Keadr, Pedrkars, and Kulhem. The people of
Kuudr are called both Kuudrol and Kuurtol, and similarly
the people of Piedr and Keadr are often called the Piertol
and Keartol.

Here again two clans, the Pedrkarsol and the Kulhemol,
are less important than the others. They are offshoots of
the Kuudrol, but the separation is of very long standing.

There was some doubt as to the existence of another
clan, the Kwaradrol, but it seemed certain that these people,
who have now died out, formed a subdivision of the Keadrol.

One Teivali clan has become extinct, its last member
having died, it was said, about a hundred years ago. This clan
took its name from the village of Kemen, which was near
Kiudr, but no trace of this village exists at present and I
think it probable that the Kemenol have been extinct longer
than the Todas suppose.

The villages of each clan are usually situated in the same
part of the hills, though there are very often outlying villages
far from the main group. At any one period of the year,
only some of the villages of the clan are occupied. The
people may move about from one village to another accord-

' In these names and throughout the text the signs to indicate long vowels are
generally omitted. In order to ascertain the exact method of pronunciation, the
map or the list of villages in Appendix III. should be consulted.

THE TODA PEOPLE 37

ing to the need for pasturage, and the villages in the
Kundahs and other outlying parts of the hills appear only
to be visited during the dry season before the south-west
monsoon sets in.

Each clan is further subdivided, these subdivisions being
of two kinds. One, called the kiidr, is only of ceremonial
importance, and we shall meet with it first in the chapter
dealing with offerings. The other, called the pblni, is of
more practical importance, and is the basis of the machinery
for regulating any expenses which fall on the clan as a
whole.

CHAPTER III

DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES

The milking and churning operations of the dairy form
the basis of the greater part of the reh'gious ritual of the
Todas. The lives of the people are largely devoted to their
buffaloes, and the care of certain of these animals, regarded as
more sacred than the rest, is associated with much ceremonial.
The sacred animals are attended by men especially set apart
who form the Toda priesthood, and the milk of the sacred
animals is churned in dairies which may be regarded as the
Toda temples and are so regarded by the people themselves.
The ordinary operations of the dairy have become a re-
ligious ritual and ceremonies of a religious character accom-
pany nearly every important incident in the lives of the
buffaloes.

Among the buffaloes held by the Toda to be sacred there
are varying degrees of sanctity, and each kind of buffalo is
tended at its own kind or grade of dairy by its own special
grade of the priesthood ; buffaloes and dairies forming an
organisation the complexities of which were far from easy to
unravel.

Each kind of dairy connected with its special kind of
buffalo has its own peculiarities of ritual. The dairies form
an ascending series in which we find increasing definiteness
and complexity of ritual ; increasing sanctity of the person of
the dairyman-priest, increasing stringency of the rules for the
conduct of his daily life, and increasing elaboration of the
ceremonies which attend his entrance upon office. There are
also certain dairies in which the ritual has developed in

CH. Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 39

special directions, and there are special features of the
organisation of buffaloes and dairies not only in each of the
two chief divisions of the Toda people, but also in many of
the clans of which each division is composed.

I propose in this chapter to sketch some of the chief
features of the buffalo and dairy organisation, and in
succeeding chapters there will follow detailed accounts of the
different dairies and of the ceremonial which accompanies the
daily work of the dairy and the important events of buffalo
life.

The Dairy Organisation

The first distinction to be made concerns the buffaloes.
These animals are divided into those of a sacred character
and those which may be called ' ordinary buffaloes.' The
latter are known as piitiir ; they may be kept at any village, are
tended by the men and boys of the village — in Toda language,
they are tended hy pero I, or ordinary persons — and their milk
is churned in the front part of the dwelling-hut. There is no
special ritual of any kind connected with these buffaloes or
with their milk, and there are no restrictions on the use of the
milk or its products.

The classification of the sacred buffaloes is very different
in the two divisions of the Toda people. The Teivaliol
possess only one class of sacred buffalo and these buffaloes
are called co\\Qci[\Q\y pasthir. The Tartharol, on the other
hand, have several classes of sacred buffalo, and, so far as I
could ascertain, they have properly no collective term for all of
them, though they are often spoken of by the Teivali term,
pasthir.

Possessing only one kind of sacred buffalo, the dairy
organisation of the Teivaliol is comparatively simple. The
milk of Xhe. paslhir is churned in dairies at the more important
villages of each clan. The dairy is, in general, CdWcd pali,^ and
the dairyman is called palikarttnokh, ' dairy watch-boy,' or
palikartpol, ' dairy watch-man,' ' according to his age ; but,

' This word should probably he />a//i and was usually pronounced /a//////, but I
have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of simplicity.

- According to some Todas, /cart was a shortened form of karilhl, milking or
milked.

40 THE TODAS chap.

probably owing to the general custom of enjploying youths or
young men to fill the office of dairyman, the term palikartmokli
is in far more general use, and is often employed even when
the dairyman is an elderly man.

At many of the chief Teivali villages, there are two dairies ;
a large dairy, called ctndpali, and a smaller, called kidpali.
Each of these dairies should have its own palikartmokh, and
this is still the case when both dairies are used, but at most
villages at the present time one of the two dairies has been
disused and there is in consequence only one dairyman.

Both ordinary and sacred buffaloes are the property, not of
the whole clan, but of families or individuals, and the buffaloes
tended at the dairy of a village are, in general, the property
of the family living at that village. A large clan with many
villages, such as that of Kuudr, has many dairies in working
order and a corresponding number of dairymen.

Among the Tartharol the organisation is far more compli-
cated. Most Tarthar clans have more than one kind of sacred
buffalo in addition to the ordinary buffaloes ox pntiir. In every
clan there is one kind of sacred herd which may be said to cor-
respond to the pastJiir of the Teivaliol. The milk of these
buffaloes is churned in a dairy called pali by a dairyman
called palikartniokJi or palikartpol. There are, however, two
grades of dairy corresponding to these buffaloes. The lower
grade is called the tarpali, or more commonly tarvali, and is
served by a tarvalikartniokli. The higher grade is called
kiidrpali, tended by a kudrpalikartmokh. There is no
distinction of buffaloes corresponding to this distinction of
dairies, the same buffaloes being tended sometimes at a
kiidrpali and sometimes at a tarvali. The distinguishing
feature of a kiidrpali is the possession of a viani, or sacred bell,
and the greater elaboration and stringency of its ritual is due
to the presence of this sacred object.

In addition to the buffaloes tended at the tarvali or
kudrpali, most Tarthar clans possess other sacred buffaloes
called wursulir. These buffaloes are tended by a dairyman
called ivursol and their milk is churned in a dairy called
tvursnli or ivursulipali. One point which marks off this
branch of the dairy organisation from the preceding is that

Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 41

the dairyman, or ivursol, must belong either to the TcivaHol
or to the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. Both tarpalikartuiokJi
and kiidrpalikartmokJi are chosen from the Tartharol, either
of the same or of a different clan from that of the dairy, but the
wnrsol must be taken either from the members of the other
chief division of the Todas or from one special clan of the
Tartharol, a clan which has many other peculiar privileges
and occupies a position in some ways intermediate between
Tartharol and Teivaliol,

The ritual of the ivursuli is distinctly more elaborate than
than that of either tarvali or kiidrpali, and the iviirsol is a
more sacred personage, so far as one can judge from his rules
of conduct and the elaboration of his ordination ceremonies.

Two Tarthar clans have dairies of especial importance and
sanctity, in both of which there are distinctive features of
ritual.

The people of Taradr possess a herd of buffaloes called
kugvalir which take their name from the dairy, the kngvali or
kugpali, meaning the chief or great dairy. The kugvalir are
tended by a higvalikartmokh, who must belong to the
Taradrol. The six chief families of this clan take charge of
the buffaloes for periods of three years in rotation, and the
head of the family in charge selects the kugvalikartniokJi.

The other Tarthar dairy which occupies an exceptional
position is that of Kanbdrs, which is called a poh, and is
tended by a dairyman called poJikartpol. The ritual both
of this dairy and of the kngvali of Taradr resembles in some
respects that of the most sacred Toda dairies, the dairies of
the institution called the ti.

The number and nature of the dairies are different in the
different Tarthar clans and in different villages of the same
clan. The Melgars clan has only one kind of dairy, the
tarvali. The Nodrs clan now has a tarvali and a ivursuh\
and at most Kars villages there are both kudrpali diwd ivursuli,
but formerly both at Nodrs and Kars there were three kinds
of dairy, tarvali, kudrpali, and ivursuli. Some Pan villages
have tarvali and ivursuli, others kudrpali and zvursuli. At
Taradr there are both tarvali and ivursuli in addition to the
special institution of that clan, the kngvali.

42 THE TODAS chap.

AH these various kinds of dairy are situated at the villages
where the people live. In addition, five Tarthar clans possess
dairies where are kept herds of great sanctity, the herds of
the ti or the tiir. These buffaloes are kept at special dairies
far from any village where people live. A place where such
a dairy is situated is called a // mad, or ti village, and each
sacred herd moves about from one ti mad to another at
different seasons of the year, and the group of places, together
with the herds connected with it, is known collectively as a
ti} The // is thus the name of a special institution comprising
buffaloes, dairies,"grazing grounds, and the various buildings
and objects connected with the dairies.

The ti\s presided over by a dairyman-priest called /«/(?/, who
is assisted by a boy or youth called kaltmokh or, more rarely,
kavelol. Formerly it was the custom in most cases that a ti
should have two palol, each of whom had his own herd of
buffaloes and his own dairy, so that each ti mad had two
dairies. This custom now persists in full at one // only, though
in other cases there are still two dairies, of which one is not
used, or is only used on special occasions.

Though the // is, in every case, regarded as the property of
a Tarthar clan, the palol must be chosen from the Teivaliol,
and in some cases the choice is restricted to certain Teivali
clans. The kaltmokh must belong either to the Teivaliol or
to the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. The dairy of a ti is
always called di po/i.

The ritual of the ti reaches a far higher degree of com-
plexity than is attained in any village dairy. The palol is a
far more sacred personage than the wiirsol or the palikart-
inokh ; his life is far more strictly regulated, and the cere-
monies attendant on his entrance into office are far more
elaborate. The ceremonies connected with dairy or buffaloes
are more numerous, and when they correspond to ceremonies
performed at the lower grades of dairy, they are much more
elaborate and prolonged.

1 In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred herds are
kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a Toda term, but is
that used by the Badagas.

Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 43

The Dairy

There are two forms of Toda dairy. One resembles very
closely the ordinary hut, and, but for its situation and the
higher wall which surrounds it, it might often be supposed to
be one of the huts. The vast majority of dairies are now of
this form. The other kind of dairy is circular with a conical
roof There are now only three or four of these buildings in
existence, though others have only fallen into ruins in recent
times. Breeks, who wrote in 1873, says ^ that at that time
there were four, and a fifth in ruins.

The best known of these dairies is that at Nodrs (the Manboa
of Breeks), shown in Fig. 13. It has received the name of
" the Toda Cathedral," and is one of the show places of the
Nilgiris. Another (shown in Fig. 25) is at Kanodrs (the
Mutterzhva of Breeks). Both are village dairies of especial
sanctity ; the Nodrs building is in full working order, while
that of Kanodrs is only occupied occasionally. A third dairy
of the conical form is at the ti place of Anto near Sholur (the
Kiurzh of Breeks) and should be regularly visited once a year,
though the year in which I was on the Nilgiris was an excep-
tion. The fourth dairy of the kind (called by Breeks Tarzhva)
is at Tarsodr on the Kundahs. It is also a ti dairy, but is
now falling into ruins, having been disused for about twenty
years. The ruined dairy mentioned by Breeks (Katedva) is
said to be still in the same condition. It was used as a //
dairy, and is near Makurti Peak.

There is no doubt that conical dairies were at one time
more numerous. There was one at the ti place of Enodr, not
far from Ootacamund. There was another at the village of
Kars, and the circular wall which once surrounded the dairy
still remains, and has been converted into a buffalo pen.

The various names given to the Toda dairies are at first
sight very confusing. We hav-e already seen that each kind
of dairy is named according to the kind of buffalo connected
with it — according to its position in the dairy-series connecting
tarvali with ti. Each dairy has also its own special or indi-

* An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, 1873,
p. 14.

Cii. Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 45

vidual name ; thus ihekiidrpali of Kars is called Tarziolv, and
the tvursuli of the same village, Karziolv.

In addition to these two sets of names, there is another
distinction of a more general kind. There are two general
names, Z^;// and pali, and every dairy is one or other of these.
The former name is given to every ti dairy, to every dairy of
the conical form,^ and to certain other dairies at the older and
more important villages. Some of the latter are ordinarily
called pali, but the wwwq poh lingers in the name employed for
the dairies in prayer (see Chapter X), or in the individual
names of the dairies ; thus the dairy at the ancient village of
Nasmiodr is ordinarily called a pali, but its individual name
is TilipoJi. I think it probable that originally poh and pali
were the names of the two forms of dairy, the conical kind
being called poJi and the ordinary kind/^//. At the present
time every existing conical dairy is a poh, and every dairy
which is said to have been in the past of the conical form is
called poll. It seems probable that in many cases a dairy,
originally of the conical form, has been rebuilt in the same
form as the dwelling-hut, owing to the difficulty and extra
labour of reconstruction in the older shape ; and that in some
of these cases the dairy of the new form has retained the
name of the old and is still called poJi, at any rate on certain
occasions. All the dairies to which the name/^?// is ever given
are either ti dairies or are situated in villages of especial
antiquity and sanctity.

There is now no definite rule as to the grade of dairymen
who shall serve at a dairy called poJi. The poh of a // is, of
course, occupied by ^ palol and kaltinokh. The conical poJi of
Nodrs, the old conical poh of Kars, and several old dairies
which are still called poh in the prayers are, or were, tended
by dairymen of the rank of zunrsol, while several poh of
the ordinary shape belonging to the Teivaliol are occupied
by dairymen called palikartmokh. The only place at which
the dairyman takes his name from \\\q poJi is Kanodrs, where
the conical dairy is occupied by ^. poJikartpol.

1 This word, in the forms hoa, hoalh, &c., lias by previous writers lieen limited
to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doiilit that it lias at present afar
wider application.

THE TODAS

CHAP.

There is a considerable degree of uniformity in the orienta-
tation of dairies of all grades. The doors usually face in an
easterly direction, and in the majority of those I observed

FIG. 14.— THE LOWER I'ART OF THE CONICAL DAIRY OF NODRS,
WHICH IS HIDDEN BY THE WALL IN FIG. I3. THE 'WURSOL'
IS SHOWN EATING ' AL ' FROM A LEAF-I'LATE.

the door faced north of east, the most frequent direction
being some point between east and north-east. In one case,
that of the ti poh at Modr, the door of the dairy faces south-
east ; but in front of the door there is a screen, and on leaving

HI DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 47

his dairy the palol always turns to the left, so that he faces
north-east as he goes towards his buffaloes. In a {q\\ dairies
the door faces directly west, and, according to Breeks, this is
the case at the conical dairy of Anto.

The Tod a Buffalo

The Toda buffalo is a variety of the Indian water-buffalo, but
the life on the hills seems to have produced a much finer animal
than that of the plains. Although thoroughly under the
control of the Todas, the buffaloes are semi-wild and often
attack people of a different race from their owners, and Euro-
peans have frequently been severely injured by the onslaught
of these animals.

The Toda name for the male buffalo is er, and for the female /r,
but either term may be used when the people speak of buffaloes
collectively. Calves have different designations at different
ages. A young calf is kar, one from one to two years of
age is pbl, and a three-year-old calf is nakh.

Defective buffaloes, and especially those v/ith only one horn,
are called kivadrir, and those whose horns bend downwards
are kugliir. Barren buffaloes are called maiir.

There are considerable differences of colour among the
buffaloes. Those much lighter than the rest are called nerir
or pHshtir, and there is a legend about the origin of these
buffaloes, which, however, I failed to obtain. The only obvious
way in which the animals differ from one another in marking
is that some have a black stripe running down either side of
the neck very much in the position which would be occupied
by the chain suspending a bell.

There do not seem to be any physical differences between
the buffaloes of different classes, and, as we shall see shortly,
the nature of the breeding of the Toda buffaloes is such as
would have entirely destroyed any distinctions of the kind if
they had ever existed.

Every adult female buffalo has an individual name, which
is usually given when her first calf is born. The number
of buffalo names is limited, so that man)' buffaloes bear the
same name.

THE TODAS chap.

The following are among the buffalo names of which I
have records : — Kudzi or Kursi, Kasimi, Pan or Pern, Kiud
or Kiudz, Enmon, Koisi, Keien, Ilsh or Idrsh, Karsthum,
Periiv or Perov, Keban, Enmars, Persud, Neruv, Kozi, Perith,
Pulkoth, Persuth, Tothi, Kerani, Keirev, Piithiov, Peires, Ner-
sadr, Talg, LJf, Koji, Persv, Arvatz, Kojiu, Pundrs, Purkisi,
and Orsum.

Both Tartharol and Teivaliol have the same names for
their buffaloes, and it seemed that a buffalo of any village
herd might have the same name as one belonging to the ti.
It is possible, however, that certain names may be restricted
to the // herds. I collected some names which occurred only
in these herds, but I cannot say positively that they might
not also be used for less sacred buffaloes.

Male buffaloes are unnamed and appear to have little or
no sanctity even when born of cows of the most sacred
herds. The greater number of male calves are either killed
at erkiunpthtiti ceremonies (Chap. XIII) or given away to
the Kotas. A few are kept for breeding purposes, usually in
the proportion of two to every hundred females.

There is a singular absence of care about the breeding
of the buffaloes. The Todas have many herds of which
every female has som.e degree of sacredness, and it might
have been expected that the bulls of a sacred herd would
have been carefully chosen from the male calves of that herd.
So far as 1 could ascertain after repeated inquiries, there was
no restriction of any kind in the mating of the sacred
animals ; a bull of the ordinary buffaloes {piitiir) of a village
might even mate with the highly sacred animals of a //dairy. No
importance seemed to be attached to the question of paternity
among the buffaloes, and so far as I could ascertain the
people were quite indifferent whether the male was related or
unrelated to the female, whether of the same or of another
herd.

I did not hear of the existence of any ceremonies con-
nected with the chosen male buffaloes. Marshall states^
that a bull new from one of the sacred // herds undergoes a
process of sanctification before he is permanently installed,

' .-/ Phrciioh\i:;isl ainoiii:; thi Todas, 1S73. \-> 132.

Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 49

by being isolated for a da)' and night in a small pen in the
sacred woods of the //, during which time he is deprived of
food, though allowed access to water. Marshall also states
that it is permissible to introduce a bull from an ordinary-
drove " after due sanctification." Though I failed to obtain
definite confirmation of Marshall's statement, it is possible
tliat something of the kind ma}' at one time have taken place
or may even still take place.

At the present time the buffaloes are tended entirely by
males, and males only are allowed to take any part either
in the work of the dairy or in those dairy operations which
arc performed in the house. There is a tradition that at
one time women attended to the buffaloes at the time of
calving, and one incident is recorded in which women per-
formed C?Esarian section on a dying buffalo (p. 78), but this
custom has now long ceased to be followed.

The first buffaloes were created by one of the chief Toda
gods. On, and his wife. The buffaloes created by the male
deity were the progenitors of the sacred buffaloes, while
the ordinary buffaloes or pittiir are descended from those
created by the wife. Certain other buffaloes are descended
from ancestors created by other gods, but the account of
their various creations may be deferred till the chapter
containing the legends of the gods. I was told by some
that the sacred buffaloes were descended from a sambhar deer,
but it was later found that this was only believed to be true
of one special group of buffaloes belonging to one clan.

Dairy Procedure

The general plan of the dairy procedure is the same in all
dairies, the difference between different dairies lying chiefly
in certain formalities accompanying certain stages of the
procedure.

The day's operations begin with the churning of the milk
drawn on the previous evening. The milk is poured from the
milking-vessels into earthenware pots, and during the night
it will have coagulated. The coagulated mass is first broken
up by the churn ; water and butter already made are added,

5°

THE TODAS CH. in

and then the churning is continued till the milk separates
into a solid part, which I shall speak of as ' butter,' and
a liquid, which I shall call 'buttermilk.' It must be
remembered, however, that these do not correspond to the
butter and buttermilk of a European dairy. The milk
coao"ulates before the cream has risen in any quantity, and
there is no skimming. The * butter ' consists of both the
fat and casein of the milk, while the * buttermilk ' ought
perhaps rather to be called ' whey.'

In order to avoid this ambiguity in the use of the words
' butter ' and ' buttermilk,' it might have seemed desirable
to use the Toda terms for these products ; but I have not
done so, partly in order to avoid the too frequent use of Toda
words, partly because the names are not constant among
the Todas themselves, different terms being used in different
dairies.

When the churning is finished, the butter and buttermilk
are put into their appropriate vessels, and the dairyman goes
out to milk the buffaloes, using for this purpose a bamboo
milking-vessel, into which he has put some buttermilk from
the previous churning. The newly drawn milk is poured into
the earthenware vessels, in which it stands till the afternoon.
By this time the milk will have become solid, and is churned
as in the morning.

The ' butter ' is used chiefly in the form of ghi, or clarified
butter, for which the Toda name is nei. The butter is clarified
by keeping it over the fire after the addition of grain or rice.
The latter sinks to the bottom of the vessel, while the nei
consists of the liquefied fat of the milk. The nei or ghi
is partly used by the Todas, but is largely sold at the bazaar.
The deposit of grain or rice is called al, and is one of the
chief Toda foods. It is, no doubt, mixed with part of the
proteid constituents of the milk precipitated during the pro-
cess of clarification.

The milking-vessel is of bamboo, and several of the small
vessels used in the dairy procedure are also made from bamboo
of various sizes. The vessels into which the milk is poured
and in which it is churned are of earthenware, and the
vessels in which the butter and buttermilk are kept are also

•K^.. 15.— 6l) (26) CHURNING,
51

§2 THE TODAS chap.

of this kind. The earthenware vessels used in the ordinary
dairy-work are made by the Kotas.

The names of the different dairy vessels vary according to
the dairy in which they are used, and these, together with
a complete list of the dairy vessels and implements, will be
reserved till later.

The method of churning is shown in Fig. 15. The churning
is always done within the hut or dairy, but in order to obtain
a photograph of the process a staff was put in the ground
outside a hut, so that the figure shows exactly the method
used within the hut or dairy. The upright staff is called
palnian, or ' milk-tree ' ; the two rings by means of which the
churning-stick is fastened to the paliiidti are called palkati, or
' milk-ties.' The cord by which the churning-stick, or viadth
is revolved is called kudinan ox palv.

The general plan of the dairy operations appears to be
much the same as that practised elsewhere in India. There
are, however, two special features of the Toda procedure
which, so far as I know, are not in general use elsewhere.
One of these is the addition of buttermilk from a previous
churning. This addition probably hastens the process of
coagulation, and has a material use, but in the hands of the
Todas it has become of great ceremonial importance, and
forms the basis of some of the most interesting features of
the dairy ritual.

The other special feature which does not seem to be gener-
ally found in India is the addition of grain or rice when
clarifying the butter. Unlike the addition of buttermilk, this
has no ceremonial value, and is chiefly important in providing
the Todas with one of their favourite foods.

The Care of the Ordinary Buffaloes

The ordinary buffaloes, or piitiir, of a village are looked after
and milked by the males of the village ; by those who in Toda
terminology are pcro/, or ordinary men, as compared with
those who have been ordained to one of the sacred dairy
offices.

When the people rise in the morning, the buffaloes are

Ill DAIRIES x\ND BUFFALOES 53

released from the pen, or///, in which they have been enclosed
for the night, and the animals make their way at once to the
{)lace where they are accustomed to be milked, the irkannus.
At the same time, or a little later, the calves are released from
their enclosure, the kadr, and each calf runs to its mother.
The milk of the previous night is churned in the interior of
the dwelling-hut, usually by one of the }-ouths of the family.

FIG. 16 — THE MORNlNi; MILKliNG AT THK VII.I.AGIC OK MOI.KUSH. IN
THE BACKGROUND IS A MODERN ' TU ' MADE OF WOODEN PALINGS.

In the dairy one man has to carry out all the dairy operations,
and here the churning is always finished before the milking
begins ; but in the case of the ordinary buffaloes, where many
take part in the work, the two operations may go on simul-
taneousl)-, and while one man or boy is churning, others will
be milking the buffaloes and carrying the milk into the hut.
Usually it seemed that each of the males of the family was
taking his part in the proceedings.

Whenever I watched the milking operations, I saw one

THE TODAS

CHAP.

man, the head of the family, walking about and superintending
the operations, while several other men and youths were
milking the buffaloes or churning the milk within the hut. It
seemed as if in general each buffalo gave very little milk, and a
man soon left one buffalo to go to another, and as the bamboo
milking-vcssels are small and have soon to be emptied, there
was a constant moving about from one buffalo to another

in;. 17.

and from the milking-place to the hut. A typical milking
scene is .shown in Fig. 16. Each man carries a stick, with
which he keeps off troublesome calves who may come to suck
while the milking is going on (see Fig. 17). If a buffalo and
its calf are troublesome, milk is sometimes smeared on the
back of the calf, and the buffalo occupies herself with licking
the calf, a process which keeps both quiet. At other times,
a man may pour milk into his hollowed hand which he
gives to one of the buffaloes to drink.

DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES

When the milking is over, the buffaloes are driven to their
grazing-ground, where they remain till the afternoon, when
they return, often spontaneously, to the milking-place, and the
operations of the morning are repeated.

While at the pasturage, one or two small boys are often in
attendance to keep the buffaloes from straying beyond the
proper grazing-ground.

CHAPTER IV

THE VILLAGE DAIRY

This chapter will be devoted to a description of the various
kinds of dairy which are found at the Toda villages. An
account will be given of the daily course of tlie dairy opera-
tions and of the ritual accompanying it. The description
of special ceremonies which occur in connexion with the
dairy will be reserved till future chapters, in which ceremonies
of the same nature occurring in all grades of dairy can be
considered together.

A village dairy is often situated at some little distance
from the huts in which the people live, though sometimes it is
in their immediate neighbourhood. When of the same form
as the hut, it may not at once be distinguished from the
latter, but it is usually enclosed by a higher wall which
surrounds the building more closely, so that there is very
little room between the two. The door seemed to me to be
usually smaller than that of most of the huts, and it is
always capable of being closed by a shutter on the inner
side.

The dairy is usually divided into compartments completely
separated from one another by a partition extending to the
roof, one room being entered from another by a small door
of the same kind as that by which the dairy itself is entered.
The majority of dairies have two rooms, an inner room called
ulkhirsJi and an outer room called pormiuikursh. Many
dairies, especially among the kind called wursuli^ have only
one room. At five Tarthar villages, viz., Nodrs, Taradrkirsi,
Keradr, Akirsikodri, and Tim, there are dairies which have

cii. IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 57

three rooms, the inner and outer rooms being separated by a
third, called the nedrkiirsJi. Each of the five villages at which
these dairies are found is the funeral-place for males of the
clan to which the village belongs, and the body of a dead
man is placed in the outer room of the dairy at each place
during the funeral ceremonies.

At Nodrs and Tedshteiri (villages of the Nodrs clan) it is
said that there were at one time dairies each of which had
seven rooms. The ruins of these, which were of the grade
called kudrpali, are still to be seen.

Sometimes the same building serves for two dairies,
especially at the less important villages of a clan. In these
cases the building resembles that kind of hut which is called
inerkalars, one compartment of the hut opening at the side.
At the villages at which I found dairies of this kind, the
front part of the hut was a kudrpali and the part with the
door at the side was a icursnli. In these cases each dairy
has only one room.

In every dairy which has more than one room, the dairy
vessels are kept in the inner room and the actual dairy opera-
tions are performed by the dairyman in this room. He only
is allowed to go into the inner room, while other men may go
into the outer room and, in those cases in which there are three
rooms, into the middle room.

When a village dairy has two or more rooms, the outer
room first entered from the outside is often used as a sleeping-
place and in this case usually has two of the couches called
///■//, one on each side with a fireplace between them. That on
the right-hand side as one enters is called the ineitiin {ineilti'ni),
or high (superior) bed, and that on the left-hand side is the
kitJln, or low (inferior) bed.

In the outer room is kept the kepiui or kaipuii (hand vessel)
used to hold the water with which the dairyman washes his
hands. The masth, or axe used for cutting firewood, and the
tek or tekh, a basket used to bring rice or grain into the dairy,
are also kept in this room.

The fireplace between the two sleeping-places is usually
made of four stones and is called kudrvars. At the ivursuli
it is made of three stones and is called waskal.

58 THE TODAS CH. iv

The room of the dairy which contains the dairy vessels
is divided into three parts : the patatniar, the ertatniar, and
the kalkani.

The. patatinar takes its name from the patat, an earthenware
vessel into which the milk is poured from the milking- vessel
and in which it is churned. The vessels kept in this part of
the inner room, which are known collectively as patatpiir, are
those which are actually used in the milking and churning.

The crtatniar takes its name from the ertat, a bamboo
vessel used to carry buttermilk or butter out of the dairy.
The ei'tat and the vessels kept with it, known collectively as
the ertatpur, are those which receive the products of the
churning or are used to convey these products out of the
dairy. The lamp and the fire-sticks used for making fire by
friction are also kept in this part of the dairy.

In the third part of the room, called the kalkani, are kept
leaves, firewood, knives, and various sticks or wands. Accord-
ing to some accounts, the vessel called penpariv is also kept
here.

When the dairy vessels are taken into a new dairy
(see Chap. VI.), they are placed on ferns. I do not know
whether they always rest on a bed of ferns or whether the
ferns are only used when the vessels are first placed in the
dairy.

The following is a list of t\\Q patatpiir, the vessels and other
objects which are kept in the part of the dairy called
patatntar :

Patat or tat. Earthenware vessels into which the freshly
drawn milk is poured and in which it is churned (Fig. i8, F).
There are several of these vessels, one of which may be used
to hold water.

Irkartpun or patatpun. The bamboo milking-vessel (Fig.
1 8, I).

Parskadrvetimu or parskadrpenimi, i.e., milk churn butter
mu (Fig. 1 8, II). This is also sometimes called kazhmu, and
is a small earthenware vessel in which is kept the butter
{pen) which is added while churning. Except when the
churning is in progress, it is used as a cover for \\\q patat.

Adimu. An earthenware vessel (Fig. i8, k) into which

FIG. l8. — THE CHIEF DAIRY VESSELS.

A. The pal»iaii.

B. Thepalka/i.

C. The III ad/ h.

D. A /Cihhk.

E. The ertatpiin.

F. The /«/«/.

G. The polinachok.

H. The parskadrvcniim.

I. The irkaiiptin.

K. The adiiiiu.

6o THE TODAS CHAP.

some of the coagulated milk may be poured while churning.
It may also be used to fetch water from the dairy stream.

Madth ox parskartniadth. Churning-stick (Fig. i8, c).

Palkati. Bamboo rings for holding the churning-stick
while churning.

Parskurs or idarivurtJikurs. Stick or wand used chiefly for
driving off calves while milking.

Tatkich. The cut-up ends of a churning-stick, used for
cleaning the />alat.

Tedshk. Rings made of rattan (Fig. i8, d), used in carry-
ing the dairy vessels.

The garment of the dairyman, called tiiiii, is also kept here,
and when there is a mani (bell), it is kept on the patatmar.
The churning-stick is kept on a stand called agar.

The following are the objects kept on the ertatmar:

Majpariv. Vessel in which buttermilk is kept.

Penpariv. Vessel in which butter is kept. (According to
some, this vessel is kept in the part called kalkani^

Ertatpuii. Vessel used to take buttermilk or butter out of
the dairy (Fig. i8, e).

Majertkudriki. A small earthenware pot used like a ladle
to take buttermilk out of the majpariv. It is also called
asJikiok.

PblmacJiok. A bamboo vessel (Fig. i8, g) used to hold the
buttermilk which is distributed to the people of the village,

Nirsi. The fire-sticks for making fire by friction.

Pelk. The lamp.

TbrattJiadi. Cooking vessel which may be used for anything
except barley.

Put, a stirring-stick.

When there is only one room, the i/iasth, axe for cutting
firewood, may be kept on the ertatmar ; otherwise it is kept in
the outer room.

The vessels and other objects of the patatmar are those
which come directly into contact with the milk of the
buffaloes or which may at any time come into contact with
the buffaloes themselves.

The vessels and objects of the ertatmar, on the other hand,
are those which contain the dairy products which are going

IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 6i

out to ordinary people {perol), or which come into contact
with food or other materials obtained from ordinary people.

The things of the patatniar are always kept apart from
those of the ertatuiar. When the buffaloes migrate from one
grazing-place to another, the things of the patatmar are carried
by one man and those of the crtatmar by another.

In connexion with many dairies there is a house in which
calves are kej^t, the kiuolars, and a place for very young
calves, called kiish or kiids/i,w\\\c\\ is sometimes partly formed
by the spreading roots of a tree.

I am in some doubt as to whether the buffaloes belonging
to a village dairy ever have a special tii. in which they are
enclosed for the night. In general, however, there is no
doubt that the sacred buffaloes of the dairy occupy the same
pen as the ordinary buffaloes. Similarly I am not clear
whether the dair)^ always has its own irkaniius, or milking-
place, or whether ordinary and sacred buffaloes are not often
milked at the same spot, the dairyman recognising the buffa-
loes committed to his charge and milking them only.

Every dairy has its own place from which water is drawn
the/^// iiipa. This may be a different stream from that used
for hou.sehold purposes, but is, perhaps, most commonly part
of the same stream, the higher part being used for dairy
purposes. When a village has more than one dairy, each
dairy has its own place for drawing water, usually different
parts of the same stream.

The foregoing account holds good of all kinds of village
dairy. The different grades of village dairy present differ-
ences in the daily procedure, in the qualifications and rules
of conduct of the dairyman, and in other respects. I will
begin with the tarvali of the Tartharol.

The Tarvali

This is the name applied to the lowest grade of Tar thar
dairy and may mean " the ordinary dairy," the first syllable
being probably the same as in the word " Tarthar."

The tarvali is always of the ordinary form and is never
called poll. The dairyman, or iarvalikariuiokh, is often a

62 THE TODAS CH. IV

youth or man of the village to which the dairy belongs, but
he may be taken from any other village of the clan or from
other Tarthar villages, the choice in some cases being restricted
to certain clans. The only Tarthar clan which is strictly
limited to its own members in the choice of tarvalikartmokli
is that of Melgars. In all cases this grade of dairyman must
be one of the Tartharol ; he is never taken from the other
division of the Toda people.

When the dairyman is taken from another clan, he may
receive certain wages, viz., two cloaks {putkult) in the year
and six rupees, together with the loan of a milking buffalo for
the use of his family. I have no definite information whether
anything is given to dairymen who are members of the clan
or family to which the dairy belongs.

The dairyman is regarded by the Todas as a servant, espe-
cially when taken from another clan. I was often told that a
man was working for another and was his servant, and always
found that the so-called servant w3iS palikai'tinokJi at the dairy
of the village at which the master lived. Correspondingly,
there seemed to be no doubt that the dairyman was treated
with very scant respect, except on ceremonial occasions and
when actually performing the ritual of his office.

The tarvalikartmokh wears nothing but the kuvn^ or perineal
band, when he is in the dairy, and wears a loincloth called
irkartJitadfp when milking. When away from his work or
when looking after his buffaloes on the grazing-ground, he
wears the ordinary cloak, ox putkidi. He usually sleeps in the
outer room of the dairy, but is allowed to sleep at any time
in the dwelling-hut. When he goes there he may only touch
the sleeping-place (?V/r///7) and the floor (,^///^r). If he touches
any other part of the hut, he at once loses his office and
becomes an ordinary person. There are no restrictions on
the intercourse of the tarvalikartmokh with women.

When the tarvalikartmokh rises in the morning, he leaves
the dairy, raising one or both hands to his face as in Fig. lO
and saying Sami or Swami. He often also says this word when
getting up from the sleeping-place. He first lets the buffaloes
out of the pen {tii) in which they had been put for the night
and then goes into the dairy to churn. He does not light the

1 l'-.. 10, -1 UK 'WURSOL' of n6I)K- ' Ml:,l\<, l 1 1 I. ' A I 'I M r ' AM i ' I'A 1 A'l IT \ ' K)

FETCH WATER.

64 THE TODAS chap.

lamp in the morning unless it is dark, nor does he pray. The
milk poured into the patat overnight will have coagulated, so
that it forms a solid mass called adrpars. The dairyman puts
the churning-stick into the patat and churns for a little time
till he has broken up the adrpars} Then he pours off most
of the semi-fluid milk into another vessel (also a/^/^^Z), leaving
about one kiidi'^ in the churning-vessel. He adds to this
some butter from a previous churning, which he takes from
the parskadrvcnmu, adds also some water, and churns the.
mixture till butter is formed. He pours o'ut the buttermilk
into the viajpariv, keeping the butter in the patat, adds more
coagulated milk and water, and churns again, transferring the
buttermilk to its vessel when butter is formed. He continues
in this way till all the milk has been churned, and he then
transfers the butter which has been formed to the vessel called
penpariv, also putting a small portion in the parskadrvcnmu.
The palikartviokJi then goes out to milk, with the irkartJi-
pun and the wand c^Wed parskitrs or ulanvurthkitrs. He puts
into the milking-vessel some buttermilk, the buttermilk used
for this purpose being called pep, and he also smears some
butter on the edge of the vessel to put on the teats of the
buffaloes. When he goes out, he salutes b}- raising the
irkartJipuii ?^.wdi parskurs to his forehead in the same manner
as is shown in Fig. 27. When he has filled the milking-
vessel, he goes into the dairy and empties the milk into the
patat and returns to the buffaloes. This is repeated till all
the buffaloes have been milked, after which the dairyman
takes food and buttermilk, but with no prescribed ritual as in
the case of more sacred dairies. He also gives out butter-
milk to the people of the village. After the work of the
morning is over, the palikartmokh may go out to look after
the buffaloes, or may collect firewood, leaves, or other things
necessary for his work. During the later hours of the
morning the palikartmokh may often be seen l}'ing down
taking a rest before he begins the work of the afternoon,
which is more ceremonial than that of the morning.

' This is literally ' cooked milk.' It probabl)- receives this name because the
coagulation is often hastened by heatiny.
- .About four pints.

THE VILLAGE DAIRY

About three o'clock in the afternoon he goes to the dairy,
bows down and touches the threshold with his forehead
{pavnersatiti, Fig. 20), enters and touches a vessel on the
patat side, and then a vessel on the ertat side. He then
lights the fire and inspects the milk drawn in the morning. If
it has not become solid, he puts it on the fire for a few minutes
to hasten the coagulation. He lights the lamp and prays,

FIG. 20. — THE

TALIKARTMOKH SALUTING THE THRESHOLD OF THE DAIRY
AT KIUDR ' PAVNERSATITI.'

using the prayer of the dairy (see Chap. X), and then churns
as in the morning. When he has finished churning, he clears
the churning-stick of the butter clinging to it, and after hold-
ing it to his forehead and uttering the sacred word "6^/7," he
puts it in the stand called agar. He then goes out to milk as
in the morning, taking buttermilk in the milking-vessel.
When the milking is over, he shuts up the buffaloes in the
pen for the night, and as he does so, he repeats the prayer
of the dairy, the prayer being exactly the same as that
used when lighting the lamp. He then takes food and

66 THE TODAS. chap.

goes to sleep, often saying Szvanii as he lies down for the
night.

The tarvali of the Melgars people is in some ways
regarded as superior to the other tarvali of the Tartharol.
The Melgars tarvalikartinokh may not go to the tarvali of
another Tarthar clan, though the tarvalikartmokh of another
clan may go to a Melgars tarvali. This was said to be due
to the higher degree of sanctity of the Melgars dairy and
office, but there do not appear to be any differences of ritual
corresponding to* this different degree of sanctity.

The Kudrpali

The special feature of the kudrpali is that it contains one
or more of the bells called inani. This inv^olves several
additions to the ceremonial of the dairy, and these are
accompanied by more stringent rules of conduct for the
dairyman.

Whenever engaged in his work, the kudrpalikartmokh must be
naked except for the kuvn. In the cold Nilgiri mornings it must
often be a very unpleasant task to have to milk the buffaloes
with no covering, and I was told that at some places, and
especially at Nodrs, the people gave up the maintenance of
a kudrpali on account of the difficulty experienced in
obtaining men to undertake the office of dairyman.

When the kudrpalikartmokh is taking his meals, he must
hold his food in his hands till he has finished. He is not
allowed to put it down on the ground, as may be done by
the dairyman of the tarvali.

Soon after beginning to churn, the kudjpalikartmokh takes
up some of the broken-up curd {adrpars) and puts it on the
bell {inani) three times, saying " Oh " each time, and milk
from the vessel first brought into the dairy is also put on
the bell in the same manner.

At the kudrpali of Kars, the dairyman puts the curd and
milk on a board called pato. The bells of this dairy have
been lost, and the dairyman puts the milk on the board on
which the bells used to hang. The process of putting milk
on the bells is properly called terzantirikiti, but the Todas

THE VILLAGE DAIRY

often speak of the process as " feeding the bell." At the
kudrpali of Kuzhu, belonging to the Kars clan, milk is put in
the same way on a gold bracelet.

When making butter, it will be remembered that the dairy-
man of the tarva/i makes a certain amount, and then pours
away the buttermilk, and repeats this till all the adrpars has
been converted into butter and buttermilk. Whenever the
kudrpalikartiiiokh pours away buttermilk, he takes a piece of

FIG. 21. — THE 'kudrpali' OF KARS, WITH THE ' KUDRPALIKAR IM' iRlI '
STANDING ON THE WALL. IN THE FOREGROUND IS THE MOUND CALLED
'IMUDRIKARS' IN THE BACKGROUND ON THE RIGHT IS THE CALF-HOUSE.

the bark of the sacred tudrXxee {^Meliosnia pungens and WigJitii)
and beats three times on the patat^ saying ''On" each time.
This ceremony is called pepeirthti, and is the exclusive
privilege of the kudrpalikartiiiokh. If this ceremony should
be omitted, the buttermilk may not be drunk by any one.

The kudrpalikartiiiokh is allowed to sleep in the ordinary
hut, but only on special days — viz., Sunday, W^ednesda}', and
Saturday — and on these days he must, like the tarvalikartinokh,

F 2

68 THE TODAS chap.

avoid touching anything in the hut except the sleeping-place
and the floor on pain of losing his office. He is allowed
intercourse with any Tarthar woman, but must have nothing
to do with the women of his own division, the Teivaliol.

While in office, the kudrpalikartniokli is not allowed to visit
the bazaar,^ and if he does so he becomes an ordinary
person at once. One afternoon when I was working with
Parkurs (8), one of the elders of the Kars clan, Sakari (7), who
had been kndrpalikartnwkh at Kuzhu, came to announce that
he had visited the bazaar at Ootacamund. He was therefore
no longer palikartinokJi, and he came to tell Parkurs that a
successor must be appointed. It seemed to me in this case
that Sakari had visited the bazaar because he was tired of
office and wished to become free. I had a suspicion also that
he wished to become acquainted with my proceedings, for he
came straight to me from the bazaar and was one of my most
regular attendants for some time after his deprivation. The
kudrpalikartnwkh is prohibited from entering a tarvali, though
the tarvalikartmokJi may enter a kiidrpali.

The milk of buffaloes connected with a kudrpali is more
sacred than that of buffiiloes milked at a tarvali. Any one
may drink milk from a tarvali^ but the milk of the kudrpali
may only be drunk by the palikartinokh. If any one else
drink the milk of the kudipali it is believed that he will die.
I could learn of no case in which a man had taken this milk,
but Kodrner (7) had seen a cat die on the day it had drunk
milk of the inartir, the buffaloes of the kudrpali of Kars.
Kodrner was somewhat of a sceptic in connexion with many
of the beliefs of his people, but he was very much in earnest
on this occasion, and when my interpreter said he should like
to drink some of the milk, Kodrner offered to give him one
hundred rupees if he drank the milk of inartir for four days
and remained alive.

The buffaloes tended at the tarvali and kudrpali are of
several named kinds. According to tradition, each clan at
the original distribution of buffaloes by Teikirzi (see p. 186)
was given a certain kind. To Kars were given the buffiiloes

' I am nol sure wlicllicr this rcstriclion does not also apply to the /aii<ali-
kartmokh.

IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 69

called martir \ to Nodrs were given nashperthir \ to Pan,
pineipir; to Vi^Xg^-X's,, persasir \ these buffaloes originally given
being called in general nbdrodvaiir \ lit, "buffaloes who
rule.

In various ways the buffaloes originally given to one clan
have passed into the possession of other clans. This has
happened when buffaloes have been purchased, but is chiQiPy
due to the existence of several customs which involve
gifts of buffaloes. The tradition also runs that soon after the
buffaloes were originally given, the Nodrs people built the
kudipali with seven rooms to which I have already referred
and begged the Kars people for martir to milk at this dairy.
Similarly the people of Kanodrs borrowed martir from Kars
to milk at their conical dairy, and similar transferences of
buffaloes may have occurred between other clans. In these
and possibly in other ways buffaloes have passed from one
clan to another, and as the buffaloes have in many cases kept
their original names, most clans now possess buffaloes of
several kinds,

I was for a long time very doubtful about the relation of
the kudrpali and tarvali to one another, and had very great
difficulty in finding out which buffaloes belonged to each kind
of dairy. Finally, it became quite clear that the same buffaloes
might be milked either at a kudrpali or a tarvali, and that the
possession of a mani was the chief point which determined
whether a gi\'en dairy was a kudrpali or a tarvali.

The same kind of buffalo may be milked at one kind of
dairy in one clan and at the other kind in another clan. The
nashpcrtJiir of Nodrs are milked at the tarvali of that place,
but those of Kars are milked at the kudrpali together with the
martir. Further, in at least one case, the same buffaloes
might be milked in one village of a clan at a kudrpali and in
another village at a tarvali. The Pan people now live chiefly
at Naters and the chief villages of the clan in the Kundahs,
Pan and Kuirsi, are deserted during the greater part of the
}'ear. When these villages are occupied the pineipir are
milked at their kudrpali dairies, but when the people are at
Naters the same buffaloes are milked at the tarvali. The
mani is left at Pan, and I was told that if the bell were to be

70 THE TODAS chap.

brought to Naters a kudrpali would have to be built for its
reception and \\\q pineipir would then be milked at this dairy.

At the present time the only clan which has a kudrpali in
constant use is that of Kars. The Pan clan only uses its
kudrpali during the {q.\n months that the villages in the
Kundahs are occupied. The Nodrs clan is said to have had a
kudrpali at one time, but the fact that they had to borrow
buffaloes for it from Kars points to the especial connexion of
the hidrpali with the latter clan.

Although the Karsol and Panol are the only clans which
have a kudrpali, the special feature of which is the possession
of a maiii, these are not the only clans which own these
sacred bells. In other cases the maiii belongs to the next
higher grade of dairy, the wursuli, and the Kars clan itself
also possesses inaiii kept at this grade of dairy. Indeed,
although the Kars kudrpali is said to have bells as its special
feature, these bells do not really exist, having been stolen
some years ago. The fiction of their presence is, however,
kept up, and, as we have seen, the place where they should
hang is still ' fed ' with curd and milk.

In one case, that of the Kars kudrpali, I worked out in detail
the ownership and care of the buffaloes called martir. There
were altogether forty-eight of these buffaloes kept at six
places and tended by seven dairymen, who were chosen
from the Karsol or from the people of Nodrs, Pan, Taradr or
Keradr.

The distribution at the time of my visit was as follows : —

Kutadri (7) possessed 8 buffaloes kept at Kars tended by Idjen of Taradr (22)

Tilipa of Kars (12)
Kosners of Nodrs (6)
Tidjkudr of Nodrs (6)
Pons of Keradr (26)
Palpa of Pan (16)
Mutkudr of Kars (15)

It will be noticed that in only two of the dairies did the
palikart'iuokli belong to the Karsol, and in each case he looked
after the buffaloes of his own father, Mutkudr also tending
the buffaloes of Nudriki. Idjen was the son-in-law of

Kutthurs (12) ,,

I >)

Parkurs(8)

, Isharadr

Pidrvan (9) ,,

, Pakhalkudr

Kuinervan (14) ,,

, Peletkwur

Potheners (10) ,,

, Keshker

Nudriki (8)

3 >'

, Kuzhu

Mongeilhi (15) ,,

3 ))

, ,,

IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 71

Kutadri, and Palpa had married a Kars woman, who was
not, however, closely related to Potheners, to whom he was
acting as dairyman. Kosners and Tidjkudr were given to me
as examples of a practice in which a man of one clan works
for one of another,^ and they received the same wages as in
the case of the tarvalikartmokh (see p. 62).

These facts show clearly that the kndrpalir ■axq not regarded
as the property of the whole clan, but belong to different
families, and the same is true of the buffaloes milked at the
tarvali. Each family possesses its own sacred buffaloes as
well as its ordinary buffaloes ox putiir, and in some cases the
buffaloes of each family have their own dairyman, even when
the milk of two herds is churned in the same dairy.

The Wursuli

Most of the Tarthar clans possess herds of buffaloes called
collectively ivursiilir, each herd being tended by a diaryman
called zvursol at a dairy called zuiirsuli or ivursuli pali. The
buffaloes of different clans have special names. At Nodrs,
they are called mersgursir \ at Kars and TdiVdidr, pildrsh tip ir :
at Pan, kiideipir ; at Keradr, miniapir ; and at Nidrsi and
Kwodrdoni, keitankiirsir. The people of Pam, Kanodrs, and
Melgars have no zvursiilir ; Pam and Kanodrs both had
buffaloes of this kind at one time, but they have been allowed
to die out. Melgars, on the other hand, never had zvnrsulir,
the tradition being that none of these buffaloes were assigned
to the clan at the original partition by Teikirzi.

The wursidir are said to have been given to most clans at
the original partition of buffaloes, but no reason could be
given for the creation of this special kind of buffalo. The
Keradr clan are believed to have received their iviirsiUir from
Korateu (see Chap. IX), the buffaloes being descended from
a sambhar calf given by this god.

A special feature of the zvursuli is that the dairyman or
wiirsol of this Tarthar dairy has to be taken either from
the Teivaliol or from the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. The

1 See Chapter XXIII.

72 THE TODAS

Melgars people could hold the office of zuursol, but had no
tvuvsulir themselves. At the present time the majority of
men who hold this office are drawn from the Teivaliol, only
two belonging to Melgars, and it seemed that it was only
when the supply ran short among the Teivaliol that the
Tarthar people had recourse to members of their own
division. The Melgarsol do not share fully the privileges
of the Teivaliol in respect of this office, for though they may
perform the ordinary work of the dairy, there are certain
duties of the ivursol, such as those at the funeral ceremonies,
which may only be performed by a Teivali occupant of the
office.

The zuursol has to go through more complicated ordination
ceremonies than ihQ palikartinokh, and has a distinctly higher
degree of sanctity so far as one can judge from the rules for
his conduct. He may not be touched by any ordinary
person, and in general the rules regulating his conduct are
more stringent than those for the ordinary dairyman.

The tviirsol has two dresses ; one, the grey garment called
tuni, which is worn at his dairy work and kept in the dairy ;
the other, the ordinary putkiili, which he wears when not
engaged at his special work.

The zuursol does not sleep in his own dairy, but in one of
a different kind, a village which has a zuursuli always having
at least one other dairy. At Kars he sleeps in the kudrpalt,
and at Nodrs in the tarvali. He is allowed to sleep in the
hut of a Tarthar village on two nights in the week — viz.,
Sunday and Wednesday — and on these occasions he may
have intercourse with any Tarthar woman. Except on these
occasions he loses his office even if touched by a woman.
He is not allowed to have intercourse with any Teivali
woman, even with his wife if he is married, on pain of
becoming an ordinary person.

He may go to any Tarthar village, but to no Teivali village —
i.e., if one of the Teivaliol, he is allowed to visit none of his
own people.

When he goes to the dwelling-hut, care is taken to remove
from the hut the objects shown in Fig. ii — viz., the mum or
sieve, the zuask or pounder, and the kip or broom. It seems

IV - . THE VILLAGE DAIRY 7^

as if these three objects are removed because they are used
by women. The emblems of womanhood are not allowed
to contaminate the house while the luursol is present, al-
though, at the same time, he is not restricted from intercourse
with the women themselves. On the mornings after he has
slept in the hut he bathes from head to foot before going
to the dair}', and prostrates himself at the threshold before
he enters.

If the cloak of the iviirsol requires cleaning or mending, it
may only be taken to the hut for these purposes on the
same days as those on which the zvitrsol may sleep there — viz.,
Sunday or Wednesday.

The food of the zvursol is prepared for him by the palikart-
inokli of the dairy in which he sleeps. The tvursol never
prepares food either for himself or others, except on the
occasion of the festival called irpalvustki {sqq Chap. VIII).

Most loursuli have only one room, the exception being the
poh at Nodrs, and the tviirsiili of Nasmiodr and Ddr. It
is noteworthy that these, however, are three of the most
ancient and important dairies of the Todas. The reason why
the other zvursuli have one room is probably the fact that the
xviirsol is not allowed to sleep in the dairy, and consequently
there is no necessity for an outer room. When these dairies
have been rebuilt, or new dairies have been made, the Todas
have probably not thought it worth while to keep two rooms
except at the especially important and sacred places. I was
also told, however, that each of the three places which have
two rooms had been at one time a // dairy, and, as we shall
see later, dairies of this, the highest, grade always have two
rooms.

Another indication of the special sanctity of the.se three
dairies is that at them, and also at the ivursiili at Kozhtudi,
the zvursol must never turn his back on the contents of the
dairy — i.e, he must do all his work and go in and out of the
dairy facing the place where the mani is kept. The Todas
call this proceeding in which the back is never turned on the
contents of the dairy " kabkaditi."

The vessels of the wursuli are divided, like those of the
ordinary dairy, into those of the patatniar and those of the

THE TODAS

CHAP,

ei'tatmar. The following sketch of the arrang-ement was made
by Kodrner, but I do not feel confident of its accuracy.

E—

A. Palafniar.

o-
B

— D

B. Erlaiiiia)'.

C. The inani or bell.

D. The tclk or lamp.

E. IVaskal or fireplace.

F. The door.

Fig. 22.

The lamp is of iron, bought in the bazaar : it is called
tiidrkpelk or tagarspclk, according as it is hung by a hook or
on a chain. This distinction probably holds for other village
dairies.

The Datly Life of the Wursol

The dairy work of the zuursol is carried out on the same
general lines as that of the palikartniokh, but the order and
method of the various operations are more strictly regulated.
Before the wiirsol goes into the dairy in the morning he
washes his hands with water from the vessel called kepwi}
bows down at the threshold and enters the dairy ; salutes the
viani {kaimuk/iii), goes to the er tat mar and touches the
inajpariv ; then to \.\\q patatnmr and touches \.\\q patat. Then,
after lighting the fire, he takes the m2i off the /<^/rt/, and, if the
milk has coagulated, he begins to churn. After churning for
a little while he puts some of the coagulated milk on the
inani. After the churning is over, he milks, putting some of
the first milk on the bell.

After the milking is finished, buttermilk is distributed to

the women, and a mixture of milk and buttermilk is given to

the men, who come to drink it standing outside the dairy.

The ivursol then drinks buttermilk and eats. When taking

^ I'robably a corruption of kaiptitt^ hand vessel.

THE VILLAGE DAIRY

buttermilk he pours it from the vessel called ertatpnn into the
leaf ^ from which he drinks. When he goes to attend to the
buffaloes, he leaves the tuni in the dairy and puts on his
putkuli in a special way which is only adopted by the xvursol
and only by him when engaged in looking after the buffaloes.
Placing one end of the cloak over the left shoulder, he brings
the other end under the right arm, and, taking this end in his
right hand, throws it round the back of his neck so that it

Fic. 23.

■THE 'WURSOL' of KARS, KERNPISI (56), STANDING BY THE) SIDE
OF HIS DAIRY.

rests on the left shoulder. The result of this adjustment is
that the front part of his body is uncovered as shown in
Fig. 23. I could not ascertain why the zvursol should wear
his cloak in this special way, nor why this method of wearing
the garment should be peculiar to his office.^

' This is clone by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup.

- The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wiirsol is not unlike that
shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which represents a Brahmau
engaged in prayer.

^V'<

76 THE TODAS chap.

In the afternoon the wursol again washes his hands, bows
down to the threshold and enters the dairy, sakites the jnant,
touches the niajpariv and patat as in the morning, and Hghts
the fire. He then lights the lamp, and prays, using the prayer
of the village. Then he churns and " feeds the bell," but his
procedure differs from that of the morning in that he dis-
tributes the buttermilk at this stage of the proceedings.
When he milks he puts some of the first milk on the bell, and
when he shuts up the buffaloes in their enclosure (/?/) for the
night, he recites the same prayer as when lighting the lamp.
He then takes his food, eating it outside the dairy, puts his
tuni on the patatmar, and goes to rest.

The procedure thus differs from that of the tarvali and
kudvpali in that the dairy vessels are touched ceremonially at
the beginning of both morning and evening operations. The
ivursiili resembles the other dairies, however, in that prayer is
offered in the evening only. The differences are less pro-
nounced in ritual than in the rules of conduct.

The Kugvali of Taradr

The people of Taradr have a special institution which is in
many ways intermediate between the dairies of the village
and the institution to be described in the next chapter —
the ti.

The buffaloes connected with this institution are known as
the kugvali)'. They are said to belong to the whole of the
Tartharol, but this only seems to mean that they are so
important that every Toda looks up to them and feels that
they are in some measure his. It does not mean that every
Toda has a voice in their management or share in their
produce.

The people of Taradr are divided into six families {pbliii),
and each fiimily has charge of the kugvali r in turn for periods
of three }'ears, the head of the family having the chief
direction. At the present time they are in charge of Siriar
(20), having only recently passed to his family.

The head of the family in charge appoints the dairyman,
who is called kugvalikartnwkh. This dairyman must be a

THE VILLAGE DAIRY

member of the Taradr clan, but need not necessarily be a
member of the family in charge.

Each of the chief Taradr villages has a special dairy for
the kugimlir. It is called the kugvali {kiigpali) or chief dairy
{kug=c.tHd—QS\\Q.{), and it was said to be the chief of all the
dairies. All these dairies have one room only, except that at
Taradr itself, where there are two rooms. These dairies do
not at {Dresent differ in form or general appearance from

FIG. 24. — THE 'kugvali OF TARADR. OX ITS LEFT IS THE ' KWOTARS,'
AND ON THE EXTREME RIGHT, UNDER THE TREE, IS THE ' KUSH.'
THE FLAT STONE TO THE RIGHT OF THE ' KUGVALI ' IS THE
'PUDRSHTIKARS ' (see p. 654).

dairies of other kinds. The kugvali at Taradr is shown in
Fig. 24, and it is the dairy on the right-hand side of Fig. 5.

The kugvalir have one feature peculiar to themselves.
They are never recruited from any other herd. Even the
buffaloes of the ti often have additions to their number,
especially through the ceremony of irndrtiti (Chap. XIII),
but in no circumstances are any additions from outside made
to the kugvalir.

There is a legend that the original buffaloes of this herd

78 THE TODAS chap.

were sent from Amnodr^ by the god On to the people of Taradr.
A long time after they came to Taradr the herd was on the
point of dying out, only one cow buffalo remaining, which
was so old that it had lost its teeth. This sole survivor was
pregnant, and when about to calve the delivery was much
delayed, and it seemed that the buffalo would die before the
calf was born. Only women were present and they cut open
the belly of the buffalo and took out the calf, which was
tended very carefully and lived, and the existing kiigvalir are
descended from this calf

This story preserves a tradition of the practice of women
attending to the buffaloes at the time of calving, which is
said to have been at one time the regular practice.

The kugvalikartmokh sleeps in the kivotars or calf-house,
except at Taradr, at which place he sleeps in the outer room
of his dairy. He is allowed to sleep in the ordinary hut on
certain nights in the week, and may only have intercourse
with Tarthar women.

He wears the grey garment, or tioii, which he ties round his
waist when churning and wears over his shoulders when
milking.

The work of the dairy is carried out on the same general
lines as that already described, but with certain distinguishing
features.

All the work is done kabkaditi \ the dairyman never turns
his back to the contents of the dairy. In those villages in
which he sleeps in the calf-house he goes naked (except for
the kuvri) to the ktigvali, washes his hands, prostrates himself
at the threshold, enters, and puts on his tiini which is kept on
the patatniar. He salutes the niani^ which he feeds with curd
and milk as in other dairies. He also knocks on the patat
three times, saying " On " each time.

As in the other village dairies, he only prays and lights the
lamp in the evening. When he gives out buttermilk, he
must use the vessel called polmachok. He drinks buttermilk
{peputi) in a distinctly more ceremonial manner than in the
ordinary dairy, sitting on the seat ikivottini) outside the dairy,
and pouring from the crtatpiDi into a leaf-cup made of two

^ The world of the dead.

IV ■ THE VILLAGE DAIRY 79

leaves of the kind called kakiiders. He drinks three times
only, raising the leaves to his forehead and saying " On " each
time.

In this more definite ceremonial when drinking buttermilk,
we have a transition to the ritual of the //', and this re-
semblance to the procedure of the ti is still more marked in
the following features. In addition to the kugvalir, the
kiigvalikartniokJi has certain ordinary buffaloes, putiir, to
provide milk for his personal use, and these buffaloes are
milked in a special vessel called kuvun {kupuii). This vessel
is also used to transfer butter and buttermilk from the
patatuiar to the ertatmar, i.e., buttermilk is not poured
directly from \hQ patatpiiii into the majpai'iv, but poured from
the former into the kuvun and from this into the niajpariv,
and similarly the butter is transferred from patatpun to
penpariv by means of the same vessel.

The Dairy of Kanodrs

Another dairy-temple which occupies an exceptional posi-
tion is the poh at Kanodrs. This is a dairy of the conical
form, shown in Fig. 25, which differs from that of Nodrs
in being surrounded by two walls {katu), both of which
are shown in the photograph.

According to one account the people of Kanodrs borrowed
martir from Kars to be milked at this dairy, but at the present
time, when the dairy is occupied, the cattle milked are those
called nasJipertJiir.

The dairyman at \\\\s poJi is c^XXo.^ pohkartpol and must be a
Kanodrs man. During my visit, the dairy was not occupied
and the office of poJikartpol was vacant. At the present time
a dairyman is appointed about once a year and holds office for
thirty or forty days only. So far as I could ascertain, the
failure to occupy the dairy constantly is due to the very con-
siderable hardships and restrictions which have to be endured
by the holder of the office of dairyman, and the time is
probabl}' not far distant when this dairy, one of the
most sacred among the Todas, will cease altogether to be
used.

THE TODAS

CHAP.

When a poJikartpol is in office he is allowed to have one
companion, who is a perol, or ordinary person, i.e., he undergoes
no special ordination ceremony. With the exception of the
two men, no one is allowed to go near the building for
any purpose. When I visited the place, my guide stayed
a considerable distance away from and out of sight of the
dairy while I went with my interpreter to inspect the building
and its surroundings. The poJikartpol and his companion

FIG. 25. — THE ' rOH "ok KANODKS. THK TWO WALLS ARE SHOWN.

sleep in the kivotars, or calf-house, in which there is a bed
{ti'ui) for each. This building has no door and is a very flimsy
structure, so that sleeping in it can differ very little from sleep-
ing in the open air. There is a fireplace between the two
beds, but its warmth can hardly be sufficient for any degree of
comfort. Further, the pohkartpol may only wear the tnni, a
very scanty garment as compared with the piitkiili. The
poJikartpol must be celibate while in office, and his companion,

IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 8i

must also be celibate while at the dairy. The poJikartpol
must take his food sitting on the outer wall which surrounds
the dairy. He must not put his hand to his mouth, but must
throw his food in ; nor must he put the leaf used as a cup to his
lips, but must pour into his mouth from above.

Several of these rules and restrictions are even more severe
than those for the palol, to be considered in the next chapter.
The reason given for the strictness of ritual is that the god
Kwoto or Meilitars " had done so many wonderful things
on that side" (see Chapter IX).

One feature peculiar to the Kanodrs dairy is that milk
receives the special name persiii. This is the name of
the churning-vessel of the //, but is not used for milk in any
other dairy. Otherwise the names used at Kanodrs are
the same as at other village dairies.

The Teivali Dairy

Among the Teivaliol, the various grades of dairy and dairy-
men so far considered have no existence. Many Teivali
villages have two dairies, but each is served by 2i palikartmokh
of the same rank.

The general procedure of the Teivali dairy does not appear

to differ in any very marked respect from that of the Tarthar

tarvali. The most marked difference which I could discover

is in the clothing of the dairyman. When engaged in the dairy

: operations, the Teivali palikartmokJi wears, at any rate

\ in some cases, the tuni, or garment of dark grey cloth of the

j same kind as that worn by the ivursol.

\ The sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol are known ^s pasthir,
land there are no differences corresponding to the different
I grades of the Tartharol. Similarly with one exception,
Ithe Teivali pastJiir of each clan have no special names
■ like the viartir, nashperthir, &c., of the Tartharol. The
.exception is that the buffaloes of the Piedr clan are called
hideipir or kudipir, apparently the same name as that of the
\wursulir of Pan.

I The village of Kiudr, belonging to the Kuudrol, possesses a
jdairy of special sanctity (see Fig. 31). It is served by a

82 THE TODAS CH. iv

palikartmokh, and it does not appear to have any special com-
plexities of ritual except in connexion with certain bells which
this dairy contains. There are six of these bells, two kept on
the patatmar, caUed pataimaf2i,a.nd four kept on the ei'tatmar,
called ertatmani. During the dairy ceremonial these bells are
* fed ' by the palikartviok/i, the patatmani receiving milk and
the ertatmani buttermilk. I only became aware of the exist-
ence of these bells incidentally, and had not the opportunity
of ascertaining their history or meaning. It is clear, how-
ever, that they differ from the mani of the Tartharol and
from those of the Piedr clan among the Teivaliol in that they
are never used at a funeral (see p. 352).

CHAPTER V

THE TI DAIRY

The ti is the name of an institution which comprises a
herd of buffaloes with a number of dairies and grazing
districts tended by a dairyman-priest or priests called palol
with an assistant called kaltmokh. Each dairy with its
accompanying buildings and pasturage is called a ti mad, or
// village.

In most cases there are two kinds of buffaloes at each ti,
and each kind should properly be tended by its own paiol
and kaltuiokJi. There is, however, only one ti which possesses
\.\\'o palol 2X the present time, and they share a kaltmokh be-
tween them, though a second is appointed on certain cere-
monial occasions. In other cases one palol tends both kinds
of buffalo, and in others, again, the dairies are unoccupied for
the greater part of the year and the office of palol is only
filled for certain limited periods.

Each ti is regarded as the property of a Tarthar clan, but
the /^^/ has to be taken from the Teivaliol, the choice being
in some cases restricted to one or two Teivali clans ; thus, the
palol of the Nodrs ti must belong either to Piedr or Kusharf
'Y\\Q. palol \s chosen by the Tarthar owners, but the latter do
not seem to gain any material advantage from their posses-
sion. In fact, it involves them in some expense owing to the
necessity of giving certain feasts, and this expense was put
forward as one reason why a ti is often unoccupied. Never-

G 2

84 THE TODAS CHAP.

theless the Tartharol are very proud of the fact that the
institution of the //belongs to their division, and whenever I
asked a Tarthar man why he considered his people superior
to the Teivaliol, the answer always ran that they had the
ti and that the Teivaliol who tended the // were their
servants.

The buffaloes belonging to a ti are of two kinds, dis-
tinguished diS persiuir d.nd pmiir. The former are the sacred
buffaloes, and the elaborate ceremonial of the //dairy is con-
cerned with their milk. The punir correspond in some
respects to the //////r of the ordinary village dairy, and their
milk and its products are largely for the personal use and
profit of the palol and are not treated with any special
ceremony. The /^;'j-/«/r are usually of various kinds, but the
nature of their classification is different at each // and its
consideration may be postponed till later.

I obtained most of my information from people connected
with the Nodrs //. During the whole of my visit the herds
of this //were at Modr, which is only about a mile from the
Paikara bungalow. Owing to the restrictions on intercourse
with so sacred a personage as di palol, it was not practicable
to obtain all my information from those actually in office, and
I found it best to work with men who had formerly held the
post and had retired. I worked chiefly with Kaners (63), an
old man who had been palol at the Nodrs //, and with
Koboners (58), who had been at the Kars //. For some time
I worked with one or other of these two men every day,
paying occasional visits to Modr to observe as much of the
ceremonial as I was allowed to see. On these occasions I
was also able to consult Karkicvan, the ch.\Q^ palol, on points
about which the ex-officials were doubtful.

Both Kaners and Koboners were trustworthy witnesses,
but Kaners was old and had given up his office some time
before, and in consequence often committed faults of omission.
Koboners was an admirable informant, and the fulness of the
account of the // ceremonial is largely due to him. It must
be remembered that I was only able to see for myself a few
superficial features of the ceremonial, and that my account is
based on the descriptions given by these and other men, but

THE TI DAIRY 85

nevertheless I have a considerable degree of confidence in its
essential accuracy.

The dairy of a ti is always called poll, whatever its shape
may be, and at those places where there is, or should be, more
than oxxQ palol, each has his own dairy. In these cases the
work of one dairy goes on quite independently of the other,
each palol being only allowed to enter and work in his own
building. In addition to the dairy, or dairies, there is at each
ti mad a hut in which the palol and kaltniokli sleep and in
which the latter takes his food. When there are \.\no palol,
both sleep in the same hut. There is a house for the calves
called karenpoh, corresponding to the kiuotars of the village
dairy.

The milking-place of a ti mad is called pepkarmus instead
of irkarmus, as at the ordinary dairy, and is usually enclosed
so that the buffaloes are screened from the eyes of ordinary
people.

There is always one buffalo-pen, or tu} for ordinary use, and
at some places two others, called pon tu, or festival pens, used
on the ceremonial occasions of migration from one place to
another and of salt-giving.

The surroundings of the dairy are called piil, and there is
a special part of the pill to which alone the ordinary Toda
is allowed to go, and he may only go there by a special path.
Each // dairy which I visited was by the side of a wood
and the place for ordinary Todas was in the wood.

At a little distance from the dairy there is the source
from which the water for sacred purpose is drawn. This
source is called kwoinir, and at Modr, where there was a
kivoinir for each palol, it was a spring built in with stones,
and not a stream as at most villages. In addition to the
kzvoinir there is also a stream from which water is taken by
the kaltmokh, who is not allowed to go to the sacred spring.

There are various stones and other objects of ceremonial
importance at most ti places, but the description of these
may be given with that of the ceremonies in which they
play a part.

^ The proper name for the pen at the // was titiikadr, and for the calf-pen, tiilk'
kadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words (ti and l'ad?\

86 THE TODAS chap.

At Modr, the diary place I know best, all the buildings
and objects of the ti mad are shut off from the outer world
either by walls or by the natural configuration of the ground
or forest. Within this screen, partly natural and partly
artificial, there is the large milking-ground which may be
entered by the buffaloes from two directions, and on one
side of this are the three pens, the two dairies, and other
buildings.

The more important of the two dairies has situated close
to it the sleeping-hut and two huts for the calves, and this
small group of buildings, shown in Fig. 27, is surrounded by
a wall like that round the ordinary village dairy, leaving little
space between the wall and buildings. These buildings, being
within the outer boundaries of the // mad, are already well
screened from the world, and in consequence the surrounding
wall is low. The other dairy is situated on the boundary, so
that it can be seen by anyone outside the // mad, and the wall
around it is therefore high, so that a person standing outside
can see nothing of the proceedings of the dairyman. At
Modr the water springs are at some distance from the
dairies and there is a special path by which the palol goes
from the dairy to fetch water.

At another dairy, that of Anto, there is one path by which
\.\\Q palol goes to fetch water and another by which he returns,
but I do not know if this is so at all dairies.

Although I visited Modr on many occasions, I never had
an opportunity to investigate the buildings closely, 1 was
never allowed to go within the walls enclosing the dairies,
much less to go inside these buildings. If the annual
programme of the //had been carried out, the buffaloes would
have left this place before the end of my visit, and I intended
to make a thorough inspection after they had gone; but owing
to various causes I mention elsewhere (see Chap. VI) the
herds stayed at Modr till after my departure, and I had no
opportunity of ascertaining the exact plan of the dairies and
their surroundings.

The dairy of a ti always has two rooms, an inner room, the
iilkkiirsh, and an outer room, the phrmunkiirsh. These are
divided from one another by a screen, ox patun, which stretches

THE TI DAIRY

about two-thirds of the way across the breadth of the build-
ing and is about three feet high. The palol stands in the
outer room and performs the dairy operations proper to the
inner room leaning over the top of the screen. The object
of the screen is to keep the sacred objects of the dairy from
the gaze of anyone who may look in, and especially from that
of the kaltinokh ; but in the only dairy of the kind into which
I had the chance of looking, the screen was made of vertical
sticks with wide intervals between them, so that I could easily
see through. This dairy was, however, unoccupied, and if
dairy vessels had been there, it is possible that they would

0
A

A. Mcini.

B, C, D. The Vax^a persiii.

E F

0 0

E. The idrkwoi.

F. The lamp.

[ G

G. The pelkkatitthwaskal.

H. The tbratthwaskal.

I. The palun.

[ H

J, K. The pohvelkars.

L. The screen in front of the dairy

o><

FIG. 26. — SHOWING THE GENERAL PLAN OF THE TI DAIRY.

have been screened from view in some way. In this dairy
the screen extended from the right-hand wall as one looked
in, but at Modr I was told that the screen was attached to the
left-hand wall, and there were certain facts which make it
almost certain that this statement is correct, though I had
not the opportunity of confirming it by actual observation.

I did not discover whether there were any differences
between the internal arrangements of the conical dairies and
those of the dairies of the ordinary form. Breeks has given
a description of the conical dairy at Anto, and from this it
would seem that the dairy is divided into two rooms by a

THE TODAS

CHAP.

partition extending to the roof, the two rooms communicating
by a door. There are two possibilities as to procedure. It is
possible that only one room of this dairy is used for the
ceremonial and that it is again divided by an incomplete
screen into inner and outer rooms, or it may be that the
dairyman churns in the inner room. I have no information
on this point, but the general nature of the churning
procedure at the ti dairy makes it highly probable that the
former supposition is correct and that the inner room is
divided into two parts.

In the plan on p. 87, I have adopted the arrangement in
which the paUin, or screen, is attached to the left-hand side
of the building, but this is certainly not the case in all diaries.
In some dairies also the fireplaces are on the other side.

[a) In the inner room.

The Contents of the poh

( One niani.

Three pcrsiti.

Two torziim.

Two kbghlag.

One persiukmirihi.

One pohvet or poh pet.

One kzvoi.

One kwoinbrtpet.
^ Several icdshk.

Pe/k, or lamp.
•wot.

( Pe/k
(b) Between inner and outer rooms. { ^ , ,

i. Jdrk

(<r) In the outer room.

[ Two fireplaces [^'^^^'^■''^'■^^^"^'^^^'«''-
I Tbratthwaskal.

Several ahtg.

Uppitn.

Mhrkttdriki.

KarpiDi.

Turavali.

Gudulwi.
V Unused kbghlag.

Another vessel, the mbrpiin, is kept in the sleeping-hut,
where two or more horns are also kept which are blown
by the kaltinokh every night before going to rest.

The things of the inner room correspond in general to
those of the patatmar in the ordinary dairy, and the things
of the outer room correspond to those of the ertatmar. The

THE TI DAIRY

things of the outer room are sometimes called the ahigpur,
just as those in the village dairy are called ertatpnr, but I
did not hear of any corresponding term for the things of the
inner room. I have no record of the place where the fire-
sticks {jiirsi) are kept, but they will almost certainly belong
to the outer room, since, in the village, they belong to the
ertatmar.

The nature of each of the vessels and other objects of the
dairy is as follows :

Persin. This is an earthenware vessel containing about five
kndi, z>., 2 1 gallons. The freshly churned milk is poured into
and churned in three of these vessels. T\\.q persin corresponds
to \hQ patat of the village dairy.

Tbrziun. This is an earthenware vessel containing two or
three kudi. Two of these vessels are kept in the inner
room, one, called the karitbrzujii, to hold water, and the other
to hold the butter added while churning. The latter is
called the peptbrsum because it is also used to give butter-
milk to the buffaloes on certain occasions. When not in
use the two tbrzum are placed on and act as covers for two
of the persin. The tbrzum corresponds to the vin of the
ordinary dairy.

KbgJdag. This is the churning-stick which corresponds to
the inadtJi. Both kbghlag and niadtJi are alike in having the
peculiar shape shown in Fig. i8 (see also p. iii). The thong
by means of which the stick is turned, ordinarily called palv^
is here called poinitrs,?ind consists of a strip of the skin of a
male calf. The kbghlag is made by the palol from bamboo
growing on the Nilgiris. In addition to two used and kept
in the inner room, five or six new churning-sticks are kept
in the outer room.

Persinkiidriki. This is a small piece of bamboo with a
handle called tuttJi, used to knock against the persin when
praying.

PoJivet {pohpet). A wand used when praying.

Kwoi. A bamboo vessel containing about three kudi. It
is the vessel taken out by \he. palol to milk the buffaloes. It
corresponds to the irkartpun of the village dairy and is
made by the /^/c*/ from bamboo obtained by the kaltniokh.

go THE TODAS CHAP.

Kwoindrtpet. A wand carried by the palol with the kivoi
and used to keep away the calves when milking.

Tedshk. Rattan rings used when carrying the dairy
vessels.

Idrkwoi. A bamboo vessel containing about one kiidi. It
is used to transfer butter and buttermilk from the vessels of
the inner room to the vessels of the outer room, and is kept
midway between the two rooms. There is nothing corre-
sponding to it in the village dairy, except at the kugvali,
where the kiivun is used in the same way.

Alug. Earthenware vessels used as receptacles for butter-
milk and butter in the outer room. There are at least two
of these vessels, usually more. This vessel corresponds to the
pariv of the village dairy.

Uppnn. A bamboo vessel which is used to hold the butter-
milk which the palol drinks.

Mbrkudriki. A vessel used like a ladle to transfer butter-
milk from the ahig to the itppuu or the mbrpiin. It corre-
sponds to the niajertkndriki or asJikiok of the ordinary dairy.

Karpun. A bamboo vessel used to milk the piinir, or
ordinary buffaloes of the // herds.

Tiiravali. The cooking-pot of which the ordinary name is
tbratthadi.

Guduboi. An earthenware pot to hold nei or ghi. Its
ordinary name \s pat/ns.

The mbrpun, kept in the sleeping-hut, is a bamboo vessel
used by the kaltmokh to hold buttermilk both for himself and
for certain privileged visitors called vibrol.

The earthenware vessels of the inner room are not obtained
from the Kotas, like the ordinary vessels, but are made by
Hindus, and are procured through the Badagas.

The/<a;/(9/ has two garments, one of which, the kubiintuni^
he wears when not engaged in dairy-work, while the other,
the pbdrs/itiDii, is worn during the dairy-work or other cere-
monial. The latter is kept in the outer room when not
in use.

There are usually two kinds of bell at the //, one kind con-
nected with the more sacred buffaloes and another belonging
to the pHuir, The bells of the first kind, called inani^ are

THE TI DAIRY 91

kept in the inner room, and are tied on the necks of certain
buffaloes for a short time on special occasions. The other
bells, called kudrs inani, are kept outside the door of the
dairy and are put on the necks of the punir on the same
occasions.

There were several points of interest about the lamps used
to light the dairies. At one time it seems that every palol
was provided with an iron lamp with a number of cavities,
each cavity being fitted with a wick. These lamps are
reputed to have been as old as the foundation of the ti
dairies. One of the lamps which is still in existence at the
Nodrs ti (that of the zvarspoJi) is said to have been brought
from Amnodr, There is some doubt about the exact number
of cavities and wicks in these lamps, but in the existing lamp
of the Nodrs // there seems to be little doubt that there are
seven cavities and wicks, and the lamp is called oiiavpelk, " the
lamp of the seven holes." All the seven wicks are only lighted
on special occasions {poiinol), and on most days only one is
used. At some dairies these iron lamps have been long lost,
and in these cases the palol used to make lamps of the bark
of the tudr tree. According to Marshall (p. 141), these lamps
have five wicks, and this appears to be still the case at the
Kars //", where there were formerly two iron lamps, one with
five cavities and one with four, and in the lamp now used at
this ti they still keep up the use of five wicks on special
occasions, using only two on ordinary days. It is possible
that Marshall derived his information from a man who had
been palol at this //. At one of the dairies of the Pan // there
is an old iron lamp with seven cavities, and at the other, where
a hark lamp is used, it has three wicks. At the present time
the dairymen rarely trouble to make bark lamps, but are content
with earthenware lamps procured from the bazaar. If these
are broken and cannot be replaced at once, bark lamps are used
during the interval. The wicks of the lamps, for whichever
lamp they may be used, are always made of tiuii taken from
the garments worn by the palol, and the substance used in
the lamps is butter.

Of the two fireplaces in the outer room, the tbratthwaskal
is used for ordinary purposes, for cooking food, &c. The

92 THE TODAS chap.

other, called pelkkatitthwaskal, or sometimes persmkaftth-
zvaskal, is used for lighting the lamp or for any other purpose
directly connected with the vessels of the inner room.

The Daily Life at the Ti

The inhabitants of the ti rise before it is light, probably
about five a.m., and on getting up from the bed some say
" ekirzani meidjanir ^ The kaltuiokJi goes at once to open
the tu in which the buffaloes have been penned for the night.
The palol salutes with hand to forehead when he leaves the
sleeping-hut and goes to the front of the dairy, where there is
water standing in a bamboo vessel called papun, correspond-
ing to the kepun of the village dairy. He washes his hands
and face, and then washes out his mouth by taking up water
with his right hand, pouring into his left, and taking the
water into his mouth from the latter. It is noticeable that the
palol usQi his left hand for this purpose of personal cleanliness,
and not the right hand, which is chiefly used in his sacred
work. He then ties up his straggling hair at the back of his
head, bows down at the threshold of his dairy and enters, in
some cases saying " ekirzain nieidjani " as he does so.

When the palol enters the outer room of the dairy, he
transfers fire from the tbratthzvaskal, where it has been burn-
ing all night, to the other fireplace, the pelkkatittJnvaskal, and
then takes off the kiibuntiuii, which has been his covering
during the night and puts the pbdrshtuni round his loins.
He lights the lamp by means of three pieces of wood of the
kind called kid, taken from the pelkkatitt/nvaskal, and while
so doing begins to pray, using the prayer of the //. After
lighting the lamp, and while still continuing to pray, he takes
up the persinkudriki and knocks with it on the middle of the
three vessels called persin, going from one persin to another,
when he pauses to take breath. I had the greatest difficulty
in finding out exactly what happened in connexion with this

1 These arc the kwarzain, or prayer names (see Chapter X) of Teikirzi and
Tirshti. They were used by Naburs (64) who had been palol at the Pan ti, but it
is doubtful whether their use or the use of any other kwarzain on these occasions
is an estsbhshed custom.

THE TI DAIRY 93

prayer, but after I had settled on the foregoing description as
correct I was allowed one day by the kaltmokJi to go near
the dairy while the palol was praying, and was able to hear
the beating on the earthenware v^essel with each word of the
prayer.

The next step is to take up the poJivct and place it against
the wall, and then the palol begins to churn the coagulated
milk in the middle /tv^v'//, milk in this state being here called
kiidabpol instead of adrpars, as in the ordinary dairy.

In those cases in which the mani is ' fed,' the palol puts
kudabpol on the bell shortly after beginning to churn. This
is done three times, the syllable On being uttered each time.
When \\\Q palol does anything three times in this way, he says
that he does it iniishtiu. This expression for ' thrice ' is not
used in the ordinary dairy.

The next steps are to pour into the kwoi and karitbrzuin
most of the coagulated milk which has been broken up by
the churning, to add to the milk remaining in the pers I /i some
persinpen^ or butter especially kept for the purpose in the
peptbrsuvi, to add water, and to churn the mixture of coagu-
lated milk, water, and butter in the middle /j/'i-/;/. When the
new butter is formed, the /rt/^i/ pours out the buttermilk into
the vessel called idfkivoi, keeping back the butter with his
hand. The buttermilk is transferred from the idrkivoi to one
of the alug in the outer room. Some of the milk which had
been put into the kwoi or karitbrsum is then poured back into
the middle persin, more water is added, and the mixture is
churned, after which the buttermilk is again transferred by
means of the idrkivoi to the aliig, while the butter is kept in
the persin. This procedure is repeated till all the milk of the
m\dd\Q persin has been churned.

The persin on the right-hand side of the palol is then taken,
and its position exchanged with that of the vessel hitherto
used, and the churning is continued in exactly the same
manner. The buttermilk is transferred to the alug, but the
butter when formed is transferred to the persin, which had
been originally in the middle. When the contents of the
second persin have been churned, the third persin is placed in
the middle and the same procedure is followed, so that when

94 THE TODAS chap.

the churning is over all the butter which has been formed will
be in the persin which was originally in the middle. Some
of this butter is put into t\\Q peptbi'ziun to act 2^s persinpen on
another occasion, and the remainder is transferred to the
butter ahig by means of the idrkwoi. The two tbrziim are
then put on the tops of two of the persin as covers, the peptbr-
,-:ii7n being placed on the middle persin and the palol takes
the milking- vessel (kwoi) and wand [kwoinbrtpei) in his right
hand and goes out to milk, having first put some buttermilk,
called pep, into the kzvoi.

When the palol leaves the dairy, he raises the milking-
vessel and wand to his forehead and salutes in the way
shown in Fig. 27. The Todas say that he is saluting the
sun and the buffaloes. It is probable that, in general, the
palol faces approximately east as he salutes, but there is
no doubt that, at the present time, his salutation is chiefly to
the buffaloes. He salutes in the same direction both morning
and evening, and certainly pays no attention to the direction
in which the sun lies.

This salutation is now often done in a very perfunctory
manner. The vessel and wand may be raised hastily to the
forehead for a few seconds only as the /(^/c»/ goes towards his
buffaloes, and I am doubtful whether the salutation is ever
performed exactly as shown in the figure, for the vessel con-
tains some of the buttermilk called pep, which might be spilt
if the vessel were held quite horizontally.

When the palol salutes, he says " On " three times, and re-
peats two or three clauses of the dairy prayer, usually the
kwarzam of the more important gods of the dairy.

When going to milk and when going from one buffalo to
another, the kwoi and kivoindrtpet are always held together in
the right hand. When the kiuoi is filled, it is taken into the
dairy. If it is the custom of the dairy to put milk on the
viani, this is now done three times, saying "(9;/ " each time, and
then the milk is poured into the mxddlo. persin, the kzvoi being
held in the left hand, and \.\\q palol goes out again to refill the
kzvoi. When all the persinir have been milked, the milk of
the three /^rj-zV^ is mixed together by pouring from one to the
other. The reason for this is that the buttermilk, called pep,

THE TI DAIRY

is only taken out in the kxvoi on first going to milk, and
in consequence the pep would affect the milk of the middle
persin only if its contents were not mixed with those of the
vessels filled later.

The palol next goes out to milk the punir, taking for this

FIG, 27. — THE ' PALOL,' KAKKIEVAN, SALUTING AT MODR. HE IS STANDING
IN THE ' PEPKARMUS.' THE BUILDING NEXT TO THE ' PALOL ' IS THE
' TI POH ' ; THAT ON THE RIGHT IS THE ' KARENPOH,' AND BETWEEN
IT AND THE ' TI POH ' CAN BE SEEN THE HUT WHERE THE INHABITANTS
OF THE ' TI MAD ' SLEEP.

purpose the vessel called karpiin and an ordinary wand, the
kwoi and kwoinbrtpet being only used for the more sacred
buffaloes. There was some difference of opinion as to what
should be done with the milk of the punir. According to

THE TODAS

CHAP.

some it may be used to fill the persin if these are not filled
by the milk of the pcrsinir ; according to others it is wrong
to do this, and the milk of puiiir should on no account be put
in the more sacred vessels of the inner room. I think there
is no doubt that at the Nodrs // at any rate the first pro-
cedure is followed. At this ti the punir outnumber the
persinir by far, and it is probable that the milk of the former
is used to supplement that of the more sacred buffaloes,

although it is contrary
to tradition that this
should be done.

The three pei^sin be-
ing filled, the tbrzmn
are again put on as
covers, and the palol
takes up the wand
called pohvet, and
prays, standing in front
of the screen {patu7i)
with his hands lying
over one another cross-
wise on the top of the
stick as shown in Fig.
28. He recites the full
prayer of the //, then
replaces the poJivet be-
tween the persin and
the pntun and this act
of replacing the wand
marks the end of the
more sacred part of the dairy operations. If a Toda wishes
to ascertain if the work of the dairy is over, he asks, " Has
he taken the pchvet ? "

T\\Q palol wow unties his hair, sees to anything necessary in
connexion with his food, fills the iippun with buttermilk, and
then leaves his dairy and goes to sit on the seat called
pohvelkars on one side of the door of the dairy, viz., on the
opposite side to that on which the mani is placed. At Modr
he sits on the stone on the right side of the door when going

FIG. 28.— TO SHOW THE ATTITUDE ADOPTED
BY THE 'I'ALOL' WHEN,- PRAYING.

THE TI DAIRY 97

in (K in Fig. 26), and the fact that he does so is one of the
reasons which make it probable that the arrangement of the
poll of that place is as I have given it in the plan.

When the palol has seated himself on the pohvdkars, he
calls out to the kaltinokJi '^ KaizJivatitva',' "Come here and
pour buttermilk ! " When the kaltinokh comes, the palol
gives the iippiin to the boy, who says three times "' Kaizhvat-
ki)ia," " Shall I pour buttermilk ? " and the palol replies each
time, " Vail" The kaltinokh pours from the iippun into a
cup made of the leaf called kakiiders held by the palol, who
drinks after raising to his forehead. This is repeated till the
palol is satisfied, when the leaf-cup from which he has been
drinking is thrown away,^ and he goes again into the outer
room to get food. He gives food to the kalhnokli, who eats it
in the sleeping-hut, while the /«/<?/ himself eats sitting on the
pohvelkars. If any niorol (see p. 107) are present, they are
fed at this stage with buttermilk and food by the kaltinokh,
who gives them the buttermilk out of the inbrpnn, pouring it
into leaf-cups as when giving to the palol.

The rest of the morning is passed in looking after the
buffaloes, cutting firewood, plucking leaves used as cups
and plates, or doing any other work connected with the ti.

In the afternoon the palol returns to his dairy and goes
through the same operations as in the morning, except that
he fetches water from the kivoinir early in the proceedings,
usually bringing enough for the work of that afternoon and of
the next morning. He churns the milk drawn in the morning,
and when the time for milking has arrived, the buffaloes will
have returned to the milking-place, and as soon as they arrive
their calves are let out from the house (Jcarenpoli) in which
they have been kept.

When the churning and milking are over, the buffaloes are
shut up in the tu for the night. Hhe palol then takes butter-
milk as in the morning, and both he and the kaltinokh take
their food. The latter eats his food in the sleeping-hut as in

^ In the story of Kwoto and the Keradr ti (Chap. IX) the kaltmokh has to pour
away buttermilk at an appointed spot^ It is probable that this buttermilk is that
unfinished by the palol, and possibly this custom is still followed but was not
mentioned by my informants.

98 THE TODAS chap.

the morning, and the palol does not enter till the boy has
finished. As the palol enters, the kaltmokh says ''■On " thrice,
takes the horn or horns, and standing at the door blows three
times (if there are two horns, three times on each horn), and
then re-enters the hut and all go to rest.

In the afternoon the /(t/^/ prays three times ; when lighting
the lamp, and after milking and filling the three persin as in
the morning, and again after shutting up the buffaloes in the
tu for the night, when he stands in front of the entrance
to the pen. In each case he uses the whole of the ordinary
prayer of the dairy. He also utters a {q\w clauses of the
prayer when going out to milk. These prayers will be given
in Chap. X.

The Palol

The palol, who must belong to the Teivaliol, is chosen
by the members of the Tarthar clan to which the // belongs.
He may hold office for as long as he pleases up to eighteen
years, and, according to some accounts, he might continue in
office even after this period, though there is no case known in
which this has happened.

The usual duration of office seems now to be only two or
three years, though a man may often be reappointed either to
the same or another ti. At the time of my visit, one. palol had
been continuously in office for sixteen years, another for six
years, and the rest for shorter periods. At the present time
the office of palol is vacant at several dairies owing to the
difficulty of obtaining qualified occupants.

During the whole time he holds office, the palol may
not visit his home or any other ordinary village, though he
may visit another ti village. Any business with the outside
world is done either through the kaltmokh or with people
who come to visit him at the ti. All business with the
Badagas is transacted through a special man of this caste
called the tikelfmav. If the palol has to cross a river, he may
not pass by a bridge, but must use a ford ; and it appears that
he may only use certain fords ; thus it is easy to cross the
Paikara river just above the bridge, but i\\Q palol of the Nodrs

THE TI DAIRY 99

//was not allowed to do so and had to use a ford nearer to the
dairy at Mo dr.

'V\\c pa/ol must be celibate, and if married, he must leave his
wife, who is in most cases also the wife of his brother or
brothers. According to the account given by Finicio in 1603,
\.h& palol co\.\\d send for his wife and meet her in a wood every
week or so and might also send for the wives of any other
Todas. It is possible that this may still happen, but I failed
to obtain an account of it and understood that the /c?/^;/ was
really celibate. According to Finicio the restriction to which
\\\Q pa/ol is subject is that he may not touch a woman in the
house. We have seen that in the lowest rank of the dairyman-
priesthood intercourse with women in the house is allowed at
any time and in the higher ranks only on certain days of the
week. It is quite consistent with this that in the highest rank
intercourse in the house should be altogether forbidden,
but might still be allowed in the forest, and it is quite possible
that Finicio is correct. I was unacquainted with his account
at the time of my visit, and all other writers had been so
unanimous as to the complete celibacy of the palol that I did
not press my inquiries on this point very closely.

If a death occurs in the clan of a palol, he cannot attend
any of the funeral ceremonies unless he gives up his office. If
he resigns he is not again eligible for the office till the second
funeral ceremonies have been completed. When a man of
one clan gives up his office in this way, his place must be
taken by a man of some other clan. Karkievan of Piedr was
palol of the Nodrs ti eighteen years ago and resigned when
his wife died, his place being taken by Tulchievan of Kusharf.
Two years later Karkievan resumed office and has been palol
continuously since that time. Though there have been many
deaths among the Piedrol, he has not attended a funeral, and
has not, therefore, had to resign his post again.

In old times, it seems probable that it was usual to give up
the office o{ palol when there was a death in the clan. Accord-
ing to tradition, the division of the Keadrol into the Keadrol
and Kwaradrol by Kwoten (see Chap. IX) was ordained in
order that there might still be men to undertake the office of
palol when there was a death in the clan, the men of the

II 2

THE TODAS chap.

Keadrol taking office when there was a death among the
Kwaradrol and vice versa.

It has been stated by several writers on the Todas that the
palol does not profit in any way by his sacred office. I made
most careful inquiries on this point, and there seemed to be no
doubt that the palol may often make a considerable income
from the sale of the ghi made from the milk of the herd
under his charge ; one palol was stated to make six rupees a
week in this way, and while he has been in office is said to
have increased his own herd (?>., that of his own family) by
no less than twenty-five buffaloes. In one recent case, a man
has resigned the post of palol to the Pan // because he
found the income was too small.

According to my informant, Kaners, a man used always to
accept the office of palol unwillingly. When the offer came
to him, he would say, " I cannot leave my buffaloes ; I cannot
leave my wife and my children." Then the people would say,
" You are born for the ti\ it is your birthright ; you must not
refuse " ; and the man would reluctantly consent. Now the
Todas are in more need of money than they used to be, and
there is no difficulty in obtaining candidates for those dairies
at which the pecuniary advantages are sufficiently great, so
that people will now beg to be appointed as palol to certain
dairies, and it is even whispered that bribes have been offered
in order to obtain office. There is no doubt whatever that the
pecimiary reward is the chief inducement to people to under-
take the charge.

The Nodrs ti has the largest herd of buffaloes, and I was
told that this ti is very much coveted, while others which
have few buffaloes are unable to obtain a /^/(?/ at all. My
Teivali friends invariably talked about the // in exactly the
same kind of way that an Englishman talks about a benefice.

At the present time there are several instances in which
the office of palol is vacant, and there seems to be a growing
difficulty in filling many of these places. There is little
doubt that the chief reason for this is that the herds have
become very small, so that the resulting profit does not offer
sufficient inducement ; but there is also no doubt that the
exclusion from the home and the limitation of intercourse

THE TI DAIRY

with the world in general act as deterrents to those who are
thinking of becoming candidates for the vacant places.

Another point about which several writers have erred is
in supposing that \.\\q palol is important in the general govern-
ment of the Todas and in stating that the Todas go to him
for counsel and advice. I inquired into this very carefully,
and there seemed to be no doubt whatever that \\\q. palol has ji
absolutely no functions outside the management of his dairy
and of ceremonies connected with it. He has no place on
the naiui, or council, and only appears before it as defendant
or witness in matters connected with the //'. I could not
ascertain that any one ever consults \.\\q palol o\\ any business
except that of the //, and outside his office he has nothing
whatever to do, and is little thought of by the Todas. The
sanctity attaching to the/i^/c?/ and the reverence paid to him
are attached and paid wholly to the holder of the office and
not at all to the man.

The ordinary Toda may only approach the palol on two
days of the week, Monday and Thursday. On other days, if
he wishes to communicate, he must stand a considerable
distance from the ti — it was said as much as a quarter of
a mile — -and carry on his conversation from this distance. I
had, however, the opportunity of observing that the distance
was diminished on some occasions.

On no account may s. palol qwqv be touched by an ordinary
person. A palol becomes himself an ordinary person, or: perol,
if either he or his dairy should be touched by any uncon-
secrated person. Recently Nodrners {6y) lost the office of
palol to the warsir at the Nodrs ti, because a Tamil man went
to his dairy while he was out looking after his buffaloes ; he
was soon reappointed, but to another //.

The Toda who approaches \.\\q palol must go kevenarut, i.e.,
with his right arm out of the cloak, and there is a definite
form of salutation which is different forTartharol and Teivaliol.
When one of the former approaches, the palol says " Ban," and
the Tarthar man replies " Ir kaudd" literally " Buffalo, calf,
have you?" To one of the Kuudrol, the chief Teivali clan,
the palol says the I'zuarzam, or sacred name of Kuudr, followed
by the word idil/i, i.e., he utters the words IvikaiunokJi

I02 THE TODAS chap.

kiitmeil ten iditJi. When any other TeivaH man approaches,
the palol says ^'Pekein" but all the Teivaliol reply with
the same formula as the Tartharol. If a Tarthar man and
a Teivali man approach the palol together, the former will
be greeted first. The palol greets the man to whose
division the buffaloes belong before the man of his own clan
or division.

If a Toda is in the condition called ichc/iil, i.e., has been
defiled in connexion with funeral or other ceremonies, it was
said that he might not approach \.\\q: palol. I had an interest-
ing example, however, of the way in which a regulation of
this kind is observed. While Teitnir (52) had ichchil, owing
to the fact that the funeral ceremonies of a relative had not
been completed, he went with me to the Modr // one day and
approached within a few yards of the palol. He had taken off
the semi-European clothing he often wore, and had his right
arm bare, but no greeting of any kind took place between him
and the palol ; the latter did not recognise his presence in any
way and behaved as if Teitnir were not there. On this occasion
Teitnir was icJichilon account of the death of a more or less dis-
tant relative. Later his wife died, and then there seemed to be
no doubt that he would not under any circumstances have
approached the // or the palol.

There are several regulations concerning the food of the
palol. Any grain he eats must be that provided by the
Badagas. At the present time more rice is eaten than was
formerly the case. This is not grown by the Badagas, but
nevertheless the rice for the palol must be obtained through
them. The palol may drink milk, but only that from the
buffaloes called punir. He must take his food sitting on the
seat, or pohvelkars, outside the dairy, and, as we have seen, he
uses for this purpose the seat which is not on the same side as
the Diani. He usually prepares the food himself and cooks
it on the fireplace called tbrattJnvaskal in the outer room of
dairy ; but there is also a fireplace outside the dairy which is
used sometimes, especially when food has to be prepared for
many people, and then the palol may be assisted by the
kaltniokh. If food is prepared by the kaltniokk, the fireplace
outside the dairy must be used.

V " THE TI DAIRY 103

The only food which the palol is altogether forbidden is
chillies.

The /rt/f/ wears garments of the kind called tuni, of a dark
grey material made at Nulturs in the Coimbatore district.
They are brought to the palol by the Badaga called iikelfniav}
Each palol has two of these garments. One is worn as
a loincloth and is called pbdrsJituni. It is only worn when
definitely engaged in dairy- work and on certain ceremonial
occasions, and at other times is kept in the outer room of the
dairy. The other garment is called kubmituni, and is worn
like the ordinary cloak, but always with the right arm out
{kevenariif). It is worn when not engaged on sacred busi-
ness, and on a izw occasions is worn together with the
pbdrsJituni. The small perineal cloth ordinarily called kiivn
is made of the same material as the tii7ii and is called
kagiirs at the //, while the string which passes round the
waist and holds the kagurs in place is called kivainur or
kwoinur.

1 was told that the palol should never cut his hair or his
nails while he is in office.

If 3. palol has held office for eighteen years without a break,
he performs a special ceremony. The essential feature of
this ceremony is that the palol has intercourse in the day-
time with a girl or young woman who must belong to the
Tartharol. The woman is chosen by the /^/t?/ and the matter
is arranged by the clan to which the // belongs. On the
appointed day the woman is brought to a village near the
dairy at which the palol is living ; if he is at Modr, for
instance, the woman will come to the adjacent village of
Perththo. She must bathe carefully and be adorned with all
possible ornaments and fine clothing. After the work of the
morning is over, the /^/o/ gives rice and milk to the kaltniokh
and tells him to have food ready for him when he returns at
night. He then goes covered with his kubuntuni to a wood
near the village, where the woman will be awaiting him. Later
the woman returns to the village and the palol remains in the

' According to Brceks (p. 14) ihesc garments are made by the ]5adagas of
Jakaiieri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that they are pro-
cured through the Badagas living in this village.

I04 THE TOD AS chap.

wood completely naked till sunset, when he dresses and returns
to the neighbourhood of his dairy, but remains in an adjoining
wood till midnight. He then bathes in a stream and going
to the dairy calls " Kaltiiwkhia ! " twice. The kaltmokh comes
out of the sleeping hut and brings a stone resembling the
pohvelkars, on which the palol sits, and the kaltmokJi pours
buttermilk ikaizJivatiti) for the palol according to the
customary ritual. Then the kaltmokh brings the papuii, and
the /'(^/t'/ washes his hands and goes to rest. There was some
difference of opinion among the Todas as to whether t\\Q palol
would continue to hold office after this ceremony. He un-
doubtedly returns to his work, but it seemed probable that he
would retire after a short time and his place be taken by
another. In this ceremony the celibate priest after eighteen
years of office has intercourse with a woman belonging to the
division not his own. This takes place in the day-time, the
palol ihws committing an act which is ordinarily regarded by
the Todas as immoral.^

The last occasion on which this ceremony was performed
was when it was done by Kodrizbon, who lived before the
time of the grandfather of Kaners, who is himself an old
man. Karkievan has now been palol of the Nodrs ti for
sixteen years, and there was already at the time of my
visit much talk among the Todas about the ceremony which
he might be expected to perform two years later.

A man who has given up the office of palol is known as patol.
It was quite clear that, on resigning office, he entirely lost his
sanctity, and it did not seem that he derived any great social
importance from having held the sacred office. I could find
no instance of a man who had been palol having any special
influence or power either in his clan or among the Todas
generally. Only in one way are i\\Q patol important, and that
is as repositories of the knowledge of the dairy ritual, and
any man about to enter on the office of palol will learn
the details of the ritual from those who have held office
before him.

I could learn of one privilege only pertaining to a patol.

^ It is possible lliat Finiciowas told of this custom, and that his statement about
the relations of the /a/iS'/ to women only refer to (his ceremony.

V • THE TI DAIRY 105

He is allowed to go to the // mad on the day called upkarvnol,
after the pomip ceremony (see Chap. VIII), and on that
occasion he receives food from \he palol.

The Kaltmokh

The kaltmokh is usually a boy, but he may occasionally
continue to hold office till he is about twenty years of age.
He must belong either to the Teivaliol or to the Melgarsol.
He is a general assistant to the palol, and has also certain
definitely assigned duties, such as giving buttermilk to the
palol and blowing the horns at night. He also takes part in
several important ceremonies.

When away from the dairy and its immediate surroundings
he wears an ordinary cloak, but always with his right arm
outside. When engaged in his work at the dairy or in the
pal of the ti, he must be naked except for the kuvn. When
he has been away from the ti he may not return by the path
used by the palol, but must use a special path, carrying the
cloak folded and hung over his shoulder. At the Modr
dairy, however, I noticed that the kaltmokh sometimes kept
his cloak in a tree just outside the ti mad, and then went in
and out by the same path as \.\\q palol.

The kaltmokh sleeps in the same hut as the palol, from
whom he receives his food. When there are two palol and
only one kaltmokh, the two dairymen divide the duty of
feeding the boy between them.

The kaltmokh never goes into the dairy, but he may put
his hand into the outer room to take out those vessels which
he is allowed to touch. He may never touch the vessels of
the inner room.

There are two grades in the office of kaltmokh, a lower
called /tv'/7/r.i-^/ and a higher called tuuitiisthkaltmokh or inW
kaltmokh. The latter wears a piece of tnni called /tV//^/ on
the left side of the string {Iccrk) supporting the perineal
cloth.

The pcrkursol is allowed to go to certain places and do
certain things which are not allowed to the full kaltmokh.
Whenever it is necessary that the kaltmokh should do any of

Jo6 THE TODAS chap.

the forbidden things, or even if he is Hkely to be in such a
position that he may have to do these things, he becomes
perkiirsol. This he does by throwing off the pctiini and
dipping one leg either into the pool of water called tariipiin-
kiidi (see p. 177) or into the dairy stream {pali nipa) of an
ordinary dairy (if he dipped his leg into the ars nipa, or part
of a stream used for ordinary household purposes, he would
at once lose his office entirely and become an ordinary
person). As soon as he has dipped his foot, he becomes
perkursol and may do the following things summed up in
the general expression tarskivardrki'idthodi. He may pass a
village where there is a woman in the seclusion-hut {pitzJiars),
or where the relics of the dead are being kept between the
two funeral ceremonies ; he may go to a place where the
people have been in communication with a village in which
either of these conditions exist ; he may pass a river by a
bridge, and he may go to the ivursuli of a Tarthar village.
If the full kaltmokli does any of these things, even unwittingly,
he would at once become an ordinary person {perol). The
kaltmokh degrades himself to the rank o'i perkursol even when
there is merely the danger that he may infringe any of the
restrictions ; thus, one day when there was a woman at Karia
who was in seclusion after childbirth, the kaltmokh at Modr,
Katsog (55), was going to the hut of the forest guard near
Paikara. He would not have to pass Karia, but there was
a chance that the forest guard might have been in com-
munication with the people of Karia, and therefore Katsog
became perkursol. A perkursol is regarded as of the same
rank as a wursol, and the people spoke of perkursol as a
ti word for tvursol — z> , a zvursol at the ti was called
perkursol, just as a madtJi (churn) at the // was called
kbgJdag. In order to regain his rank as full kaltmokh, the
perkursol has to perform the same ceremony as that which
takes place at the end of the ordination to this office (see
Chap. VII).

While the kaltmokh is degraded to the rank of perkursol
he may not touch any dairy vessels ; he may not pour butter-
milk for \.\\Q palol, nor may he blow the horns — i.e., he may do
none of the more important and sacred duties of his office.

THE TI DAIRY 107

The Morol

I have said that no ordinary Toda is allowed to approach
the /<?/c/ except on certain days, and then may only go to a
certain place in the surroundings of the ti. There is, how-
ever, one very remarkable exception to this rule, the members
of certain clans having the privilege of going to the // at any
time and taking buttermilk {inbr\ Owing to the latter
privilege they are always known as iiibrol.

The most important morol are the members of the Melgars
clan, and at the Nodrs ti they are the only people possessing
these peculiar rights. A Melgars man may go to the ti on
every day of the week, when he enters the small enclosure in
which the dairy is situated, going, however, by a special
opening at the back so that he does not actually pass the
dairy and sits down in front of or may enter the sleeping hut.
He is given buttermilk by the kaltinokh after it has been
given to i\\Q palol, and he also receives food. At the Nodrs tt
the two palol divide the responsibility of providing food
between them ; if four morol come, Qc^ch palol gives food for
two men.

The rights of the Melgarsol appear to be exercised very
constantly. I rarely visited the Modr //" without finding
several morol present, and so far as I could observe they made
the most of their privileges and enjoyed themselves well. It
was very remarkable to see several Todas making themselves
quite at home at the ti, while other Todas were standing out-
side wholly prohibited from entering into the life of the place.
On one occasion when I visited Modr, the brother oi owq palol
was standing without at the appointed spot waiting till the
business of the morning was over, while several morol were
within enjoying their privileges to the full.

The Melgarsol have certain other rights and duties in con-
nexion with the //, and especially on the occasion of the
procession which takes place when the buffaloes migrate from
one place to another (see Chap. VI), after which ceremony the
morol sleep at the // mad. At some dairies members of other
clans may act as morol, but in no case do they occupy quite
so privileged a position as the people of Melgars. Thus, at

io8 THE TODAS chap.

the Kars and the Pan ti the people of Kars are inbrol, but
they may only visit the // and take buttermilk and are not
allowed to sleep there, nor have they any of the special
ceremonial duties of the Melgarsol.

When the dairy of a ti mad needs to be repaired or rebuilt,
this is done by Melgars men, who must previously undergo an
ordination ceremony of the same character as that for the
office of zuitrsol, and the men rank as ivursol while engaged
in the work. The hut of the ti mad is also repaired or rebuilt
by the Melgarsol, but in this case the work is done without
any special ceremony. In either case the Melgars men are
not allowed to leave the ti mad, and they sleep in the living
hut while the work is being done.

Another duty of the Melgarsol is to assist in carrying the
corpse of 2. palol who has died in office.

On the occasion of the teutiitustJicJii ceremony in 1902,
when the palol and kaltmokJi left the dairy at Modr for
several hours, I found a Melgars man in the neighbourhood of
the dairy, and it seemed to me that he was watching the
dairy while the regular guardians were away. I was told
however, that this was not one of the recognised duties of a
mbrol, and I suspected that he was stationed at Modr at the
time of my visit, because it was feared that I might take
advantage of the absence oi \\\e palol \.o make a closer inspec-
tion of the dairy than was allowed.

New Dairy Vessels

The earthenware vessels of the inner room {persiii and
tbrzuui) are procured from Hindus through the Badagas.
They were formerly obtained from a place called Kulpet
(Kundapeta), near Nanjankudi in Mysore, and I was told
that the Todas used to go down to fetch them.

The earthenware vessels of the outer room {aliig) are
obtained from the Kotas like those of the ordinary dairy.
The churn or kbghlag is made by the Todas themselves
from the slender bamboo growing on the hills.

The material out of which the bamboo vessels {kivoi,
idrkwoi, karpiin, uppini) are made, is procured from a place

THE TI DAIRY 109

called Ebenput(?) near Musinigudi. When new vessels are
required, and there is only one kaltniokh, a second is ap-
pointed, who goes to Ebenput, where he cuts bamboo called
koli, which is large enough for the dairy vessels. The bamboo
is taken by the kaltinokli to the //, and the new vessels are
manufactured by \hQ pa/ol.

It is possible for the kaltmokJi to go to Ebenput and back
in one day, but if unable to do this he may stay the night at
Taradr, the nearest etiiduiad to Musinigudi. The bamboo for
the new vessels, however, must not be taken to Taradr, but
must be left in a wood near the village, and taken on to the
// mad on the following day.

Any new vessels or implements must be purified before
being used. The earthenware vessels of the inner room are
taken from the Badagas who bring them, and are rubbed over,
inside and out, with the bark of the tiidr tree, after which the
bark is put inside the vessel, water is poured in three times,
saying "(9;?," and the contents rinsed round and poured out.
Water is then put in the vessel, which is placed for a time on
the fireplace to make it look old, the fireplace used being the
pelkkatittJnvaskal. The khgJdag or churning stick is purified
by rubbing tudr bark over it and pouring water all over it
three times. The churning stick and the earthenware vessels
of the inner room are both purified in the outer room of the
dairy, and the purification must be performed on a Sunday.

The kwoi is purified on the same day of the week in front
of the buffalo enclosure or tii. After churning, \hQ palol takes
the new kzvoi, and a tbrzinn full of water, and purifies the
former with tudr bark and water three times in the way
already described. He then milks into the new kiuoi for the
first time, and on this occasion he must be careful not to fill
the vessel completely.

The idrkzvoi is purified in the same manner as the other
vessels and also on a Sunday, but the purification is per-
formed at the junction of the inner and outer rooms of the
dairy.

New vessels and other objects belonging to the outer room
are purified with the same procedure in their own room, but
on a Tuesday or Wednesday.

THE TODAS chap.

The kxvoi or milking vessel is the only vessel which is not
purified inside the dairy. With the exception of this vessel
all the other objects used in the dairy are purified in the
outer room or at the junction of the inner and outer rooms.

All old, broken or worn-out vessels or implements are
thrown away except the kivoi, which must be buried in a
wood near a dairy. Thus this vessel is treated unlike other
contents of the dairy, both when being purified and when
rejected as of no further use. I could obtain no explanation
of this, and can only suggest that the exceptional treatment
is due to the fact that it comes into actual contact with the
sacred buffaloes.

The Five Ti

At present there are only five ti in existence, belonging to
the clans of Nodrs, Kars, Pan, Kw6droni, and Nidrsi. The
Keradrol are said to have had a ti at one time which was
spirited away by the god Kwoto (see Chap. IX) and the
name of one of its places, Tikirs, is still preserved.

The most important ti belongs to Nodrs and this is one of
the original institutions, the //' of Kars and that of Kwodrdoni
being the others. The Pan ti is derived from that of Nodrs
(see story of Kwoten), and the Nidrsi ti is an offshoot of the
Kwodrdoni institution.

Of these five //, that of Nodrs is the only one which still
has Xxvo palol. The Kars // has only one palol^'a.nd. similarly
that of Pan. The ti of Kwodrdoni and Nidrsi are at present
unoccupied. At the Kwodrdoni // the office is filled once a
year for a limited period in order to satisfy certain requirements
of the Kotas.

No // is allowed to be vacant when the final funeral
ceremonies are performed for any member of the clan to which
the ti belongs, and it is only on the occasion of these
ceremonies that d. palolis, now appointed to the Nidrsi //.

Each // has certain features of organisation and procedure
peculiar to itself There are certain differences of ritual and
differences in the names and kinds of the buffaloes and sacred
objects. The history and special features of each // will
now be considered.

THE TI DAIRY

The Nodrs Ti

The goddess Teikirzi lived at Nodrs and was its ruler, and
Nodrs was in consequence especially favoured when the
various buffaloes were distributed by this deity. When Piiv
died and On went away to Amnodr (see p. 185), the Nodrs //
and its buffaloes went with him. Teikirzi, who remained
behind, found after a time that it was not good to rule a
country without a //, so she complained to On and asked him
to send the buffaloes back. He consented and people were
sent from Nodrs to Amnodr to fetch the buffaloes. On gave
them the buffaloes and all the things of the ti, and he also gave a
milking vessel and a churning stick made of gold. When
the men started to bring back the buffaloes, they went some
way and then found that they had forgotten the gold vessel
and churn given to them by On. So they went back and
asked On for the two things. On refused to give them up as
they had not been taken at first, and it is believed that they
are still in the dairy at Amnodr.

On told the men who returned to ask for the things they
had forgotten that the Todas were to make the vessel and
churn of bamboo. They were to go to the hill called
Teikhars or Kulinkars, where they would find a flower called
kavulpjiv, and he told them to make a new kbghlag of the
same shape as that flower. They did so, and ever since that
time the churning-stick both at the ti and at the ordinary
village has been made so that it is like the flower kavnipuv.

Another incident which occurred during the journey of the
// buffaloes back from Amnodr was the birth of a iiiani. One
of the two palol was carrying the dairy vessels of the inner
room, and the other was carrying the viaiii called Keu.
When they were about half-way back to this world, the paloL
who was carrying the dairy vessels found that they had
become very heavy, so he put them down, and, taking off the
tbrzuui which was covering one of the persin, he found a bell
in the milk of the persin. So they called the bell Persin
because it was the son of a persin, and to this day the bell is
fed with milk because it was born in milk. It is the inani
which is kept in the ti poh of the Nodrs //, while the other

THE TODAS chap.

inaiii, Keu, carried by the other palol, is kept in the ivars poll
and this bell, Keu, is not fed with milk.

When the buffaloes of the Nodrs // returned from Amnodr,
they talked like men. One day when the palol told the
kaltmokli to bring the calves, the buffaloes used bad language
such as may not be uttered before women ; they would not
obey ^Q palol, and refused to allow him to milk them. Then
Teikirzi found that it was bad that buffaloes should have the
tongues of men, and she dragged the tongues out of the
mouths of the buffaloes and made them new tongues of tiidr
bark. The buffaloes could then talk no longer, and they
allowed themselves to be milked.

Originally the Nodrs ti had three places, or ti mad, given
to it by Teikirzi : Anto, Odrtho, and Kuladrtho. Later the
people made other ti mad, and at one time, in addition to
the three, they had the following places : — Modr, Kudreiil,
Majodr, Mukodr, Tidj, Puth, and Poos. Several of these are
now disused or have disappeared altogether, but are still
mentioned in the prayer of the //. Of the three original
places, Kuladrtho has disappeared and its place is occupied
by the Prospect tea estate. The sites of Tidj and Puth are
also occupied by tea estates. The way to Poos has been
blocked by a Kota village, so that the buffaloes would be
unable to reach it without being defiled by going through the
village, and, in consequence, this dairy is not used. Mukodr
is very close to another ti mad, probably Majodr, and the
palol " were lazy " and allowed it to fall into ruins. There is
a conical dairy, now in ruins, near Makurti Peak, which
belonged to the Nodrs //, and it is possible that this is the
dairy of Mukodr.

The herds now spend the greater part of the year at Modr,
but still go in most years to Anto, Odrtho, Kudreiil, and
Majodr at certain seasons.

The Nodrs ti has two kinds of persinir, the tiir and the
warsir, each of which has its own palol. There are also the
piinir for the special use of the palol. The tiir have three
subdivisions, the ujiir, the atir, and the teirtir, so called
because descended from certain buffalo ancestors, or nbdrkutchi,
who were connected with Anto, Tidj, and Teir. The zvaj'sir.

THE TI DAIRY ii

are divided into two groups, the kiilatir and the perit/iir, so
called because their iiodrkutchi were connected with Kuladrtho
and Perithi respectively. Teir is close to Modr, but does not
seem at any time to have been itself a ti mad, and I could
not ascertain why it should have given its name to one group
of the buffaloes. Perithi is near Gudalur, and in the prayer
of Anto (see p. 225), there is a reference to a ti dairy at this
place from which the buffaloes evidently took their name.

At most of the dairies the buffaloes stand together and the
two palol occupy the same ti mad, though each has his own
dairy ; but when one herd, that of the tiir, goes to Odrtho,
the other herd, that of the zvarsir, goes to another place
called Kudrciil. These two places are quite close to one
another, but are regarded as separate // mad. The reason
given for this separation was that at one time the zvarsir did
not behave properly at Odrtho, and Teikirzi ordered that
they should not stand there again, but should go to another
place. I could not ascertain what the buffaloes did to
merit this punishment.

I obtained a full account of the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti
at the time of my visit. There were seven nnir ; four adult
buffaloes, called Kozi, Perith, Kasimi, and Uf, and three
young buffaloes not yet named ; five atir, Persuth, Enmars,
Tothi, and two unnamed ; three teirtir, Piilkoth, Kdji, and
one unnamed. Of kulatir there were four, Koji, Keirev, and
two young buffaloes ; of perithir five, Kasimi, Kiud, Persv,
and two unnamed. Thus the ti palol had fifteen persinii',
and in addition about thirty ///;/?>, while the ivars palol hdid
\\\\\Q persinir and about fifteen///;//;'.

The dairy of the tiir is often called the // /<?//, and that
of the warsir, the wars poh, and every dairy has also its
special name ; thus, at Anto the dairy of the tiir is called
Medrpoh, and the dairy of the ivarsir is called Kadpoh or
Kadvoh. One of these dairies is of the conical form, but
my record does not tell me which. According to Breeks
the name of the conical dairy is Kiurzh. This is possibly
the same word as Kad(poh), the name of the dairy of the
ivarsir. The two dairies at Modr are Panpoh and Kanpoh.
The name of the ruined conical dairy near Makurti Peak

114 THE TODAS chap.

which belonged to the Nodrs // was Kateidipoh (Breeks,
Katedva).

The palol of the Nodrs // must be chosen either from the
people of Piedr or from those of Kusharf. Originally it was
ordained that the palol should be chosen from the Piedrol,
but later the Kuudr people obtained the right of becoming
palol. This lasted till about seven or eight generations ago,
when there is a story that the people of Kwurg (Coorg) came to
fight the Todas and drove off the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti,
which were standing at Modr. The /^/^/ was touched by the
Kwurg people and in consequence ceased to be palol, but
instead of pursuing the invaders, he sat down by the // wait-
ing till he could be reinstated in his office. The kaltmokh,
who belonged to Piedr, followed the Kwurg people, who had
carried off a large mani called Kan, and some people of
Nodrs and Kusharf also followed with the boy. The Kwurg
people saw the kaltmokh and told him that he might have the
buffaloes back if he would give them as many rupees as Kan
would hold. The kaltmokh had inside his loincloth a little
gold coin called //;;;^(7//w, which betook out and put into Kan
and immediately the bell became full of rupees and the gold
coin fell out. The Kwurg people took the rupees, and the
kaltmokh took the bell and drove the buffaloes back to Modr.

As the Kwurg people were making their way home, they
suddenly found that all the rupees had disappeared, so they
turned and pursued the kaltmokh and the buffaloes. Then
the kaltmokJi prayed :

Per wadrth vcdrma, kdrs zvadrtJi vcdrma, man mas vcdrmd.

" May the high hills be broken, may the rocks be broken,
may the trees fall down."

Directly there was a loud noise, the hills were divided,
stones rattled, and trees fell down. Then the Kwurg people
were afraid and returned to their own homes. ^ The Todas
held a council, and it was decided that, as the palol had not

^ This legendary account probably preserves a tradition of a real invasion of the
Nilgiri Hills by the people of Coorg. The Todas put the date of the occurrence
at about seven or eight generations ago. In 1774 Linga Raja, with 3,000 Coorgs,
invaded the Wainad and remained there for five years. During this time it is
highly probable that the Coorgs would have explored the Nilgiri Hills. (See
Mysore and Coorg, \>y Lewis Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. no.)

V ■ THE TI DAIRY 115

followed the buffaloes, the Kuiidr people should no longer
have the privilege of becoming /<^/(^/ of the Nodrs //, and that
in future the palol of this ti should be taken either from
Piedr or Kusharf

At the present time ^ the palol of the tiir is Karkievan of
Piedr, who has now been continuously in office for sixteen
years, having also had a previous period of office as palol.
T\vQ palol oi the ivarsir is Nerponers of Kusharf {66), who had
been in office for about a year at the time of my visit. The
kaltinokh is Katsog of Kuudr (55).

Although now one palol belongs to Piedr and the other to
Kusharf, it is not necessary that this should be so and it has
happened frequently that both palol have belonged to the
Piedrol.

The inani of the tiir, which is said to be made of iron, is
that called Persin, of whose miraculous birth an account has
been given. The viani of the warsirxs called Keu, and is said
to be made partly of gold, partly of silver, and partly of iron.
Milk is put on the former bell by the palol at every churning
and milking, but Keu is not ' fed.'

In addition there are four inaiii of the kind called kiidrs,
which are tied to the piinir and kept outside the door of the
dairy. Three of these belong to \.\\e pinii)' of the ii palol, and
are called Arvatz, Kiudz, and Kerani, and should be tied to
buffaloes named Piithiov, Peires, and Nersadr respectively.
The fourth bell belongs to the punir of the ivars palol, and
is called Kerani. It should be tied to a buffalo named
Talg.

The lamp of the ivars poll is one of those made of iron,
and is said to have come from Amnodr. It is called
Onavpelk, the lamp of the seven holes. The ti poh had a
similar lamp at one time, but it has been lost.

Three horns are kept in the sleeping-hut of the Nodrs
//. Two belong to the tiir, and are called Kiudrkudr and
Pudothkiidr. The third belongs to the tvarsir, and is called
Teigun. (For the origin of these horns see the story of
Korateu or Kuzkarv in Chap. IX.)

One feature of the ti poJi at Modr, which is certainly not

' In 1902.

I 2

ii6 THE TODAS chap.

general, is the presence of a screen in front of the door.
The effect of this screen is to protect the palol from the gaze
of the ordinary Todas when they are standing in their
appointed place. When I visited Modr I was allowed to go
into the enclosure where the buffaloes are milked, but this
privilege was not accorded to my Toda guides, and in
consequence I was often able to observe the doings of
the palol when they were hidden from my guides by the
screen.

The %vars poJi, on the other hand, has no such screen, but
the wall surrounding this dairy is much higher than at the
ti poll and effectually screens the palol from the public gaze.
The door of the wars poJi faces between north and north-east,
and that of the ti poJi south-east, but owing to the presence of
the screen the /^/^Z has on coming out to turn to the left, and
therefore faces north-east when salutinsr.

The Kars Ti

The following story gives the traditional origin of the ti
mad at Makars, one of the chief places of the Kars //, but I
could not ascertain definitely whether it was supposed to givei
the origin of the // as a whole or only of the ti mad at Makars.
The story runs that Anto created buffaloes, one of which came;
to Makars, where a tiidr tree was standing. The buffalo:
rubbed against the tree and part of the bark came off, and thatj
is why the place became a ti. When the buffalo found thatj
there was no palol at Makars and no kaltinok/i, it was very!
angry and raged about furiously. While it was doing this, it]
jumped some stones and fell into the river called Kitheri, andj
it also jumped a stream called Warwar. In spite of its falling]
into the river, however, it did not die, but got out and pushed
stones together with its horns so as to make a tii. Later]
a dairy was built near the tudr tree. Whether this was the]
origin of the ti or only of the ti mad of Makars, it seemed]
quite clear that the Kars // is believed to be one of the very
early institutions of the Todas. Its two ancient places were
Enodr and Makars. At each there were tu'o dairies, and one

THE TI DAIRY 117

at least of those at Enodr was of the conical variety and had
the special name of Medrpoh. Enodr has now fallen into
disuse. It was a few miles to the north-east of Ootacamund,
and it was no longer visited because the buffaloes would
have had to pass through Ootacamund in going from
Makars to Enodr and would have been defiled. Makars,
which is near the Nanjanad valley, is now the chief place
of the //, and the buffaloes were there at the time of my visit.

Another important and ancient place of the Kars // is Kon
(Lingmand) in the Kundahs. In the story of Kwoto
(see p. 204) the buffaloes were going to Enodr from Kon when
the boy showed his miraculous knowledge of the buffalo
kivarzam. Two other places are Neradr and Pars. Both
Kon and Neradr are still used, but Pars, which is not
far from Ootacamund, is no longer used, having been given
up because Badagas went to live near it.

As at the Nodrs //, there are two kinds o( persinir in
addition to the puiiir. The two kinds are called piirsir
and parsir, the former being also sometimes called cnodrir.
Although there are two kinds of sacred buffalo with their
corresponding dairies, there has never been more than
owe palol. When di palol is appointed to this //, he is ordained
to the office oi palol to the parsir, and, for the first month, he
attends to these buffaloes only and enters their dairy, the
parspoh, only. At the end of the month, he becomes palol to
the piirsir, with certain ceremonies, to be described later,
and from that time to the end of his period of office he works
in t\\(i piirspoh only and never enters i\\& parspoh, although he
continues to attend to the parsir as well as to the piirsir.
The milk of iho. parsir is mixed with that of t\\Q piirsir in the
vessels of the dairy belonging to the latter kind of buffalo.
This dairy, which is usually cdiWed piirspoh after the buffaloes,
has also the special name of Kakanmudri.

There is one bell belonging to the piirsir which has three
names, Perner, Uner, and Persagan, but it is also often called
Ner. Koboners told me that this bell is usually quite black,
but that he had once rubbed off the thick layer of soot and
dust with which it is covered and had found that it was made
of gold. It seems to have been of a light colour and

Ii8 THE TODAS chap.

may have been made of bronze. There is also a bell belong-
ing to the parsir called Talg.

Formerly the palol of the Kars ti was chosen from the
Melgarsol, but this clan lost the privilege owing to the mis-
behaviour of one of their number when holding the sacred
office. The buffaloes were standing at Enodr, and the Melgars
palol was milking a buffalo, when he saw a honey-bee. He
got up, left the buffalo, and went after the bee, leaving his
mil king- vessel behind. He followed the bee, found the nest,
took the comb, ate some of the honey, gave the remainder to
the kaltmokJi to put in the hut, and then went back and con-
tinued to milk the buffalo, whose name was Kan. When he
had finished milking, he was taking the milk into the dairy
when a plank fell on his head and he was killed. Then it
was decided that Melgars people should no longer ho, palol ^
and that the office in future should be filled from the Teivaliol.
Whenever the Todas wish to refer to the fact that the Melgars
people have lost the right of being palol, they say, " Kan
karvuk kHiztheniz upivHchi" or, "Kan milking, bee he followed
after."

T\\Q palol is now taken from Piedr, Kusharf or Kuudr, and
the present holder of the office is Nodrners {6y) of Kusharf
The dairies of this // are always near those of the Pan //, and
the two palol share one kaltmokh between them, the present
holder of this office being Teitun (64) of Piedr.

The Pan Ti

The legend of the origin of this // will be given in full in
the story of Kwoten (Chap. IX). When this hero was
reproved by his wife because the Pan people had no ti, he
obtained buffaloes from the Nodrs ti, so that the Pan //appears
to have been later in origin than those of Nodrs and Kars, and
to have been derived from the former.

Certain of the buffaloes are reputed to be descended from
an ancestor made by Teikhars or Kulinkars (see the story of
this god in Chap. IX).

The most important dairy of this ti appears to have been
situated at Tarsodr or Tazodr in the Kundahs, which is the

THE TI DAIRY 119

place to which the buffalo created by Teikhars found its \v£iy.
Tarsodr is about two miles from Kon, and there is still a dairy
of the conical kind at this place which is probably one of
those mentioned by Breeks under the name of Tarzhva. Its
special name was Pohujpoh or Puverizjjoh, and it belonged to
the group of buffaloes of the ti called tarsir. It is now falling
into ruins, having been disused for about twenty years. The
\d.st palol who went there was Pethovan (70) of the Kwaradr
division of the Keadrol. He died at Tarsodr soon after going
there in perfect health from Kudodr. His son, Kiudners,
later became palol to the tarsir, but was afraid to go to
Tarsodr because his father had died there. Like his father,
Kiudners died in office at Kudodr, and the death of both father
and son while holding the office o^ palol so alarmed the Todas
that no one has been to the dairy of Tarsodr since. I was
told that the dairy had been given up because the gods of
Tarsodr were so severe, i.e., it was assumed that both father
and son had been killed by the gods for some infringement of
dairy regulations. New dairies have since been built near
Kon, the seat of the Kars ti in the Kundahs.

The place at which the buffaloes were standing at the time
of my visit was Kudodr, near Makars, and this is the ti mad
which is occupied during the greater part of the year. Another
dairy is at Neradr, again near the ti mad of the same name
belonging to the Kars ti.

A fourth place, Uteradr, is now rarely visited, since the
buffaloes may only go there when there are two palol.

There seems to be a very close association between the
ti institutions of Kars and Pan. The buffaloes of the two
always move about together, and the dairies are so close to one
another that, at present, they are able to share the same
kaltmokJi.

The Pan // has two kinds of buffalo in addition to the
pitnir, viz., the tarsir and the ivarsir. At one time the
warsir belonged to one division of the Pan clan, called the
Panol, and the tarsir belonged to the other division, the
Kuirsiol. At Kon there are two dairies, one for each kind of
buffalo, and each kind should also have its own palol. At the
present time there is only one palol, who looks after the tarsir.

THE TODAS chap.

The dairy of the ivarsir, or the wai'sfoh, is closed and may
not be entered by the palol, and he is not allowed to milk
the -cvarsir, though he may milk the punir belonging to the
ivai'spoh.

Formerly the palol of the tarsir was chosen from the
Kwaradr division of the Keadrol and \\\q. palol of the warsir
from the other division of this clan, this arrangement being
said to have been ordained by Kwoten.

The Kwaradr division is now extinct and the remainder of
the Keadrol are not very numerous, and the present palol of
the tarsir is Peilet (64) of Piedr. A few years ago both
dairies were occupied, the palol of the tarsir being Naburs
(64) of Piedr, and the/'c?/c/of the zvarsir, Pichievan (69) of
Keadr. The latter is said to have thrown up his office
because the income was not large enough.

If there should be a death among the Panol, the second
funeral ceremonies (the inarvainolkedr, or so-called ' dry
funeral ') could not take place unless both dairies were
occupied. Since Pichievan resigned, no Pan man has died,
but when this happens a second palol would have to be
appointed before the inarvainolkedr could be held.

The tarsir have two bells, called Kosi and Pongg. The
former is tied on a buffalo called Kosi, and Pongg on one
called Enmars. Milk is only put on the bell called Kosi.
At the dairy of these buffaloes there is an iron lamp of the
ancient kind with seven cavities and seven wicks, and the horn
is called Kwatadr. The ivarsir have one bell, called Keituzan,
which is put round the neck of a buffalo called Kojiu. The
old iron lamp belonging to these buffaloes has been lost and an
earthenware or bark lamp is used in its stead. The horn
is called Persagan, but as these buffaloes have no palol ^ this
horn is not now blown.

The people of Pan are inbrol at this //.

The Kwodrdoni Ti

There was some difference of opinion as to the origin of
this //, which is often called the Arsaiir ti by the Todas.
According to one account, given to me by Kwodrdoni people,

THE TI DAIRY

the buffaloes called arsaiir came from the sea and were the
mothers of all the tiir. Another account, which seemed to be
more generally accepted, was that the Kwodrdoni ti was
instituted by On, like those of Nodrs and Kars, but that
one day, when the palol was milking, the mani, called
Pushodipongg, came from the sea and sat on the side of the
milking-vessel.

The chief place of this // is Pursas, situated between
Kwodrdoni and Kotagiri. The other dairies in the past were
at Kakwai, Karkiiln, Pobkars, and Kadrin, but only the first
of these, which is close to Kwodrdoni, is now used.

At the time of my visit there was no palol, and the buffaloes,
only about eight in number, were standing at Kakwai, but were
not being milked.

A palol is appointed every year shortly before the ceremony
in honour of the god Kamataraya, which is celebrated by the
Kotas in Januar}\ When the Kotas announce that they are
about to hold this ceremony, a palol and kaltmokJi are
appointed who go to Pursas. The buffaloes are milked and
the ghi which is obtained from the milk is given to the Kotas.
The palol remains in office for about twenty days, and his
appointment is made altogether on behalf of the Kotas, who
would be very angry if it were not done. It seemed that the
success of the Kota ceremony would be seriously impaired if
there were no palol dX the Kwodrdoni //.

A palol would also be appointed if it were wished to hold
the second funeral ceremonies, or marvaiiiolked}^ of a
Kwodrdoni person.

The Kwodrdoni ti has never had more than one kind of
buffalo, and never more than one palol or kaltmokJi. The
buffaloes, or arsaiir, are those which disobeyed the commands
of On (see Chap. IX), and are said to be responsible for the
dangers suffered by buffaloes from tigers.

The people of Nodrs and Kars have the privilege of taking
buttermilk and food at the ti, and are known as mbrol, but
they may not sleep at the ti mad, nor do they take any part
in the buffalo migration. According to one account, the
people of Pan are also mbrol, and may even sleep at the ti.

THE TODAS CH. v

The Nidrsi Ti

This is an offshoot of the Kvvodrcloni //. One evening,
after the buffaloes and calves of the Kwodrdoni // had been
shut up for the night, the women of an adjoining village were
pounding the grain called ragi. When the calves heard the
noise of the pounding, they ran out of their pen and made
their way to Pursas. One of the wooden tastJi which bar the
entrance of the pen became entangled in the neck of one of
the calves, and when the calf reached a place near Edrpali
village, the tastJi dropped and became a wood, and the place
is now called Tasthnodrpem. From here the calf went on to
Pursas. The Kwodrdoni people went to Pursas to fetch
back the calf, but when they got to the place they changed
their minds and said that the calf should stop at Pursas, and
that the Nidrsi people should make a // there and appoint a
palol; and this was the origin of the Nidrsi ti, which is called
kar ti because it was derived from a calf, while the ti of
Kwodrdoni is called ir ti. The two institutions have different
dairies, but both are at Pursas.

I could obtain little satisfactory information about the
customs of the Nidrsi ti. There is only one ti mad, viz., that
at Pursas near the dairy of the Kwodrdoni ti. Any of the
Teivaliol may hold the office of palol, but at the time of my
visit there was no palol, and the six buffaloes, which are all
that remain of the herd, are being looked after, though not
milked, by a Tarthar man, Todrigars (41), at one of the
ordinary villages. A palol would have to be appointed before
the second funeral ceremonies of one of the Nidrsiol could
be performed, but apparently he would only hold office for a
short time.

CHAPTER VI

BUFFALO MIGRATIONS

At certain seasons of the year it is customary that the
buffaloes both of the village and the // should migrate from
one place to another. Sometimes the village buffaloes are
accompanied by all the inhabitants of the village ; some-
times the buffaloes are only accompanied by their dairyman
and one or more male assistants.

There are two chief reasons ^ for these movements of the
buffaloes, of which the most urgent is the necessity for new
grazing-places. During the dry season, lasting from about
December to March, the pasturage around the villages where
the Todas usually live becomes very scanty, and the buffaloes
are taken to places where it is more abundant. Many of
these places are in or near the Kundahs, where the rainfall
is greater than over the rest of the hills, and others are
scattered here and there about the hills in spots where, owing
to favourable conditions, the ground is less parched than
elsewhere. At other seasons of the year it may happen
that the grazing in the neighbourhood of a village becomes
exhausted, and it becomes necessary to take the buffaloes
to another place.

The other chief reason for the migrations is that certain
villages and dairies, formerly important and still sacred, are
visited for ceremonial purposes, or out of respect to ancient
custom. Some of these places, such as the villages of Piedr

^ The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if sickness should
break out among them, but I do not know whether this would become the same
ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of migration.

124 THE TODAS ch. vi

and Kusharf, are in outlying parts of the hills, and are entirely
unoccupied except on the occasion of these ceremonial visits.
Another example is the ancient and sacred village of Nas-
miodr, of which there now only remains a dairy, situated
in a grove in the middle of a valley cultivated by Badagas.
It is visited once a year by the wursiilir of Kars for about a
month, and, as there is only scanty pasturage available, there
is little doubt that the visit to this dairy has no utilitarian
motive.

At the // the same reasons hold good. Several of the
// herds have dairies in or near the Kundahs, to which
they go during the dry months of the year, while other
dairies of special sanctity are visited only for a short time
in each year. The dairy of Anto is a good example of
the latter case ; it is in an outlying part of the hills, and
should be visited for one month every year, because it is
the most sacred dairy of the //.

The migrations of the ti buffaloes are more strictly regu-
lated than are those of the village herds, and there are
definitely prescribed rules for the order in which the dairies
of the ti shall be visited, and for the duration of the stay
at each, though, as we shall see later, these rules are not
always followed.

As a general rule, the more ancient and sacred the dairy to
which the buffaloes are going, the more elaborate are the
ceremonies on reaching the new destination.

The day of migration is called irskidithbiitiiol ox irnodrthnol.

Migrations of the Village Buffaloes

My account of the ceremonial accompanying the migration
from one village to another is unfortunately very incomplete.
The following accounts were given by Teivali men, and I
cannot guarantee that they hold good for both divisions and
for all clans.

When it is decided to move to a fresh village certain men
are chosen to help in the removal, and are told to come on the
appointed day, which must not be one of the sacred days
of the village (see Chap. XVII). On the morning of this day

125

126 THE TODAS Ch. VI

the palikartmokli abstains from food. He does the ordinary-
work of his dairy, and gives out buttermilk and butter to the
women as usual. He then calls to the chosen men who have
come to the village, and they stand outside the door of the
dairy. The palikartmokli comes out, holding in his right
hand the milking-vessel iirkartpiui) and churning-stick
iinadtJi). He stands facing the sun, and salutes holding the
vessel and churn to his forehead, and says " ekirzam meidjam"
the kivai'sam of Teikirzi and Tirshti. Then all present pray,
using the prayer of the dairy. The palikartuiokJi puts the
milking-vessel and the churning-stick at the back of the
dairy (the palinierkal), and then brings the other dairy
things, carrying out those o( the patat;nar first and then those
of the ertatmar. Two stout sticks are prepared, each called
piitusht, and the various objects of the patatviar are fastened
on one stick and those of the ertatjnar on the other, in the
way shown in Figs. 29 and 30.^ When the things have been
fastened on the sticks, all go to the front of the huts of the
village and take food, after which the procession starts. It is
headed by the buffaloes, followed by the dairyman and the
men carrying the dairy vessels. Each of the latter carries the
staff on his left shoulder and has the right arm out of the
mantle. The man carrying the things of the patatmar walks
in front of the man carrying those of the ertatinar, as shown in
the figures. After the buffaloes, the dairyman, and the dairy
vessels, there follow any men who are accompanying the
procession, and if all the inhabitants of the village are
migrating, the women and children follow the men.

On leaving the village the women and girls may have to
go for a certain distance by a different path from that taken
by the buffaloes, but during the greater part of the journey
there does not seem to be any regulation to prevent the
women following in the wake of the sacred animals.

On reaching the new village, the palikartmokh purifies

^ The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not the real
vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of fastening the earthen-
ware vessels does not correspond to that described for the ii dairy, and I am
doubtful whether the method of fastening for real dairy vessels would not have
corresponded to the procedure of the ti rather than to that shown in the figures.

127

128 THE TODAS chap.

the dairy by throwing into it water mixed with tiidr bark.^
The dairy things are taken off the sticks at an appointed
spot. T\\& pa/ikartmokh sahites the sun with irkaj'thpun and
madtJi as in the morning, and then all pray. After the
prayer, the palikartnwkJi takes some ferns itaf) and puts them
on the place within the dairy where the things of the pafatfnar
are to stand, and these are put in their places on the ferns.
The things of the ertatinar are then arranged in the same
way. The palikartniokJi makes fire by friction, lights the
lamp, and then goes to milk the buffaloes. If he has brought
milk with him, he will churn it. Meanwhile a ceremony
called nbtiteiti will have been performed by a little girl about
six or seven years of age in those cases in which all the
inhabitants of the village are migrating. Before leaving the
village from which the people are coming this girl will have
been given food in the dairy. On reaching the new place, the
girl plucks three blades of the slender grass called kakar and
goes to the front of the dairy and sweeps the threshold with
the grass. She does this with her right arm outside her cloak,
and when she has swept she bows down with her forehead to
the threshold three times. If there is more than one dairy,
she sweeps the threshold of each. T\\q palikartmokh then gives
her a small handful of butter and the girl goes to the huts.
Up to this time the women will have been waiting near the
village, but when they see that the girl has performed her
ceremony, they go to the huts and prepare the food called
asJikkartpiniil^

When the palikartniokh has finished milking, he also
prepares food, and when it is ready he throws some into
the fire, tbrtiitrserst/ii, " food into the fire he throws," and then
gives out the food to the people, and they eat both this and
that prepared by the women.

At some places the ceremonial is more complicated than at
others, the degree of elaboration depending on the sacredness
of the dairy to which the buffaloes are going. When they
migrate to the especially sacred village of Kiudr the extra

^ This is probaljly only true of Teivali dairies.

'^ This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the mode of
preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV.

BUFFALO MIGRATIONS

129

complexity seems to depend on the presence of the bells of
the dairy of that village. When the palikartniokh reaches
Kiudr, he puts the dairy things he has brought with him at
the back of the dairy. Another palikartnwkJi goes into the
inner room and brings out the bells called patatmaiii and lays
them by stones called neur.^iilnkars at one side of the dairy
(see Fig. 31). He enters again and brings out four ertattnaiii,
which he lays by the side of another group of stones called
iicnraiiliikars (see Fig. 32). The second palikartnwkJi then

I-IG. 31. — THE DAIRY OF KIUDR WITH THE ' PAI.IKARTMOKH ' ETAMUDRI (5S) ;
ON THE RIGHT OF THE DAIRY ABOVE AND TO THE LEFT OF THE HEAD
OF ETAMUDRI IS THE STONE CALLED ' NEURZULNKARS,' BY WHICH THE
'PATATMANl' IS LAID.

purifies the dairy with tudr bark and puts the vessels which
have been brought to Kiudr in their places on a bed of ferns
in the wa)' which has been described. After all the vessels
: are in their places, he takes \.\\g patatinajii to the dair}' stream,
•; while the ^v'~,t palikartniokh brings tudr bark. The tudr bark
I is pounded and the juice squeezed over the bells. The two
I patatmani, having thus been purified, are then put on a forked
I stick and carried to their usual place in the dairy. The same
i K

I30

THE TODAS

CHAP.

procedure is repeated with the ertatmani, which are strung on
a piece of bamboo and hung on another piece of bamboo
which projects from the wall on the ertat side of the dairy.
Then milk is put on the patatniani and buttermilk on the
ertatmani as usual.

1-"ig. 32. — the ' neurzulnkars' of kiudr, by the side of which the
'ertatmani' are laid.

Migration of the Ti Buffaloes

I obtained a very full account of the migration of the
buffaloes of the Nodrs // and will first give an account of
the proceedings for this herd.

The Toda year begins during October with the ceremony
oi tentntiisthchi (see Chap. XIII) and at this time the buffaloes
.should be standing at Modr, near Paikara. Soon after this
ceremony, the herd goes to Anto, the most important and
sacred of the ti places. They stay here for a month and
then go to Majodr, not far from Makurti Peak, where they

VI BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 131

stay during the dry season, stopping about three months or
longer, according to the nature of the weather. It is often
not until May is reached that the buffaloes return to Modr
and stay there till August, when they cross the Paikara
river to the two dairies, Odrtho and Kudreiil, on the opposite
bank. The tiir stay at Odrtho and the zvarsir at Kudreiil
for a month and then both return to Modr.

In 1902 this plan was very much disturbed. In order
to go from Modr to Odrtho and Kudreiil the herds and their
attendants have to cross the river, and under no circumstances
is the paid allowed to cross by the bridge. He usually
watches his opportunity till the river is low enough at a
certain ford to allow him to cross, but the summer of
1902 was unusually wet and the river was never sufficiently
low to allow the passage, and in consequence Odrtho and
Kudreiil were not visited in that year.

Later it was arranged that the migration to Anto should

take place on November 2nd. I was told that I might

accompany the procession for part of the way, and was

looking forward greatly to the occasion, as it was evident

that it was my only chance of seeing and photographing the

contents of the dairy. As the day approached, the migration

was postponed because Teitnir, who was celebrating the

funeral ceremonies of his wife and was therefore ichcJiil,

had crossed the way by which the procession would have to

pass. The ceremony was next arranged for November 23rd,

but was then further postponed till the 30th. This was

the last Sunday before the day on which I intended to

leave the hills, and again I made arrangements to see the

proceedings. No sooner had I done so than I was told

that the procession- was postponed for a week and was to

take place on the day after I had left Ootacamund. I at

once altered my plans and arranged to see the procession

i on December 7th. A new obstacle at once intervened,

I and I was told that the journey to Anto was deferred

1 indefinitely, and, as I learnt afterwards from Samuel, the

i buffaloes did not go to Anto at all that year, but went

j direct from Modr to Majodr on Wednesday, January 7th.

I All this occurred after the misfortunes had happened to

K 2

132 THE TODAS chap.

which I have aheady referred — misfortunes which were
beheved to be the direct consequence of my investigations —
and it seemed quite clear that the various postponements
and final abandonment of the journey to Anto were due
to the fear that some misfortune might befall the sacred
herd if I saw the procession.

It will be noticed that the herd of the Nodrs // may pass
the greater part of the year at Modr, which is not one of the
three most ancient dairies of the //. It has become the most
frequented because it is the most convenient, occupying a more
central situation than most of the other dairies. Majodr is
also not one of the most ancient dairies, but is visited purely
on account of grazing necessities. Anto and Odrtho, the two
out of the three places given originally by Teikirzi according
to the legend, are visited not from necessity, but on account of
their sanctity, and, as we have seen, it may happen under
exceptional circumstances that neither place may be visited
and the whole year passed at Modr and Majodr.

It is only when going to Anto and Odrtho that some of the
most remarkable features of the buffalo migration ceremonies
are carried out, and if these dairies should fall into disuse, as
would seem not improbable, these features of the migration
ceremonies would certainly vanish.

As we have seen, the migration to the relatively un-
important dairy of Majodr may take place on a Wednesday,
but when going to the more important places a Sunday must
be chosen. The orthodox day is the first Sunday after the
new moon, but so far as I could gather from the various days
appointed for the migration during my visit there is no very
strict adherence to the rule. A week before the migration
a second kaltuiokJi is appointed who goes through the
customary ordination ceremony. It is also arranged that a
Melgars man {inbrol) shall come to carry some of the contents
of the dairy. When the buffaloes are going either to Anto
or Odrtho it is absolutely necessary that a morol shall be
present, who goes in front of both palol and kaltmokJi and has
certain well defined duties. The procession may also be
accompanied by an}' Toda who has no ichcJiil and these
people ma}' hcl[) in driving the buffaloes and in carrying the

VI- BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 133

less important things from the dairy. Badagas may also
accompany the procession.

The day of the migration is called irnddrthuol, and on the
morning of this day the churning is done as usual, and
sufficient milk is drawn to provide as much as can be safely
carried in one of the persin without spilling it. All who take
part in the procession must go without food on the morning
of this day, and the palol does not take buttermilk as usual.
The various objects which are to be taken with the buffaloes
are brought out of the dairy and laid by a stone called the
ptpkiisihkars, which in some places, and possibly everywhere,
is in or near the wall of the tit.

The dairy vessels are carried according to well-defined
rules. The things of the inner room and the intermediate
objects, the lamp and the idrkzvoi, are carried by the palol.
The mbrol carries some of the things of the outer room and
one of the horns. The two kaltniokh carry the other things
of the outer room, the other horns and their own possessions.

The dairy vessels, &c., are carried by each man on a staff
cut from the mors tree, the staff being called pepkati (the
piltusht of the village migration). Each of the persin and aliig
is fixed on the staff by placing it on a roll of kakhudri, called
a tcdshk, round which six pieces of the string called tzvadrinar
are tied. The six strings are passed round the vessel and
fastened to the staff The palol fastens on the three persin in
such a way that when the staff is on his shoulder two of the
vessels will be in front of him and the other behind his back,
one of the vessels in front containing milk. The tbrsiun are
placed on the top of i\\e persin as when they are in the dairy,
and the /^;'i'/«/^//<^;7/C'/ is carried in \hQ peptbrznni. T\\& kivoi
is fastened on in front, and the kbghlag and wands are placed
along the staff The lamp is put inside the idrkivoi and the
latter tied to the end of the stick, so that it is behind the
back of the palol when being carried. Care is taken that an
interval is left between the idrkivoi and the other things ; even
when being carried from one dairy to another the objects inter-
mediate between those of the inner and those of the outer
room are kept separate from and not allowed to touch the
more sacred vessels of the inner room. The staff with its

134 THE TODAS chap.

burdens is carried by the palol on his left shoulder in the
same way as is shown in Fig. 29, illustrating the method of
carrying the things of the village dairy.

The viani is carried by the palol on his right side. A staff
of kiaz wood is cut, about five cubits {jiwgoi) in length, which
must be perfectly straight with a fork at one end. The bell
is covered completely with kiaz leaves tied with rattan fasten-
ings, and put on the fork of the staff by its ring. The staff
is carried upright in the right hand of the palol \ if he
becomes tired he may rest it on his shoulder, but this must be
done in such a way that the forked end of the stick carrying
the bell comes in front of his body, otherwise the /c?/t?/ would
be presenting his back to the sacred object.

At the Nodrs ti there is an exception to the ordinary rule
in the case of the inani of the tiir. It will be remembered
that this bell is reputed to have been born in a persin during
the migration from Amnodr, and the bell is therefore carried
in one of the persin during the migration from one dairy to
another. In its place ihe palol o{ the tiir carries in his right
hand the churning stick with its churning end upwards.

The mani is the only object of the inner room which is
covered with leaves, so that it may not be exposed to the
vulgar gaze. The lamp is also hidden from view within the
idrkzuoi, but I do not know whether this is for the same reason
or merely because it is a convenient way of carrying it.

The iiibrol carries the large earthenware vessels of the outer
room {alug'),\\\\\z\\ are at least four in number. They are tied
on a staff by means of tedsJik in the same manner as are the
persin. This is done by the kaltniokh, who puts the staff
and its burden on the left shoulder of the inbrol, taking
particular care that the vessels do not touch the man. The
mbrol carries one of the horns in his right hand.

Before the procession starts each nmni is hung on the neck
of a calf, left on for a minute or so, taken off and put on its
staff. The inani of the tiir called Persin is put on the neck
of a two-year-old calf of the nnir, and that of the warsir,
Keu, is put on the neck of one oi \\\q perithir.

If any dairy vessels or implements are not taken with the
buffaloes, they are not left in the dairy, but hidden in a wood.

VI ■ BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 135

The procession then starts with the mbrol at its head. In
some cases a halt is made when passing certain places, and
prayer is offered by the. palol. In going from Modr to Anto
the procession stops first at Porstib near Tedshteiri village
(belonging to the Nodrsol), where the wars palol puts the staff
carrying the tnani on a stone and prays while touching the
staff with his hands. The next halt is made at Ponvtut, where
the buffaloes separate from the palol and follow a slightly
different route, and here the zvars palol again prays. The
procession halts for a third time at a place called Teirpiil,
near Anto, but this time it is the ti palol who prays after
having placed the churning stick and bell on a stone.

On its way to Anto the procession passes near the village
of Kiudr. When the buffaloes are seen to be coming, the
women leave the house and go to the outskirts of the village,
taking with them the pounder, sieve and broom, and wait
there while the procession is going by. All the people of
Kiudr fast on this day till after the buffaloes have passed.

It was said that on this day t\\Q palikartjfiokh of Kiudr used
to rub clarified butter on the stones called neurziilnkars,
but there was some doubt about this, and if the custom
ever existed it seems to have fallen into disuse.

According to some accounts, certain clauses especially
referring to the migration of the ti buffaloes are used in the
prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see Chap. X).

On reaching the outskirts of the new place, the Todas who
have accompanied the procession go away. The staff carried
by the viorol is taken off by the kaltuiokh, who is again very
careful that the vessels do not touch their bearer. Although
the mbrol is allowed to carry some of the less sacred vessels,
care is taken throughout that the vessels shall not be con-
taminated by touching his body or his clothing.

All the dairy vessels are taken off and laid by a stone
called the perskars, and then follows the ceremony of pepiiti.
Kach palol has carried with him some milk in one of the persin.
Some of this is poured into \k\e.peptbrziun ^ and given to certain
buffaloes, one of each kind belonging to the ti ; thus, at the
Nodrs //, the milk is given to five buffaloes, to three by onepalol

' The vessel derives its name from this ceremony.

136 THE TODAS chap.

and to two by the other. The milk maybe given to buffaloes
directly from the toyzuin, or it may be poured into the hands
of the /(-z/f/ from which the appointed buffaloes drink.

The next business is the purification of the dairy, called
nbdrkorsi arspishpimi — />., we wash with nbdrkorsi. The palol
goes to the dairy spring or kwoinir with the karitbrziim,
carrying the kwoinortpet under his left arm. He throws tudr
bark into the spring, fills the karitorziun and returns. He
puts tudr bark into the karitorziun and also into the idrkwoi
and then pours the water from the karitbrzum into the idrkzvoi,
which he takes to the dairy and throws the water with
his hands first over the dairy vessels and then well into
the dairy itself so that it penetrates to the inner room. He
throws the water first on the floor, then to the roof and to the
sides, three times to each. Next he takes three sprigs of the
plant ordinarily called kabiidri {Euphorbia Rothiaiia), but
at the // called nbdrkorsi and ties it over the door of the
dairy.

The dairy vessels, which have been untied and placed
on the ground near the pcrskars, are then purified and put in
their places. The palol first takes up the peptbrzuin with the
persinkudriki within it, the kbghlag, the kivoi and kzvoin'brtpct,
all in the right hand, and carries them to the front of the dairy,
where he repeats certain kivarzaui of the prayer, then turns to
the east and says the whole prayer of the dairy, salutes
the dairy holding the four things to his forehead, enters, puts
the things except the kwoinortpet in their places, comes
out with the kzuoinbrtpet under his left arm and without turn-
ing his back to the interior of the dairy, and shuts the door of
the building. He then takes in the other vessels of the inner
room, carrying the kzuoinbrtpet under his left arm and without
repeating the prayer. One pcrsin is taken in first, then
the others, the karitbrzum and the tedshk. Then the niani
is taken, being carried in the right hand and laid temporarily
on the floor near the persin ; when taking in tlie bell certain
kzvarzani are said.

The wand called pohvet is next taken in and laid in its
place, and then the things intermediate between the inner and
outer room — viz., the lamp, which is hung in its place, and

BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 137

the idrkivoi, which is put exactly at the line of junction of the
two rooms.

After this the things of the outer room are put in their
places. Fire is made by friction, and the tbrattlnvaskal
h"ghted, light transferred from this to \.\\q pclkkatitt/m'askal, and
with the fire so made the palol lights the lamp.

In most cases the buffaloes are then milked, but at Anto
and Odrtho, before milking, the /(^^^Z begins an extraordinary
ceremony, in which the kaltmokJt is concerned, which is
continued till the following day.

For this ceremony food is especially prepared by the palol.
He mixes husked grain {patc/icrski), brought by the Badagas
who accompany the procession, with buttermilk and jaggery,^
spreads butter on the mixture, and, putting it on a kakud leaf,
takes it out to one of the two kaltuiokJi who is sitting
in a given place about ten yards from the dairy. The
kaltuiokJi must now stay on this spot till the evening.

After the /<?A?/ has milked, he takes food himself and gives
it to the mbrol. Before going to rest for the night a ceremony
is performed called irtupadrchiti, " he prays for the buffaloes
at the tn!' The two palol go to the front of the tii - in which
the buffaloes have been put for the night and they pray, using
the kivarzani of the ti and of the gods only. They then go
to the sleeping hut, where the second kaltinokh has swept
the floor and prepared a fire. When the palol come to
the hut they bawl out in a high key three times and the
kaltinokh does the same and they go to bed, the two
palol occupying one bed {tihi) and the mbrol and the second
kaltinokh the other. After they have been in the hut
some time, the first kaltinokh, who has been sitting till
now outside at the place where he was given food, creeps into
the hut and lies down to sleep between the two beds without
any covering. No notice of him must be taken by the other
occupants of the hut.

The following day is called punirsnol. In the early morn-
ing, before the others are awake, the first kaltinokh must get

1 Palm juice sugar.

'^ At Anto, and probably at some other dairies, there is a special tit for use on
this occasion.

138

THE TODAS

CHAP.

up, light the fire, warm himself, and then go out and sit
on the same spot as on the previous evening. He remains
there till the t\wo palol comQ to him to continue the ceremony
in which he is concerned.

When the palol rise they do their usual work, and when
they have milked they perform a ceremony called karhitkir-
siti} in which the calves are prayed for in the same way that
the buffaloes were prayed for on the previous evening. The
second kaltinokh collects the calves in Xhe. pepkanmis, or milk-
ing-place of the buffaloes, and the t^^o palol, each with empty
kzvoi and with kwoinortpet, pray as on the previous evening
using the kwarzam of the ti and some of the kwarzam of
the gods, and then bawl out in a high key three times in
order to scatter the calves.

The ceremony with the kaltinokh is then continued. Each
of the palol takes the vessel used for ladling buttermilk
{iiibrkiidriki) ; owq palol fills his vessel with the milk oi piinir
and the other fills with nei (clarified butter). Each leaves his
dairy, and they both call to the kaltinokh, who comes to the
threshold of the ti poh, and stands there while the two palo,
mix the milk and nei. The kaltniokh is then told to hold
out his hands, and each palol pours out the mixture into the
hands of the boy, who rubs it over his head first, and then all
over his body. After the kaltniokh has thus been bathed in
milk and nei, the three people walk in procession to the spot
where the kaltniokh had been sitting, the kaltniokh going first,
followed by the zvars palol and the ti palol in order. As they
walk, the two palol say the following words : —

Kbda ma ; pirzi piiti viirina ; pob crs viirmd ;

die may (he) ; tiger catch (him) may ; snake bite (him) may ;

per pudith vurnid pakh pudiih viiniid pitdi

steep hill fall clown (on him) may ; river fall (on him) may-; wild l)oar

cri ma ; kadr pat via ; kedrman par nid.

l)ite may; wild beast hold (catch him) may; bear carry (him) away may.

^ This word was translated "he prays for the calves." One verb is used in
naming the ceremony of praying for the calves and another in the case of praying
for the adult buffaloes.

- l'rol;ably this should be translated " may the river (when in flood) swallow
him.

BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 139

When they come to the spot where the kaltiiiokh had been
given the food, the boy remains standing there while the two
palol turn round and wall-: back in the dairy, saying : —

Kijda ma, idvaik, tdtdind ; pirzi par iiui,

die may (lie), as was said, may he be well ; tiger carry away may,

idvaik para voiiia ; per pur ma, idvaik,

as was said, carry away may nol ; sleep hill fall may, as was said,

pHva voma ; pob eri ma, idvaik, cria vomd ; pc'ikh pur md,

fall may not ; snake bite may, as was said, bite may not ; river fall may,
idvaik, pitva vomd ; kddr pat md, idvaik, pata

as was said, fall may not ; wild beast catch may, as was said, catch

vomd ; kcdniuDi par md, idvaik, para vomd ;

may not ; bear carry away may, as was said, carry away may not ;

pndi eri md, idvaik, eria vomd.

wild boar bite may, as was said, bite may not.

The ti palol then enters his dairy and brings out an espe-
cially large ball of the food called asJikkartpiini, more than can
possibly be eaten at one sitting. It is given to the kaltmokh,
who sits on the same spot as before, and eats as much of it
as he can.

All this ceremony has been done after milking, and before
drinking buttermilk {JcaizJivatiti), which is now poured out by
the second kaltinokli for the palol, who then go about their
usual business. When the first kaltinokJi has eaten as much
as he can of his ball of food he leaves it on the spot where
he has been sitting, and goes with the palol. The Todas
say that the food left behind will never be touched by the
crows, who will eat any other food.

In the afternoon the palol transact their ordinary dairy
business and the kaltniokJi returns to his place and resumes
the consumption of his ball of food, staying on the spot till
the end of the day. When the two palol have gone into the
sleeping hut for the night, the kaltmokJi goes into the hut
after them and may then talk to the other occupants, and
after this follows the usual routine.

During the whole of this ceremony the kaltmokh, who takes
so prominent a part in it, is called the neiirzutpol.

At the other dairies of the Nodrs // a ceremony which
is obviously closely connected with that which has been

I40 THE TODAS chap, vi

described is performed at certain stones called neurziilnkars.
At Modr there are four of these stones (shown in Fig. 33), and
three of them are rounded and worn quite smooth, probably
by much repetition of the ceremony about to be described.

On the day following the migration each palol takes a
inbrkiidriki, which one fills with milk and the other with
butter {pen, not nei, as when rubbed on the kaltmokh). The
two palol put milk on the stones and then rub them with
butter. There is no cursing and the kaltmokh plays no part
in the ceremony. There can be little doubt that the stones
are regarded as taking the place of the kaltinok/i, for while
the latter is performing his ceremony he is called jieiirrjittpol,
and the stones anointed in the same way are called ueur.znln-
kars.

The ceremony with the kaltmokh which follows the migra-
tion to the dairies of Auto and Odrtho is one of the most
extraordinary of Toda ceremonies. The leading feature of
the ceremony appears to be the cursing of the kaltmokh,
followed immediately by the removal of the curse. I was
wholly unable to obtain any explanation of the ceremony
from the Todas, but it seems probable that the kaltmokh is
being made responsible for any offence which may have been
committed against the very sacred dairies of Anto and
Odrtho. The kaltmokh having been cursed, and so made
responsible, the curse is then removed in order to avoid the
evil consequences which would befall the boy if this were not
done.

It is possible that the kaltmokh is chosen as the person to
be made responsible merely because he is the most con-
venient person to act as the recipient of any evil con-
sequences. It is, however, probable that on this day the
kaltmokh does something which he does not do on ordinary
days, and thus commits an offence which has to be expiated.
On the day of migration the kaltmokh does, as a matter of
fact, see the sacred vessels of the inner room which are
ordinarily hidden from his gaze behind the screen of the
dairy. He sees the mani in its leafy covering, and he may
even see the bell itself before it is covered. He also touches
some of the vessels of the outer room which he does not

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V H <

a S r^

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141

142 THE TOD AS chap.

ordinarily touch, and it may be that the cursing and other
features of the ceremony are intended to obviate the possible
evil consequences of these acts. At the ancient and sacred
dairies of Anto and Odrtho the ceremony is still carried out
in its entirety, but at other dairies many of the chief features
of the ceremony have disappeared and all that remains is the
anointing of the neur.znbikars, which take the place of the
head of the kaltinokJi.

When the kaltmokh comes into the sleeping hut on the
first night of the ceremony, my informants laid great stress
on the fact that the other occupants of the hut must take
no notice of the boy, who creeps in after the others have
taken their places on the beds, and he must go out in the
morning before they show signs of waking. It is probable
that the boy had originally to sit all the night in the open
air at the appointed spot, and though he is now allowed
to come into the hut, no notice is taken of him because
theoretically he is not there. It is quite in accordance with
Toda ideas that this should be done and other instances of
similar procedure will be given.

Another noteworthy feature of the ceremony is the act
of giving the kaltmokh a larger portion of food than can
possibly be consumed at one meal. This feature occurs in
other Toda ceremonies, and especially in connexion with
the ordination of the palol, to be described in the next
chapter. I know nothing of the significance of this procedure.

At some time during the day following the arrival at the
new ti ni(id,\\\c dairy is well cleansed with dried buffalo-dung.
Soon after the migration — on the following Wednesday at
the Nodrs // and on Sunday at the Kars and the Pan ti —
a special ceremony called/^?//;// is performed, in which salt is
given to certain sacred buffaloes, but this will be described,
together with the other salt-giving ceremonies, in Chapter VIII.

The Melgars man who accompanies the procession of the
Nodrs ti stays at Anto till the following Wednesday ; at other
places he only stays till the day after the procession. The
Toda way of putting this is that at Anto he stays erdpunrs —
i.e., " \.\vo punrs." One pnnrs is a day and its next day, so that
erdpunrs is equal to four days. At other places the Melgars

1
I

VI BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 143

man stays only one punrs — i.e., he leaves the // mad on the
day following the migration.

The foregoing account applies to the Nodrs //. The
general procedure is the same at the migration of other herds,
but the ceremonial is, in general, less elaborate. At no other
// is there anything corresponding to the ceremonies in which
\.\\c kciltniokh pla}'s so important a part, and at no other // is it
absolutely necessary that a vihrol should take part in the pro-
cession, though, as a matter of fact, he usually also leads the
way at the migrations of the Pan //.

At the Kars // the buffaloes pass the greater part of the
year at Makars. They usually go to Neradr, where they stay
about a month, and then go to Kon for the dry season,
returning to Makars in April. Sometimes they again stop at
Neradr on their way from Kon to Makars. It is probable
that when the sacred dairy of Enodr was still in use the
ceremonial was more elaborate than it is at present. In the
legend of Kwoto (see Chap. IX) an account is given of a
ceremonial which occurred in former times during the migra-
tion from Kon to Enodr, and it is possible that this persisted
until Enodr was given up as a // mad.

The herds of the Pan ti usually migrate with those of the
Kars //. They stand during the greater part of the year at
Kudodr, near Makars, and go to Neradr and Kon as the dry
season approaches.

In the case of the Pan //, it seems that the bells travel on
the necks of buffaloes ; the mani called Kosi on the neck of
a buffalo called Kosi, Pongg on a buffalo called Enmars, and
Keituzan on one called Kojiu. In this procession a mbrol
goes first, followed by the tars palol, the wars pa/ol, and the
two kaltmokh in order.

At the present time there are no migrations of the buffaloes
of the Kwodrdoni // or of the Nidrsi //, and I have no
information about the past. At Pursas, the present dairy
of the Kwodrdoni //, there is a stone called fieiirsuiiikars.
I was told that nothing was done to it in connexion with the
migrations of the buffaloes, but that it was rubbed with
clarified butter and milk whenever the iniortiti ceremony (see
Chap. XIII) was performed at the ti.

CHAPTER VII

ORDINATION CEREMONIES

Before a dairyman enters upon office he has to undergo
certain initial rites, which may fitly be spoken of as "ordina-
tion ceremonies." These ceremonies vary greatly in their
elaborateness, according to the dairy in which the candidate is
to serve.

In the case of the ordinary dairyman, or palikartinokJi, the
proceedings are simple and may be accomplished in a few
minutes, while for the highest grade of the priesthood they
are extremely elaborate and prolonged over more than a
week.

The essential feature of all the ordination ceremonies is a
process of purification by drinking and washing with the water
of a stream or spring used for sacred purposes only {paliiiipa
or kzvomir). In every case the water is drunk out of certain
leaves, and the body is rubbed with water mixed with the
juice of young shoots or bark.

A general name for ordination is pelkkodicJiitiox pelkkatthtiti,
" lamp he lights." This name is derived from the fact that the
first act in connexion with the dairy work which a new dairy-
man has to perform is to light the lamp of the dairy. The
former of the two names given above was used especially in the
case of the ordinary dairy and the latter in the case of the //,
but I am doubtful whether there is any strict limitation of
the terms in these senses.

Another general name used for the ceremony of ordination
is niruditi, which in a more limited sense is applied to the
drinking and purification at the dairy stream or spring which

CH. VII ORDINATION CEREMONIES 145

is the essential feature of the ceremony. This term was very
often used for the ceremony of ordination to the office of
palol.

The Palikartmokii

The ceremony of ordination of the palikartniokJi is called
pelkkodichiti and very often mulinirbditi, the latter being-
derived from the nnili leaves used in the ceremony. The
ordination may take place on Sunday, Wednesday, or
Saturda}'. On the day before the ceremony the candidate
goes to the dairy, takes his food there, and sleeps at night in
the outer room. His food is prepared and given to him either
by the o\\K.%o\\\^ palikartmokJi or by some other man holding
this office.

On the morning of the ceremony the candidate washes his
hands in the pali nipa and goes to the front of the dairy,
having a piece of the ordinary mantle round his waist. The
assisting palikartviokJi will have placed a small piece of the
dark cloth called tuni on the threshold of the dairy, this
small piece being called petnni. The candidate bows down
{tiersatiti), as in Fig. 20, at the threshold to the petiuii, which
he then raises to his forehead and puts in the string of his
kuvii on the left side.

The candidate then plucks seven leaves of the kind called
nutliers — i.e., leaves of a plant called miili {Riibus cUipticus).
This plant is also often called pelkkodstJimiil, after the ceremony
in which it is used. He also plucks a handful of young shoots
or nmi of the same plant, and takes the leaves and shoots to
the dairy stream. At the stream he pounds the shoots with
water on a stone, takes up some water from the stream with
the pounded shoots, drops this water into one of the leaves
three times, raises the leaf to his forehead, drinks (see Fig. 34),
throws the leaf over his head and puts the shoots down on one
side. When he squeezes the water from the shoots into the
leaf-cup he holds the former in his right hand and the latter in
\ his left, but when about to raise the leaf-cup to his forehead
j and drink he transfers it to his right hand. The candidate
j then takes a fresh piece of the pounded shoots and repeats
with a second leaf, and so on till the seven leaves are

146 THE TOD AS chap.

finished, throwing the leaf over his head in each case after
drinking.

He then takes all the pounded shoots which he has placed
on one side, dips them in water, rubs them over his face and
body three times, and puts them in his back hair, whence they
are allowed to drop anywhere. In the only case in which I
saw this ceremony I noticed that they remained in the hair
till the end of the day.

The candidate then goes to the dairy, bows down at the

FIG. 34. — rUNATVAN (53) DRINKING DURING HIS ORDINATION

AS ' palikartmokh' of KARIA.

threshold as in Fig. 20, and enters. If there arc two rooms,
he bows down in the same way at the threshold of the inner
room. If there is a i>iani, he salutes it {kaimukhti) with
hand to forehead. He next bows down to the patatniar
and to the crtatmar, and finally touches a vessel of the
ertatuiar, usually the uiajpariv, and a vessel of the paiati/iar,
the patat, and by doing this becomes a full palikartinokh.
He proceeds to light the fire and the lamp and goes to milk
the buffaloes.

ORDINATION CEREMONIES 147

There are a few small points in which the ordination of
a Teivali dairyman differs from that of the Tartharol. The
Tcivaliol use three pieces of the grass called kakar, with
which the candidate sweeps the threshold of the dairy before
bowing down and entering, the grass being left on the
threshold. Among the Teivaliol also the place of the pctmii
ma}- be taken by the special kind of cloth called tivadriiiar,
which is manufactured by the Todas, and in the case in which
I saw the ceremony, the candidate wore this instead oi pctitiu.
The Tartharol must use petjuii.

In the only case in which I saw this ceremony the ordina^
tion was to a Teivali dairy and the candidate was completely
naked except for the kuvn. The Tarthar tarpalikartvwkJi
wears part of an ordinary mantle as a loincloth during his
ordination. The ceremony is the same for the kudrpalikart-
DiokJi as for the tarvalikarUnokJi, except that the former is
quite unclothed except for the kuvn and that he alone has
a iiiani to salute.

THE WURSOL

The ceremony begins either on Tuesday or Friday and
lasts two days. On the first day the candidate goes early
in the morning to the ordinary dairy of the village at which
he is to be wursol ; at Kars he goes to the kudrpali. He
receives food from tlie palikartinokh and eats it sitting on the
seat {kivottibi) outside the dairy. He stays near the dairy
till the afternoon. When the palikartmokJi has finished his
afternoon work and has distributed butter and buttermilk,
one of the men of the village comes to the candidate and
says, " iV/m/ ! " The candidate throws off his cloak and is
given either a full tiini or a piece of this garment called
petuni. The palikartmokh then stands in front of the door
of his dairy, and the candidate stands opposite to him and
asks three times " TiDiivatkina?" — "Shall I put on X\\etuui? "
ThQpalikartiiiokh replies each time " Vat! " — " Put on ! " Then
the candidate raises the garment to his forehead and if
he has been given a complete tjiiii he puts it on ; if only a
petiuii he puts it in the string of his kuvn. This string is

L 2

THE TODAS chap.

ordinarily called pennar, but is now called kerk, and this part
of the ceremony is called kerkatiti. The fact that this name
is given seems to indicate that properly the complete gar-
ment should not be given till a later stage of the proceedings.

The candidate then finds seven leaves called imiUers and
seven shoots or nan of the same plant and goes through
exactly the same ceremony at the stream as in the ordina-
tion o{ palikartnwkh, putting the shoots in his back hair at
the end. This part of the ceremony is called nuilinirbditi,
and its object is to make the candidate a palikartinokli as a
step towards becoming wnrsol. He is taken through the
lower degree on his way to the higher.

After innliniroditi the candidate goes to the wall of the
dair}' and stands outside it. The palikartnwkh brings a
firebrand from the dairy and lights with it a fire of w?/// wood,
at which the candidate warms himself The firebrand must
be one of the three following kinds — kid, pasor or kiaf:.
After warming himself, the candidate goes to fetch bark
of the indr tree, which must not be cut, but knocked off
with a stone. He also brings seven perfect tndr leaves,
and goes again to the dairy stream. He pounds the bark
on a stone and dips it in water, squeezes the water into
one of the tudr leaves, drinks, throws over his head and puts
the bark on one side exactly in the same way as before, but
using tndr bark and leaves instead of the shoots and leaves of
vmli. After doing this seven times he dips the pounded
bark in water, sprinkles his head and face three times, puts
the bark in his hair, and, going a little way off, shakes his
head.

The candidate then goes again to find bark and leaves of
tudr% and repeats the whole ceremony and continues to repeat
it till he has done it seven times — i.e., he drinks out of the tudr
leaves seven times seven. After this he goes to the wood
near the stream (at Kars, called Tarskars) and the palikart-
mokJi comes to him there with the ertatpun filled with butter-
milk, and with four leaves of the kind called kakndcrs. Two
leaves are given to the candidate and two ke])t by the dairy-
man, and each folds the leave? in the usual way to make a cup
(ersteiti). The dair)-man then puts the ertatpun between his

VII- ORDINATION CEREMONIES 149

thighs and, holding it there, depresses it so that he can pour
buttermilk into his leaf-cup ; from this he pours into the leaf-
cup of the candidate who then drinks, and this is repeated till
the latter is satisfied. The palikartniokh brings food and
fire from the dairy and both stay in the wood for the night,
being allowed to have companions. The place where they
sleep is called tavarpali.

In the morning the candidate again goes for tudr bark and
leaves, and carries out the whole ceremony seven times as on
the previous evening. He then goes to the tavarpali and
waits there till the palikartmokh has finished his morning
work, when the candidate again receives buttermilk and food.
Then both go out together to look after the buffaloes.

When they return in the afternoon the candidate goes to
the dairy stream and bathes from head to foot. This bathing
is called tudraspipiiii {tudr I have washed), its object being to
wash off the tudr bark previously used. After this he takes
a piece of the cloth called twadrinar and, using it as a girdle
in addition to that he already wears, he goes to the wall of
the dairy while the palikartinokli digs up a vessel called niu
which is buried in the buffalo pen. (At Kars the viu which
is used is that of the tarvali.) The palikartniokh then puts
the niu on the ground and stands by it. The candidate asks
three times, '' Muvatkina?" "Shall I touch the mu?'' and
\.\\e. palikartniokh replies each time '' Aluvat .'" The candidate
then touches the inu, and by doing so becomes a full ivursol.
The vm is reburied by tho. palikartniokh.

All the ceremonies so far have taken place at or near the
ordinary dairy, either tarvali or kudrpali, or at the stream
belonging to one or other of these dairies. The candidate
now for the first time goes to the dairy in which he is to be
ivursol (the luursuli) and prostrates himself at the threshold.
He next enters and prostrates himself to the patatmar and
then to the ertatniar. He takes up and puts in its place one
of the vessels of the ertatniar and then one of the vessels of
the patatmar. He salutes the mani {kainiukhti), lights the
fire and the lamp and prays, using the pra}'er of the village.
He then cleans the vessels and goes to milk, doing niaui
terzantirikiti with the first milk as usual.

I50 THE TODAS chap.

I was especially told that if the candidate for the office of
ivursol wishes to scratch his head during his ordination
ceremonies he must do so with a stick, but this is probably
a feature of all ordination rites.

In the case of the zvursol, it seemed that there is a
difference in the ceremonial according to whether the dairy
is occupied or not when the new dairyman enters upon
office. The foregoing account applies to the case in which
the dairy is already occupied and the new dairyman replaces
another, so that there is no break in the continuity of the
dairy proceedings. If the dairy should be unoccupied, I was
told that the candidate would have to sleep for two nights in
the wood, and there would almost certainl)^ be additional
purifications, but I did not learn the exact nature of the
proceedings in this case.

Though I was only told of this difference of procedure
in the case of the iviirsol, it is not unlikely that there is
a corresponding difference of procedure in the case of other
dairies when the dairy has been unoccupied. There will
certainly be a ceremony of purification of the dairy, such
as takes place when the buffaloes migrate to a new village,
and probably the dairy vessels will also have to be purified.

The KuG\^\Ln<:ARTMOKH of Taradr and the

POHKARTPOL OF KaNODRS

The ordination ceremonies of these two dairymen appear
to be almost identical. So far as I could ascertain, the feature
which the kngvalikartniokJi of Taradr and the poJikartpol of
Kanodrs have in common is that they serve institutions to which
a high degree of sanctity is attached. The ritual of both
dairies bears some resemblance to that of the // and, as we
have already seen, the regulations for the conduct of the
poJikartpol are, in some respects, even more stringent than
those of the palol.

The kugvalikartuiokh is ordained either on Wednesday or
Sunday, i\\c pohkartpol on Tuesday. On the night preceding
the ordination the candidate sleeps in the wood. Seven

vir ORDINATION CEREMONIES 151

leaves are used of the following kinds : pclkkodstJinml}
puthiinul, iiiunnl, takj/inl, kadakmttl, tbrimul, and pathanuiiil.
One leaf of each kind is taken and the leaves pounded
together and used in the same way as the shoots of mnli or
the bark of the tudr tree, water being dropped from them into
leaves oi pnthiiniil. The pounded leaves are then placed in
the back hair as usual. This is followed by the ceremony of
drinking water three times out of a leaf containing water and
some buffalo-dung. The bark of the tiulr tree is then rubbed
all over the body, though no tiidr leaves are used for drinking.
The candidate attains his full office by touching a inn, pros-
trates himself at his dairy, enters and begins his work as
in the dairies of a lower erade.

The Kaltmokii

The ordination of the kaltuiokh begins either on Sunday,
Wednesday or Thursday. In the case of a kaltuiokh of the
Nodrs ti, the first part of the ceremony takes place at the
village of Nodrs, while in some cases it seems that the
candidate may go to the same village of Odr which is visited
by the palol during his ordination. I have no information
about the place of ordination in the case of the other //
dairies.

A boy who is to become kaltuiokh of the Nodrs ti goes to
Nodrs either on Sunday, Wednesday, or Thursday, and, going
to the ordinary dairy of that place {tarvali), he is given
water by the palikartinokJi in the vessel called pbliiiacJiok.
The boy washes his hands with this water and puts on a tuni
which the palikartinokh gives him, after saying the same
formula as in the ordination of ivnrsol. He then does
iiiulinirbditi and so reaches the grade of palikartinokh. This
and the following ceremony are done at a special stream at
Nodrs called nirbdigiidr. The purification ceremony is then
performed with tudr bark and leaves till the candidate has
drunk seven times seven. Food and buttermilk are given by
the palikartinokh, and then the boy together with the

^ This is the ordinary initli u.sc-d in ihc ordination of \\\& palikartinokh.

152

THE TODAS

palikartmok/i ?ind\hQ 7viii'sol oi^bdrs pass the night in the
wood near that place.

The next morning the candidate goes to the ordination
stream and washes himself from head to foot. This is called
tudraspipini, its object being the same as in the ordination
of the ivuvsol. The boy next goes to the front of the
tarvali, where the palikartmokh gives him a special string
made of tzvadrinar, which he puts round his waist as kerk^
and then warms himself at a fire of vutli wood. The
palikartmokh brings a mil, which the candidate touches with
the same formalities as in the ordination of luursol, and by so
doing reaches the grade called perkursol, which is of the same
rank as that of ivursol. The perkursol then takes the inn into
the tarvali, prostrating himself at the threshold before enter-
ing. He prostrates himself to the patatuiar and to the
ertatmar, puts the inu on the patatinar and comes out. He
then goes to the poh, or conical dairy of Nodrs, prostrates
himself at the threshold, enters, and prostrates himself before
patatinar, ertatmar and, finally, before the mani. Up to the
point of saluting the bell in this way he keeps on the timi
but at this stage he throws it down and comes out of the
dairy naked (except for the kiivii), puts on the ordinary
cloak and goes to the dairy at which the // buffaloes are
standing.

When he reaches the ti mad, the candidate goes to the
palol, whom he salutes with the words " ir kar fidd," this salu-
tation being called pirivadrikpini. He goes to the sleeping
hut, prostrates himself before the horns which are kept in this
building, and then goes to the front of the dairy. He is now
perkursol, and in order that he shall become full kaltmokJi or
tunitustJikaltmokh, the palol gives him a piece of tuiii {pettmi).
The boy asks three times, '^ Tunitusthvaskifia ?" — "Shall I go
to wash the tuni?''' — to which the palol answers each time
" TustJiva r — " Wash, go ! " The boy takes ihepetuni to the
stream for ordinary use (not the kiuoinir) and bathes from
head to foot. He puts to himself three times the question,
" iunitoikina ? " and laying the piece of ///;// on a stone,
he pours water on it three times and returns with the
petuni in his hand to the palol, who will be sitting on his

ORDINATION CEREMONIES

poJtvclkars in front of the dairy. The palol asks three times,
" TjDiitiistJipacha ? " — ■" Have }'0U returned from wasliing the
tiDii ?" — and each time the boy repHes, '' tunitusthpuspini" — " I
have come from washing the ttinU' Then ho\\\ palol 7s.x\<\ boy
go to the front of the kadr in which the calves are kept and
the/^?A'/ puts into the gate three bars {tasth), which shut the
opening of the enclosure. The boy asks three times, " TastJi-
vatkiiia?" — "Shall I touch the tasth ?" — and each time the
palol replies " Tasthvat ! " The boy, who hitherto has been
perkiirsol, now touches the tast/i, and by so doing attains the
full rank of kaltuiokh, and at once goes and pours buttermilk
{kaizhvatiti) for ihQ palol.

The latter parts of the ordination ceremonies of the kaltniokk,
from the point at which he receives pctimi from the palol to
the touching of the tasth, arc always performed whenever the
kaltniokk returns to the ti after a journey in which it has
been necessary to degrade himself to the rank of perkiirsol
(see p. io6). The initial stages of becoming a kaltniokk are
known in general as nirbdibudnudr.

The Ordination of the Palol

In accordance with the fact that the palol belongs to the
highest and most sacred grade of the dairy-priesthood, we
find that the ceremonies preceding his entrance upon office
are far more elaborate and prolonged than for the minor
grades.

In order that a Teivali man may become a candidate for
the office of palol he must first have gone through a pre-
liminary qualifying ceremony called tesJicrst. When the
office of palol becomes vacant, the people of the clan to
which the // belongs are restricted in their choice to those
men who have been through this ceremony. When one of
these qualified men has been selected, he then goes through
the proper ordination ceremonies, known as nirbditi.

In the case of a palol of the Nodrs //, the nirbditi cere-
monies are performed partly at Nodrs, partly at Odr, one of
the most sacred villages of the Nodrs clan, and finally at the
ti mad where he is to hold office.

154

THE TODAS

The Tesiierst Ceremony

This qualifying ceremony for- the office oi palol is always
performed by a number of men at the same time. The
number taking part must be three, five, seven or nine. There
seemed to be no doubt that it was not permissible for four,
six or eight men to perform the ceremony together. One or
two Todas told me that an even number of men might do
the ceremony, but all the more trustworthy witnesses were
agreed that there must be an uneven number, and on all the
occasions of which I could obtain records of actual cere-
monies, an uneven number of men had done tesherst together.
The ceremony may not be performed while the funeral
ceremonies of any Teivali person are uncompleted.

At the time of my visit there were only nine or ten men
who had been through the tesherst ceremony, including those
who were holding or had held the office of palol. It was
proposed that a number of the younger men should perform
the ceremony about this time, but it had to be delayed
till the second funeral ceremonies of two Teivali women
had been held.

The tesherst ceremony always begins on a Monday after
the new moon. It takes place at certain villages v/herc
people are living, and in all the cases of which I obtained
records it had been done at Kudrnakhum, belonging to the
Nodrsol, or at Pushtar, belonging to the Taradrol. People
must be living at the village at the time the ceremony is
performed.

The candidates go to the village on Monday evening, ac-
companied by two or three Nodrs men. All go to a stream
by a wood and the ceremony begins after sunset, when all
the candidates throvv^ off their cloaks and stand in a row.
A man of the Nodrs clan has a ///;// in his hand and each
candidate asks three times, " Tnnivatkina ? " — " Shall I touch
the tti}ii .' " — and each time the Nodrs man replies, " Tn)iivat I "
The first man in the row touches the //////' and then the others
in order. The Nodrs man then gives the tuni to the first
man who touched it, and he tears it into as many pieces

ORDINATION CEREMONIES

as there are candidates, giving a piece to each man, who puts
it in the string of his kuvn. All then go in search of the
leaves of iiiuli and each plucks seven leaves and seven shoots.
The)' go to the stream, one by one, and each drinks and rubs
himself with the shoots seven times, as in the ordination
ceremony, and puts the shoots in his back hair.

While they arc doing this, the Nodrs man will have made
fire by friction, using the wood of mitli, and the men warm
themselves at the fire. Each man then goes in search of
seven tudr leaves and tiidr bark and carries out the usual
purification ceremony once only, drinking out of each of the
seven leaves, after which the men take food prepared by
another of the Nodrs men, and all pass the night in the
wood. Next morning the men fetch tudr bark and leaves
and repeat the drinking and rubbing ceremony of the
previous evening, but on this occasion each man says " TesJi-
nirbdiiiem" as he throws the leaf over his head after drinking.
All then bathe completely in the stream.

While they are doing this, the Nodrs men have been cook-
ing a large amount of food, more than the candidates can
readily eat, and an old woman of the Tartharol who is to take
part in the ceremony has bathed and dressed in her best
clothes and put on all the ornaments she can procure : gold
earrings, necklace, bracelets, and rings. When the men have
bathed, they wait till the message comes that the food is
ready, and then each man takes off his piece of tuni and his
pcniiar and his kuvn^ so that he is completely naked. The
Nodrs man portions out the food and puts it on Uidr leaves,
the portion for each man being more than he can possibly eat
at one sitting, and the portions of food are given to the old
woman, who sits down with her back to the men. Each man
goes up behind the back of the old woman, and she gives him
his portion of food by putting her hand behind her back so
that she does not look at him, and in doing so she says three
times " Teshthrtudenk ? " — " Tes/i food have I not given ? " The
men take the food, go into the thickest part of the wood and
eat it. None of the food prepared on this occasion may be
eaten by the Nodrs men or by the old woman, but though
the amount is excessive, the whole of it must be eaten by the

156 THE TOD AS chap.

candidates during the day. After each man has eaten to the
full he may put on his cloak. The Nodrs men and the old
woman go back to their villages and they must hold no
communication of any kind with the candidates after the
food has been given. The men remain in the wood all day,
and when it is getting dark they go to the nearest village at
which any of them live, taking care that no one sees them
on the way.

One of the most remarkable features of this ceremony is the
part taken by the old woman. She must be one of the
Tartharol ; she must be past the age of child-bearing, and she
must never have had intercourse with one of her own clan.
In the last particular the word of the woman is trusted, for it
v/as said that she would never deceive in such a matter.
Every woman believed that if she did not speak the truth she
would die, and all those concerned in the ceremony would
either die or have serious illness. I was told that it was by no
means easy to find a woman who fulfilled this requirement,
and in each of the cases of which I have records the same
woman officiated — viz. Naspilthi of Taradr (21).

Other remarkable features of this ceremony are that the
men should be given more food than they are readily able to
eat, as in the ceremony connected with the kaltjiiokh after the
migration (p. 139), and that they receive this food in a
condition of complete nudity, a condition which only occurs
in one other dairy ceremonial.

The tesherst ceremony is one in which candidates for the
office of palol go through certain of the rites which ordinarily
form part of the process of ordination, with the addition of
special ceremonies, in which a superabundant portion of
food is given by a woman who fulfils certain peculiar con-
ditions.

When the office of palol becomes vacant, the clan to
which the ti belongs chooses from among those who have
been through the tesherst ceremony, and the chosen man
has then to undergo the ordination ceremonies proper, or
nirbditi.

ORDINATION CEREMONIES 157

The Niroditi Ceremony

The ceremony begins on a Saturday evening, after the new
moon, when the chosen candidate goes to a village of the clan
to which his future // belongs and sleeps there in the ordinary
hut.

On the following morning he goes before daybreak to the
front of the dairy of the village, naked except for his kiivn,
and a man of the village stands at the door of the dairy
holding a ////// in his hand, and says three times, " Tunivatkia l''
— "Touch the tuiii !" The candidate answers, " Tiiuivatkiii,"
and takes the tiiiii. If the garment is a complete one, he
puts it on ; if only a piece, he puts it in his peuiiar, and
taking seven tiidr leaves and tudr bark he goes to the stream
of the dairy and performs the usual drinking and rubbing
ceremony, and after putting the iudr bark in his hair, goes a
little way off and shakes his head so that the bark falls out.
He repeats the ceremony twice, so that it is performed three
times altogether — i.e., he drinks from the ttidr leaves three
times seven. This ceremony is called tesJinir., and is done in
view of the inhabitants of the village. The candidate stays
for the rest of the day at the village. If there is a wnrsol
there, the food of the candidate is prepared by this dairy-
man ^ ; if no zviirsol is present, it is prepared by the /c?//-
kartmok/i. The food is grain boiled in milk, and is only
eaten in the evening. The candidate sleeps that night in a
wood near the village, but not the same wood as that by the
stream where tesliiiir had been done. Either the wursol or
the palikartmokh must pass the night in the wood with
the candidate, and other men of the village may also
be their companions. Until the candidate lies down to
sleep he must remain naked (except for the kuvii), but
when sleeping he may cover himself with his ordinary
cloak.

Next morning (Monday) the candidate gets up at sunrise,

1 This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that tlie wursol never
prepares food except at the irpahnislhi ceremony. It is possilile tlial I lie food is
only given to the candidate by the wursol and is not prepared by him.

158 THE TODAS chap.

lays aside his cloak, and goes to bathe completely in the
stream, saying three times, " Tiidraspineml' ^ — ■" Tiidr I have
washed," thus washing off the tiidr of the previous day. He
then returns to the place where he had slept, puts on his
ordinary cloak with the right arm out, and goes to the front
of the dairy. He is given food by the wiirsol, or, in his
absence, by the palikartnwkh, and eats it outside the dairy,
after which he washes. He then goes to the ordinary
stream of the village {ars nipa) and takes up water with
his hand, and by so doing he becomes perol — ?>., he loses
any sanctity he has acquired by the ceremony of the previous
day.

The candidate then goes direct to the village of Odr and
stays near that village till the evening, when he makes his
way to the front of the dairy of that place. He stands about
ten yards from the dairy and throws off his cloak. A man
of the clan to which his future ti belongs now gives him a
complete tuni of the kind worn in the village dairy (a mad
tuni, not a ti tuni), saying three times, " Tiuiivatkia" to which
is replied " Tunivatkiti." The man wlio gives the tiuii now
remains as assistant and companion till the candidate reaches
his future dairy. The candidate puts the tuni round his loins,
goes to the stream of the dair}', and performs the drinking
and rubbing ceremony with niitli leaves and shoots as in the
ordination of palikartmokh. The assistant makes fire by
friction and lights a fire of /;/;/// wood, at which the candidate
warms himself.

The drinking ceremony with tudr is then carried out in
the same way as at teshiiir, and then the ivnrsol of Odr
brings buttermilk in an ertatpun and gives it in cups of
kakiid leaves to both the candidate and his assistant. They
also receive food from the iviirsol, while any other men
present go to the ordinary hut for their meal. That night
is passed at a special spot under a tree not far from the
dairy at Odr, the wnrsol and assistant being the companions
of the candidate. On that night the candidate may not

' This has not llie same form as the word uttered by the zuiirsol and kaltniokh in
the correspontHng ceremony. In some cases different verbal forms are used at
tiie //, and this may be an instance.

VII ORDINATION CEREMONIES 159

touch his ordinary cloak and has to be content with the
scanty covering of the tnni}

On the next day (Tuesday), the ceremony with tiidr leaves
and bark is repeated three times as on the previous days, and
after the w/^rj-c/ has finished his dairy work he gives butter-
milk and food to both the candidate and his assistant. On
the afternoon of this day the tudr ceremony is performed
again, but on this occasion seven times, so that the candidate
drinks from the tudr leaves seven times seven. In the
evening buttermilk and food are again given by the ivursol
and the three men pass the night in the wood.

On the next day (Wednesday) the candidate fetches bark
of the tree from which the material called twadrinar is made
and makes for his temporary use a rough kuvn. When it is
ready, he bathes in the dairy stream, takes off the old pennar
and kiivn and puts on the newly made garment, together with
the Uini, and goes with the iviirsol to the dairy where the
buffaloes of his ti are standing. When they approach the
// mad the ivursol goes away and leaves the candidate to go
to the dairy alone, where he sits on the outskirts (//V/) of the
ti mad. When the kaltmokh sees the candidate approaching,
he collects the buffaloes at the milking place {pepkarm?is) ?\.nd
catches hold of the tails of certain buffaloes which are to be
taken in charge by the n^w palol, saying to himself three times
for each buffalo, " Tovcr vatkiiia ?" — " Tail shall I hold ?" —
and replying to himself each time, " Vai /" At the Nodrs fi
if the candidate is to he pa/o/ of the tiir, the kaltmokh holds
the tails of three buffaloes, one of each kind ; if he is to be
palol Q){ the tvarsiv^ two buffaloes only take part (see p. 112).
After this the kaltmokh prepares food in the pi'il of the dairy
and gives it to the palol designate. While the kaltmokh is
attending to the new palol he must become a pei'knrsol —
i.e., he degrades himself to this rank before undertaking
these duties. During the night the candidate together
with the kaltmokh and the other palol already in office

^ It has l)een stated by ITarkness, Marshall and others that when the palol is
entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely naked. This is not
strictly correct, though the covering afit'orded by the tJini is so meagre that the
statement is almost justified.

i6o THE TODAS

(if there are two, as at the Nodrs ti) sleep fn the hut of
the // mad.

The next day (Thursday) the n^w palol goes to the stream
and performs the tudr ceremony three times in the morning
and nine times in the afternoon ; i.e., he drinks from the tiidr
leaves three and nine times seven. On this day the kaltmokJi
milks the piinir, takes the milk to the piil, churns there and
gives buttermilk, butter and other food to the new palol.
On that night all sleep in the karcnpoh or calf-house.

The proceedings of Friday, Saturday, and Sunday are the
same as those of Thursday, except that the new/(?/c?/may now
drink the milk of the punir like the full palol.

On Monday morning the new palol enters on his office.
In the morning he bathes and then takes off the temporary
peniiar and kuvn he has been wearing and replaces them by
others made in the same wa}'. A Badaga (the ///'^^wrtz') then
brings one of the two cloaks of the palol, that called
podrshtnni, and lays it down at the outskirts of the dairy. It
is taken up by the kaltmokJi and given to the new palol,
who spreads it out on the place where the buffaloes are
milked. He then takes pounded tudr bark, says the
kwarzam of the gods, of the // and of the buffaloes (see Chap.
X) and throws the pounded bark on the garment. He turns
the garment over so as to expose the other surface and purifies
this in the same way. He then asks himself, " Pbdrshtiini
tntkina?'' — "Shall I tie i\\e pbdrslitiiiiiV — and throwing off
the mad tiini he has been wearing hitherto, he puts on the
podrshtiini. The kaltmokh returns the mad tuni to the Nodrs
people, who come on this day and stand on the outskirts
of the place.

The new palol then purifies his dairy by sprinkling it with
water and tudr bark in the same way as is done when going
to a new dairy (see p. 136). He next takes the ?///«;/, puts
into it water and tudt bark, and turning towards the Nodrs
people with the vessel to his forehead, says three times to
them, " Pohpfikhkina ? "— " Shall I enter the dairy ? " All the
Nodrs people cry '' PfikhT' and the new /<f?/^/ enters his dairy
with the full rights of his position.

At some period before entering into office as full palol

VII

ORDINATION CEREMONIES l6l

the candidate touches a tastJi or bar of the entrance into the
til. This ceremony is similar to that performed by the
kaltmokh, and as in this case it seemed to be the special
indication of entrance on full office, but unfortunately my
notes do not make it clear exactly when this touching of the
tastJi is done nor with what ceremonial it is accomplished.

For a month from this day there will be what is called pon,
nothing being either sold or given from the dairy. At the
end of the month, on a Monday, a tuni of the kind called
kubuntimi is brought by the tikelfmav, and is put on in the
usual way. (During the previous month the podrshUini will
have been used both as a cloak and as a loincloth, and will
have been taken into the sleeping hut.) The palol is visited
by the dairymen of his rank from the other ti dairies, and
there will be many visitors from all the Todas, who come and
sit in the pill of the dairy and feast. The new palol also
receives greetings on this day from the Todas for the first
time since his entry upon office. He greets the Tartharol
first, saying "■Ban" in the usual way, and then the Teivaliol,
saying " Pekein'' and each reply in the customary manner.

The ordination ceremonies of the palol are thus very
prolonged. There is a preliminary qualifying ceremony in
which the would-be candidates receive pieces of tuni, perform
both the iimli and the tiulr purificatory ceremonies, each once
only, and on the following day go through the very peculiar
ceremonial in which they are given superabundant food by an
old woman while in a condition of complete nudity.

The proper ordination ceremonies begin on a Sunday, when
the candidate receives tuni, performs the purificatory ceremony
with tiidr three times seven, and sleeps in a wood. On
Monday he washes off the tudr, becomes a perol, and goes to
the village of Odr, where he again receives tuni, goes through
the vmliniroditi ceremony which makes him a palikartuiokh,
and then performs the tudr ceremony three times seven and
sleeps in the open, covered only with the tiuii. On Tuesday
he performs the tudr purification three times seven in the
morning and seven times seven in the evening and again
sleeps in the open. On Wednesday he bathes and assumes a
special kuvn and goes to his future dairy, where the kaltmokh

i62 THE TODAS chap.

performs the tail-holding ceremony and the candidate sleeps
in the hut. On the four next days the tndr ceremony is per-
formed three times seven in the mornings and nine times seven
in the afternoons, and the calf-house is used as a sleeping-place.
On the following Monday the palol enters upon office, assuming
the podrshtimi, touching a tasth, and entering his dairy.

The foregoing description of the ordination of the palol
applies primarily to the Nodrs //, but in its main details it
holds good for other places.

I am doubtful as to the part taken by the village of Odr,
and am not clear whether part of the ordination ceremony
is performed at this place by OM^xy palol ox only by those of the
Nodrs ti. It is possible that it is only the latter who visit the
village, but I do not know of any corresponding village visited
by the candidates for the post oi palol at other ti dairies. My
impression is that every candidate for the office of palol visits
this village.

The only definite modification of the ceremonies attendant
on entrance into office of which I know occurs at the Kars tu
Here \h& palol is first ordained to the par-sir — i.e., he becomes
"CxiQ. palol oi this herd of buffaloes and tends them only. At
the end of a month he becomes palol of the piirsir, and the
ceremony of entrance upon this office was spoken of as
pelkkattJititi to the piirspoJi. In this case the ceremony of
ordination to the parspoh is called nirbditi, and that of
removal to another ddAxy pelkkatthtiti.

On the afternoon of the appointed day the palol churns the
milk of the morning in the parspoh and then shuts the door of
this dairy, which he never re-enters as long as he is in office. He
could only do so if he should cease to be palol and be re-
ordained to the same ti.

A new pbdrsht2ini is brought by a Badaga and is assumed
by the palol after purification in the usual manner. At the
same time he puts on a new kagurs} which has been purified
by the kaltniokh, who has also cut a new kivoinortpct on the
hill of Kulinkars which the palol then purifies with tudr bark
in the usual manner, saying the names of the four deities,
Anto, Notirzi, Kulinkars, and Kuzkarv.

^ The ii name of ihe kitvn.

Vil ORDINATION CEREMONIES 163

The pa/ol then digs up earth from the footprints of one of
the piirsir, saying the whole prayer of the // as he does so.
He drives the buffalo slightly to one side by touching it with
the wand, and takes earth from the exact place where the foot
of the buffalo had been resting and puts the earth into a cup
which he has made of tudr leaves. He adds pounded tiidr
bark and goes to the spring ikwoinir) of the dairy, where he
mixes water with the earth and bark. He then goes to the
stone called pepkusthkars, where he has previously laid a
complete set of new dairy vessels and implements of the inner
room, together with the lamp and the bell (Ner) of ihe piirspoh.
The bell is laid on the stone, the other things by its side.

Wearing the pbdrshtiini and holding the kzvoirwrtpet under
his left arm, the palol sprinkles the contents of the leaf- cup
over the dairy vessels and other objects, beginning with the
bell, and as he does so he prays, using the whole prayer of the
dairy. He then ties all the vessels and other contents of the
dairy on a staff called pepkati in exactly the same manner as
when taking them from one // mad to another. The bell is
tied up in a leafy covering of kiaz and everything is done as
in the migration from one place to another, and the staff with
its burden is then borne by the palol from the pepkusthkars to
the stone C3.]\ed perskars, by the side of which the dairy vessels
are laid, while the utani is uncovered and laid on the stone.
The staff is then placed at the back of the dairy.

Having untied the dairy vessels and arranged them by the
stone, the palol pounds fresh tudr bark, and with the
kzvoinortpet under his left arm goes with the karitbrzum to
the sacred spring, into which he throws the bark, takes water,
and returns. Taking more pounded bark, he puts it in the
idrkwoi and pours water into this vessel from the karitbrzum.
He takes the idrkzvoi with its contents to the front of the
dairy, and with his right hand sprinkles the water over the
outside of the dairy and then into its interior till the vessel
is emptied. The dairy vessels are not again purified, but are
taken into the dairy with the same procedure as that described
in the last chapter. The vessels of the outer room, which
have been purified by the kaltmokh, are then taken to their
places. Fire is made by friction ; one fireplace is lighted

M 2

i64 THE TODAS chap.

and fire transferred to the other, and from this the lamp is
h'ghted, and thQ palol, who is now palol of the piirsir, goes out
to look after and milk his new charges. On this evening no
food is taken, nor does the palol drink buttermilk as usual,
and the kaltmokli does not blow the horn in the evening. On
the following day, which is the occasion of a feast for all
Todas, the usual routine is followed.

The most interesting feature of this ceremony at the Kars
ti is that the vessels of the inner room are taken by the palol
from the pepkiistJikars to the perskars, a distance said to be
about fifty yards, in exactly the same manner as that in which
they are carried from one dairy to another during the
migrations when the distance may be many miles.

The essential feature of the various ordination ceremonies
is purification by drinking water from certain leaves and rub-
bing the body with the juice of certain plants or the bark of
a tree mixed with water from a dairy stream or spring. The
ordinary dairyman uses the leaves and shoots of viuli ; the
dairymen of the Taradr kugvali and the Kanodrs poll use
seven kinds of leaves and rub themselves with tudr bark,
while the three grades of dairyman open only to Teivali or
Melgars people not only rub with the juice of tudr bark, but
use tudr leaves for the purificatory drinking.

The palikartniokh drinks and rubs himself seven times
only, the wursol and kaltniokh seven times seven, while at
various stages in his ordination the palol uses tudr bark three
times seven, seven times seven, and nine times seven.

The final stage of ordination or induction is marked by
touching some sacred object of the dairy. The ordinary
dairyman touches one or more of the sacred vessels of the
dairy ; the ivursol, kugvalikartmokh, and the pohkartpol of
Kanodrs touch the inu, a dairy vessel buried in the buffalo
pen, which is dug up for the ordination ceremony. The
kaltniokh and the palol touch a tastJi, the former touching a
bar of the calf enclosure and the latter one in the opening of
the pen used for adult buffaloes.

According to one account, the Teivali palikartniokh also
touches a viu on entrance into office, but it is very doubtful if

VII ORDINATION CEREMONIES 165

this is correct. Nothing was said about it at the ordination
at which I was present, and I saw nothing to indicate that
this vessel was being used, but it is possible that the imi had
been dug up earlier in the day and put inside the dairy.

Another interesting feature of the ordination ceremonies
is that a dairyman of a higher grade may be taken through
the lower stages on his way to the higher office. Thus both
zvuvsol 2i\\A palol ^Qxioxvn the purificatory ceremony with miili^
which is the chief feature of the ordination of i\\Q palikartiiiokh.
There did not seem to be any stage in the ordination of the
palol when he could be said to be a wursol, though the cere-
monies of Monday evening and Tuesday are very much like
those of the iviirsol, the chief difference being in the exact
number of times that the tudr purification is performed.

CHAPTER VIII

SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES

I HAVE SO far dealt with the organisation and ritual of the
dairy, with the ceremonies accompanying the movements of
the buffaloes from one place to another, and with the cere-
monies attendant on the entrance of the dairymen into office.
There remain ceremonies which accompany certain events in
the course of the dairy ritual or in the lives of the buffaloes.
One of these, \.\\^ pepkaricha ceremony, is performed whenever
any evil befalls a certain dairy vessel which is buried in the
buffalo pen. Another ceremony celebrates the birth of a calf,
and a group of ceremonies are connected with the act of
giving salt to the buffaloes.

THE PEPKARICHA CEREMONY

In the account of the daily work of the dairy, it will be
remembered that whenever the dairyman goes out to milk for
the first time he puts some buttermilk into his milking vessel.
This is done in every dairy, and the buttermilk so added is
called pep. The milk of every day has mixed with it some
of the buttermilk from the milking of the day before, and in
this way continuity is kept up in the dairy operations.
Under certain conditions this continuity is broken and
new pep has to be made, and the process of doing so is the
ceremony called pepkaricha, pepkarichti, or pcpkaricJianiidr
— i.e., "pep he purifies," or, " if pep is purified."

In some cases ntw pep has to be made for the whole clan

CH. VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 167

{madol) ; in other cases it has only to be made for one of the
dairies of the clan.

The ceremony is performed for the whole clan whenever
anything goes wrong with a certain dairy vessel called 11171.,
which is buried in the buffalo pen at the chief village of the
clan. We have seen that this vessel is used in the ordination
to certain dairy offices, and it is also inspected as a matter of
routine about once a year. If it is broken or has been stolen
or tampered with in any way, it becomes necessary to make
new pep for the whole clan.

Among the Tartharol, new/^/ has also to be made after the
funeral of a male on account of the defilement of the mani
involved in its exposure to the ordinary people at the funeral
ceremonies.

The conditions which necessitate the making of now pep {ox
a single dairy are, (i) if a Tamil or other "foreigner" has
entered the dairy, (2) if an ordinary Toda {perol) has gone
into the dairy at night, (3) if the dairyman has used tobacco.
In these cases the people of the village at which the offence has
been committed procure a new imi, and, after purifying it, go
to some other dairy of the clan, where they procure some
buttermilk to act 3.s pep and take it to their own dairy. It is
only when now pep has to be made for the whole clan that the
prolonged ceremony oi pepkarichtihdiS to be carried out. This
ceremony differs in its details for each clan, and is more com-
plicated in some cases than in others. As an example, I will
give the proceedings for the Kuudr clan.

When it becomes necessary to make new pep for the whole
group of dairies belonging to the clan it is necessary to take
the buffaloes to one special dairy. The Kuudr people go to
the dairy of Kwirg near Sholur. On the day of going to
Kwirg, a feast is held at which the food called asJikkartpimi
is eaten.

Whenever new pep is made it is necessary to have a new
palikartmokJi, and the man who is to undertake the duties
goes to Kwirg with the milking buffaloes of \X\q pasthir 2i\\6. is
accompanied by a number of Kuudr men. The men take
with them a new and complete set of dairy vessels, and reach
Kwirg in the early morning of a Sunday after the new moon.

i68 THE TODAS chap.

The buffaloes are at once penned in the tii. The first business
is the ordination of the new palikartiiiokh, which is carried
out as usual. When at the stream for the purification cere-
mony, iho. palikartniokJi has with him a new w?^, which he fills
with water at the stream. He takes this vessel to the tii in
which the buffaloes are penned, and knocks one of the buffaloes
on the back with his wand {pef), so that it moves to one side.
Then with the wand he digs some earth from the spot where
the hoof of the buffalo had been resting, and mixes this earth
with tudr bark. He places part of the mixed earth and bark
in the inn, and puts the rest on one side ; this part of the
ceremony is called mukatchkudrspi?ii, or purification of the imi,
literally " imi purification I have purified."

T\\Q paUkartinokJi\kiQ.\\ brings all the other dairy vessels and
implements, beginning with the patat, and purifies them by
throwing on them mixed earth and Uidr bark, sprinkling
them with water from the nni three times, saying " Oh " each
time. The things of the patatinar are purified first and then
the things of the ertatniar, and the purified objects are placed
in the dairy. Fire is made by friction and \.\\e palikartmokh goes
out to milk. Buttermilk is not put into the milking-vessel as
usual, and the lamp is not lighted. The milk is poured into
the patat, and the palikartmokh then prepares food, which he
gives to the people who have come with him, but he himself
fasts. All the men then go away except one or two, who are
to remain as companions of the dairyman. In the evening
the palikartinokh takes off" some of the cream,^ which has
risen to the top of the milk, and puts it into the lamp which
he lights, and then prays, using the kivarj^ant of Kwirg ^ and
the kwarzam of the pep only.

If the milk has coagulated it is now churned, and then the
buffaloes are milked as usual, but if the milk has not
coagulated, it is left till next morning. In the evening the
dairyman takes food as usual.

On the following day, it seems that the milk has always

' This is the only occasion on which this cream is used by the Todas. It is
used because there are now ncillier butter nor ghi at the dairy. Its use here is an
indication that the process of coagulation is less rapid than usual.

^ See p. 222.

viii SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 169

become solid and is churned. Immediately after churning
and without taking food, the dairyman puts together the
dairy things according to the usual method followed when
going from one village to another, and goes with his buffaloes
to the village of Kiudr. The dairy vessels are carried in the
usual manner, the new buttermilk called puthpep being in the
patat and the butter in the mu.

The people living at Kiudr leave the village, and the man who
has been filling the office oi palikartniokh there throws away
all the old dairy things and takes the inani to the stones by
the side of that dairy called neiirziilnkays (see p. 129). After
leaving the bells there for a little time, the dairyman takes
them to the pa/i ?i/pa, and then his office ceases and he becomes
pero/.

The new palikartmokh, who has come from Kwirg, purifies
the dairy and his new dairy vessels and the viani in exactly
the same way as when reaching a new dairy, and then
places the bells, vessels, and other objects in the dairy,
During the next month, till the following new moon, the
dairyman and his companions stay alone at Kiudr doing the
ordinary business of the dairy. During this time they may
be visited by men of the Kuudr clan, but neither by women
nor by men of other clans. At the end of the month, on the
Sunday after the new moon, the palikartniokh drives the
buffaloes (now called /c;//r, festival buffaloes) to Kuudr, taking
with him the puthpep and the dairy vessels. When the people
at Kuudr see the dairyman coming with the ponir, they leave
the village and all go to Kiudr, which the buffaloes have just
left. There they hold a feast to which many people of other
clans, both men and women, are invited.

When the palikartmokh reaches Kuudr, he purifies the
dairy as he had done at Kiudr and puts the vessels in their
places.

Certain men of the clan then come, each with a new nni,
and these vessels are laid by the side of the stones called
keinkars and tashtikars in the wall of the pen. At Kuudr
fifteen new mu should be brought by the fifteen heads of
families of the Kuudr clan. The palikartmokh then purifies
each mu with tudr bark in the usual way and places the

I70 THE TODAS chap.

vessels on the patatmar of the dairy, after which he gives
food to those who have provided the vessels.

The palikartniokh with his companion or companions then
stay at Kuudr for a month, when, again on a Sunday after the
new moon, all the Kuudrol assemble at Kuudr and hold a
feast. On that day a new palikari)nokh is appointed for each
dairy of the Kuudr clan. Each man goes through the usual
ordination ceremony and then receives one of the new viii
containing some of the new pep, which he takes to his dairy.
Each new dairyman also provides new dairy vessels, and,
when he reaches his dairy, purifies the i/iii and the new dairy
things in the way already described. He puts the vessels
into the dairy and then goes to milk, taking some of the new
pep in his milking-vessel, and thereafter matters go on as
usual. Each new dairyman fasts while going to his dairy with
the nQ\Y pep, although the rest of the people are feasting.

Those who remain at Kuudr bury the inii. in which the pep
was brought from Kwirg. It is buried by the side of the pen,
under a tree called teikJikivadiki.

The ceremony of making new pep is carried out on the
same lines in all dairies, but usually it is less complicated and
fewer villages have to be visited than in the case of the
Kuudrol. It seems that there is a tendency in some clans
to perform the ceremony less rigidly than of old. Thus,
the Kars people used to go to Keshker for new pep, but
now they perform the ceremony at Kars itself, so that the
migration to a new place with its attendant ceremonial is
avoided.

There are certain differences in the procedure in the case of
Teivali and Tarthar clans. One, the necessity for new pep
after the funeral of a male, has been already mentioned.

Another difference is that there is a buried iiin for each
kind of dairy, so that a clan which has two or three kinds of
dairy will have two or three imi buried in the pen. If it is
the vm belonging to the wursuli which is broken or tampered
with, the ceremony is performed by the wiirsol, who takes
earth from the footprints of one of the zvursulir. If the vm of
the kudipali is injured, the kiidrpalikartmokh performs the
ceremony, taking earth from the footprints of one of the other

VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 171

kinds of sacred buffaloes. Thus at Kars he takes it from the
prints of the martir.

At Kanodrs new pep has to be made at a place called
Kautarmad, which I could not identify. It is a long way
from Kanodrs, but the people have to go there because the
god Kwoto used to make pep there. There is one feature
peculiar to the ceremony for this clan. Earth has to be taken
from a certain spot from which it was taken by Kwoto, and
this earth is mixed with that taken from the footprints of the
buffalo.

Another special feature of the Kanodrs dairy is connected
with the buried nm and is probably the result of the fact that
this dairy is now only occupied occasionally. When the
po/ikartpol \e^.vQ5 the dairy on vacating office, he takes up the
buried niu, pours into it a small quantity of pep, and reburies
the vessel, covering it on the top with a stone. When he
resumes office, he takes up the mn and purifies it with the
two kinds of earth used in the full ceremony, and puts the
pep which has been buried into his milking-vessel when he
goes out to milk for the first time. As in other Tarthar clans,
the full ceremony of pepkaricha is only carried out when the
mu is broken or stolen, and after the funeral of a m.ale.

A characteristic feature of Toda dairy procedure is the
coagulation of the milk before it is churned. This coagulation
occurs in a few hours without the addition of rennet or other
special coagulating agent, the milk drawn in the morning being
nearly always solid at the time of the afternoon churning.
This rapid coagulation of the milk is almost certainly assisted
by the added buttermilk or pep, the curdling being probably
an acid coagulation set up or hastened by the addition of the
sour buttermilk. If this were the case, it might be expected
that habitual failure of the milk to coagulate might be
regarded as a reason for making new pep, and I therefore
inquired carefully into this point. It was quite clear,
however, that delay in the coagulation was not looked upon as
a reason for the ceremony. If there was habitual delay, it
was customary to consult the diviners, and they always gave
one of two reasons for the delay : either that it was due to the
action of a sorcerer, or that the dairyman had committed one

172 THE TODAS chap.

of the offences against the dairy of which a Hst is given on
p. 295.

If delay were said to be due to the first cause, the sorcerer
would be invited to the village, entertained with food, and
induced to remove his spell ; if to the second cause, the
dairyman would have to perform the irnortiti or similar
ceremony ; but there was never any question of making new
pep, the necessity for this ceremony being entirely dependent
on the condition of the buried dairy vessel.

The Irpalvusthi Ceremony

The ceremony of irpalvusthi (buffalo milk he milks) is per-
formed about the fifteenth day after the birth of a calf.
It only takes place when one of the sacred buffaloes has
calved, and is not performed in ordinary villages for putiii\
nor at the ti for punir. It is performed after the birth of
both male and female calves. The ceremony is carried out in
the same fashion at the zuursuli, the kudrpali and the tarvali,
but has different features at the kugvali of Taradr and at
the ti.

There are special days for the ceremony. At the tai'vali,
it must be performed on Sunday, Wednesday, or Saturday ;
at the kudrpali and ivursuli, on Sunday or Wednesday ;
at the kugvali, on Saturday. The ceremony is performed at
the ti, but I omitted to obtain any account of the proceedings
at this grade of dairy.

When this ceremony is held at the village of Kuudr, a man
from Odr belonging to the Nodrsol must attend, and similarly
a man from Kuudr must be present when the ceremony
is performed at Kuudr, this regulation being the result
of certain events in the histories of the buffaloes of these
places (see p. 647).

At each of the three kinds of dairy which follow the same
procedure, the chief part is taken by the dairyman. At the
wursuli, the luursol officiates, and at the kudrpali and tarvali,
the palikartmokJi.

The first appropriate occasion after the fifteenth day from
the birth of the calf is appointed and the dairy is purified with

VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 173

dried buffalo-dung. Contrary to the general rule, the lamp is
lighted on the morning of this day. All the buffaloes are
milked as usual ; one or two pmi of milk being poured into
\h^ patat and all the rest into the ertat.

The dairyman then puts some milk into the milking-vessel,
and, carrying his wand, he leads the fifteen-day-old calf to its
mother to be suckled. While the calf is being suckled, the
dairyman strikes the mother on the right side of the back three
times with the wand, saying '■'On " each time. He then puts the
wand on the top of the milking-vessel and, holding both in his
left hand, milks the buffalo once or twice with the other hand,
so that the milk splashes on the wand as it falls into the vessel.
The vessel and wand are then laid at the back of the dairy,
which the dairyman enters to prepare food, boiling grain or
rice with milk in a special vessel [ertat) kept for the purpose.
While the food is being cooked the dairyman takes some
of the grass called kakar and the plant called kabudri, and
sweeps the interior of the dairy with them, beginning at the
patatmar. While doing this and during his other operations
on this day, he must not turn his back to the contents of the
dairy. After having swept the dairy, he lays the kakar
and kabudri by the wall of the building, again takes the
milking-vessel and wand from the back of the dairy, and,
having called the people of the village, he salutes by raising
the vessel and wand to his forehead and prays, all present
praying with him. I am not certain whether it is the prayer
of the village or a special prayer which is used on this
occasion. After praying, the dairyman lays the wand on the
top of the patat and pours the milk which he obtained from
the buffalo into the patat over the wand. He puts the latter
in its appointed place and then goes to the ertatinar, where he
prepares a large number of leaves on which he portions
out the food {tbrkistJiiti) which he has prepared, and all the
people present take this food outside the dairy. On the
following day, the buffalo which has calved is milked with the
rest.

When this ceremony is performed at the wursiUi dairy,
it is the only occasion on which the wursol prepares food ; at
all other times, the food of this dairyman is prepared by

174 THE TODAS chap.

the palikartviokli. On this occasion the wursol not only
cooks food for himself but for all those present. Another
distinctive feature of this ceremony is that it is the only
occasion on which the milk of the zvursiilir is ever drunk.

The day of irpalvustJii is the only day on which the
dairymen of the three kinds of dairy, with the exception
of the iviirsol of certain dairies, do their work kabkaditi, i.e.,
do not turn their backs to the contents of the dairy.

At the kugvali of Taradr, the ceremony is more elaborate.
It begins in the afternoon, when the dairy is purified
with dried buffalo-dung. Three large pieces of the wood
called kid are brought, and the dairyman ties the small
piece of cloth called petuni to the milking-vessel and to
a special wand called irpalvusthpet} He also ties petuni in
the form of rings round the ring and little fingers of his
right hand and round the ring finger of his left hand.
He then goes out with the milking-vessel and wand, and
after saluting by raising them to his forehead, he goes to
the place where the buffaloes are milked and prays there.

The kugvalikartviokJi then takes the calf to its mother
and milks as at the other dairies, but in this case he milks
the buffalo completely, and if, by doing so, he has not
filled his milking-vessel, he fills it with the milk of putiir.
He pours this milk into the majpariv, which has been
carefully cleaned, and puts the three pieces of kid wood in
the fireplace. He puts into the milk three measures {ak)
of rice, but adds neither salt nor jaggery. When the food
is ready, he portions it out on leaves and gives to those
present, who must on this occasion be limited to the people
of the village. This ceremony occurs on Saturday evening.
On the following day, the ceremony is repeated, being
called on this occasion irpatadiltJiti, i.e., " buffalo milk he uses
publicly." When preparing food on this day the kugvali-
kartniokh puts into the milk eleven ak of rice- and adds
both salt and jaggery. The number of pieces of wood used
is not limited to three, but any quantity may be burnt.
When the food is ready, he goes out of the dairy and finds

^ I am doubtful whether a special wand is also used in other dairies.
2 Eleven aX' = one kwa (see p. 588).

VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 175

assembled a large number of people, including guests from
other villages and clans. Among them a Melgars man must
be included or there could be no ceremony. When the
dairyman sees the people, he says " 01 piidra ? " " People, have
you come ? " They answer " Pudspinii" " We have come."
The dairyman then brings the stirring-stick {put), and, taking
up some of the food on the stick, says " Tiitr erkina ?" " At
the fire shall I throw?" and the people answer " Tiitr eri !"
" At the fire, throw ! " The dairyman then throws the food
on the stick into the fire, and portions out the rest of the food
among the people, who eat it outside the dairy.

From the birth of the calf until this ceremony, the buffalo
is not milked and the calf is kept, when not with its mother,
in the small enclosure called kiisli. After the ceremony, the
buffalo is milked like the rest of the herd, and the calf
joins the others in the ordinary calf-house, or kivotars.

Giving Salt to Buffaloes

Salt is given to the buffaloes five times a year, both at
the // viad and the ordinary village. At the ti the salt is
giv^en with buttermilk, and the ceremony is known as inorup.
At the ordinary village buttermilk is not given, and there
is no general name for the ceremony, though there arc special
names for three of the five occasions on which salt is given.
These special names are also used at the ti. The first
occasion is kbriip, or ' new grass salt,' which takes place in
the month Nalani (February-March). The second is marup,
or ' again salt,' a month later in Ani. The next two occasions
have no special names, but in the ordinary village are known
as arsiip^ ' house salt,' given in the months Ovani and Kirdivi
(June-July and September-October). The last occasion
is in the month Emioti (November-December), and is known
as paniiip, meaning 'frost salt.' In the case of kbrup
2ir\d paniup, it seemed that salt was given shortly before the
time at which the young grass and frost respectively were
expected.

At the ti the ceremony is performed on the Sunday or
Tuesday following the new moon. At the Nodrs // it should

176 THE TODAS chap.

be done for the tiir on Sunday and for the ivarsir on Tuesday,
but this now only happens when the buffaloes are at Odrtho
and Kudreiil, where the dairies of the two kinds of buffaloes
are at some distance apart. At Modr and Anto and other
dairies, the ceremony is performed for both kinds of buffalo
on a Sunday. At the Pan ti the day for the ceremony
is Tuesday, and at the Kars //, Sunday.

On the day before the ceremony each palol ^ digs a round
hole called the tipiuikudi at a prescribed spot, or more com-
monly enlarges the hole remaining from a previous cere-
mony. On the following day each /ir^/i?/ carries out the usual
morning churning and milking, but before drinking butter-
milk the dairy is cleansed with buffalo-dung. The. palol then
pours into the vessel called altig two kiidi of buttermilk and
takes the vessel and some salt to the iipunkudi. He throws bark
of the tudr tree three times into the hole, three times into the
buttermilk and on the salt, and going to the spring he throws
the bark three times into the water, saying "6^/2 " each time.
The palol then fills the alug with water from the spring,
mixing it with the buttermilk already in the vessel. He adds
salt, saying "(9;/ " three times, and the whole is poured into the
upunhidi. A special buffalo is then brought to the iipunkudi;
at the Nodrs ti the ti palol first leads up the buffalo belonging
to the ?/;«> which is called Enmars and the zuars palol idJ^QS
the buffalo oi the perithir called Orsum, this act of sending a
special buffalo first being called irpai'satiti. After this all the
buffaloes are taken to drink in groups of five or six. When
the hole has been emptied, it is refilled with salt and water,
but this time no buttermilk is added. When all the buffaloes
have drunk, each palol pulls some of the grass called kargh
and throws it into the hole three times and returns to his
dairy to take buttermilk from the kaltniokh as usual.

At the ordinary village the salt-giving ceremony is per-
formed about a week after it has been done at the ti. Any
day may be chosen except the niadnol, paliuol, or arpatznol}
Thus at Kuudr the ceremony may be performed on any day

^ When there is only one palol for both kintls of buffiilocs, as at the Pan ti, he
only digs one hole.
2 See Chapter XVII.

VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 177

except Tuesday and Friday ; at Kars, on any day except
Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday.

On the three occasions with special names, kbnip, inarup, and
paniiip, guests come from other villages, but at the arsup this
does not happen. As in the case of the irpalvustJii ceremony,
a man from Kuudr must be present at the salt-giving cere-
mony of Odr and a man from Odr must be present at
Kuudr.

The ceremony is performed by the palikartuwkh after the

people of the village have made the hole or upunkudi} The

palikartinokh takes from the dairy the vessel corresponding to

the aliig of the //, viz., the tat, but does not take buttermilk.

Tudr bark is used in the same way as at the ti.

At a Teivali village, the past/iir drink first. At a Tarthar
village at which there is a wiirsol, the wnrsiilir drink first, the
act of sending certain buffaloes first being called irparsatiti as
at the ti. After the buffaloes have drunk, kargh grass is
thrown into the hole, first by the dairyman and then by-
all the others present, but it is only thrown once by each
person, who says "6^//" as he throws.

The object of this ceremony is said to be that the buffaloes
shall give a plentiful supply of milk.

The Ponup Ceremony

At the // dairy salt, is given to the buffaloes on certain other
occasions and with a far more elaborate ritual. The ceremony
is then called ponup, or ' festival salt,' and takes place soon
after the migration from one dairy to another. At the Nodrs
ti the salt is given on the Wednesday following the Sunday
on which the migration has occurred, and at the Kars ti and
the Pan ti, on Sunday, a week later than the procession.

On the night before the ceremony the palol shuts up the
buffaloes in the special pen called the/c/^ tii.

On the morning of the appointed day, when the churning is
finished, but before the buffaloes have been milked, each
palol brings six sprigs of the shrub called piitJiiinul, each
sprig having on it five or six leaves. Three of these sprigs

^ This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a tariipiuikudi.

178 THE TODAS chap.

are put on one side, and the other three are used as follows : —
Rice has been previously prepared and placed either on the
leaf called kakiiders or on that called katers. ThQpalol makes
a hole in this food in which he puts butter, and, taking the
first sprig oi piitliiiniil, he plucks from it one leaf and, using it
as a spoon, takes up some of the food and puts it on the fire
in the fireplace called tbratthwaskal, saying the name of the
chief ten or god of the ti. He then takes some of the butter,
and holds it over the fire till it drops, when he utters the
name of the same god. He repeats this with a second leaf
of the puthimtil, saying the name of the second most im-
portant god of the ti, and so on with the other leaves. I ob-
tained the fullest account of pomip from Koboners, who had
heQn palol oi the Kars ti, and here food and butter were put
on the fire six times, saying the names of Anto, Notirzi,
Kuzkarv, Kulinkars, Onkomn, and Karmanteu.

The kaltmokJi then brings water taken from the ordinary
stream in the vessel called mbrkudriki, and gives it to the
palolf-'who sits in the outer room facing towards the inner
room, and throws some of the rice in front of him once, some
behind him once, and the rest outside the dairy. He puts
some salt on the fire, and taking the water brought by the
kaltmokh, he sprinkles it before and behind him as he had
done with the food.

Then follows kaizhvatiti, i.e., the kaltmokh pours out
buttermilk for the paloL This is the only occasion on
which this act takes place before the buffaloes have been
milked, the ceremony of drinking buttermilk on every other
occasion taking place when the morning's work is over. The
palol gives food to the kaltmokh, and here, again, there is a
feature peculiar to this day, for the kaltmokJi eats his food
sitting in the place in the hut where the palol usually sits.

The buffaloes are then milked, after which \.\\q palol fetches
three sticks of the kind ordinarily called kivadrikiirs, but at
the //, kakul. Each is used for a special purpose and has a
corresponding name, one being called irpastJikakul, the second
kwarkiil, and the third parkiil.

The palol takes buffalo-dung in both hands and the
irpastJikahd in the right hand, and separates certain buffaloes

VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 179

from the rest by knocking their backs three times with the
dung and stick. At the Kars // two buffaloes are separated
in this way ; at the Nodrs ti five buffaloes are set apart, one
of each kind, three by the ti paloly and two by the ivars palol.
These buffaloes are known as ponir. The dairy is then
purified with the dung and water. The irpastlikakul is laid on
one side, and the /rt:/^/ puts salt in the basket caWed pofunuken,
and takes it with the water- vessel called karpnn to the place
where salt is to be given, taking also the remaining sprigs of
puthimul and a bundle of fern.

At the place for the ceremony there is a stone called ponkars
(when there are iwo palol there will be two stones), and at the
stone the palol makes a vessel of clay and water so as to
resemble a milking-vessel. This clay vessel is called teukivoi
(Jeu, god, and kzvoi, milking-vessel).

The palol then takes two perfect tudr leaves, and fastens
them together with the petioles of other leaves, so that they
form a cup which is called piivup. Salt is placed in this leaf
vessel, which is laid down by the side of the teukivoi. One
such vessel is made for each buffalo, two at the Kars ti and
five at the Nodrs ti.

The palol then takes the stick called kwarkiil^ and with it
makes a hole in the middle of each teukivoi, saying (at the
Kars ti) '' antok teukivoi urij, pain!" ("To Anto in teukivoi
make hole, O palol ! "). He then makes other holes round the
sides of the clay vessel, saying the names of the other gods in
the same manner. (At the Kars ti those which have already
been given. At the Nodrs // the names of five gods are
mentioned — Anto, Kulinkars, Notirzi, Kuladrvan, and Kuz-
karv.) Two pieces of tudr bark and a sprig of puthimul are
then placed in each hole, saying for the first, "Autok teukwoi
et, pain!" ("To Anto in teukivoi ^\xi, O palol ! "), and this is
repeated with the name of a different god for each hole.

Next the palol takes the stick called parkul, which has a
sharpened end, and makes small holes called upunkudi as in
the inbrup ceremony. At the Kars // only two upunkudi are
made ; at the Nodrs ti one palol makes three and the other
two holes. Tudr bark is thrown three times into the holes
and into the water of the spring. Water is taken from the

N 2

i8o THE TODAS chap.

spring in the kai'piin, salt is put into the water three times and
the salt and water are poured into the holes, and the buffaloes
previously set apart are led to the holes and drink three times,
one buffalo from each hole. The leaf vessels previously made
{p?iv?ip) are then given to the buffaloes, and are eaten by
them. Care is taken to give the leaf vessels in such a way
that the end of the leaf corresponding to the petiole enters
the mouth of the buffalo first.

The palol takes Anto's leaf from the tenkzvoi and puts it in
the karpiiii with water, then faces towards the place where
Anto lives (Anto's hill) and pours in that direction, saying
" Antok," "to Anto." This is repeated with the other leaves,
the. palol \n each case turning and pouring towards the place
where the god lives.

Then follows the ceremony called tafkeirpiidrti, i.e., " fern
pool he strokes." The palol takes the bundle of fern which he
has brought with him and goes to the stream, which is blocked
up, so that the water accumulates and forms a pool. He
waits till the pool is so deep that the water would come half-
way up his thighs, when he steps in with the bundle of fern
in his right hand and strokes the bundle over the water, say-
ing the kwai'sam, or prayer names of certain gods and buffa-
loes (at the Nodrs ti the palol says, ''Anto Idit/i, Kulinkdrs
idith, Nbtirzi idith, Kulddrvan idith, Kiizkdrv idith, Mliv
idith, Mors idith. Pan idith, K{idreij tidj idith " : see Chapter
X). The palol then buries the fern at the bottom of the
pool, so that there is no chance that it may come up again,
and throws the grass called kargJi into each iipiinkudi once
only.

The palol \h.e\\ goes to the buffaloes and knocks one of the
ordinary kind called punir to one side with a bush called
ptrskivadriktfir and pours a little water on its back. This is
called pnnir fivk nir atiti, i.e., " he pours water on the back of
the puiiir."

Finally \.he palol goes to a stream near the npunkiidi and
washes there from the hands to the elbows. This final
washing is called peiaspiti. Pei is the Tamil word for
' demon,' and the word suggested that there was an idea of
warding off the influence of some kind of evil spirit, but it

viil SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES i8i

seemed that peiaspiti was merely the ti form of kaiaspiti, " he
washes the hands."

The following day is called {ipkdrvnol. On this day small
Badaga children go to the ti mad and the palol gives them
clarified butter on a leaf On this day also any one who
has been a palol {patol) may go to the ti mad and receive
food unless the funeral ceremonies for one of his clan
should still be uncompleted.

The ceremonies of ponup were said to be designed to
invite the gods to be present by means of the clay vessels.
The tiidr bark and leaves were said to be used in order
to purify these vessels after their defilement by human
hands in the process of making.

CHAPTER IX

THE TODA GODS

The ceremonies which hav^e been described in the last
five chapters make up a large part of the ritual of the
Toda religion, but there is one important feature of this
ritual which has so far been left on one side, or only
cursorily mentioned, because its full consideration only
becomes possible after an account has been given of the
Toda gods.

In describing the ritual of the dairy and the various
ceremonies connected with the buffaloes, it has been
mentioned that at certain times the prayer of the dairy
or the prayer of the village is used. In these prayers there
are references to various incidents in the lives of the gods,
and many of the clauses would be unintelligible without
a knowledge of these lives. It therefore becomes necessary
to consider this branch of Toda mythology before dealing
with the prayers in detail.

The typical Toda god is a being who is distinctly
anthropomorphic and is called a ten. In the legends he
lives much the same kind of life as the mortal Toda, having
his dairies and his buffaloes. The sacred dairies and the
sacred buffaloes of the Todas are still regarded as being in
some measure the property of the gods, and the dairymen
are looked upon as their priests. The gods hold councils and
consult with one another just as do the Todas, and they are
believed to be swayed by the same motives and to think in
the same way as the Todas themselves.

At the present time most of the gods are believed to

CH. IX THE TODA GODS 183

inhabit the summits of the hills, but they are not seen by
mortals. Before the Todas were created, the gods lived on
the Nilgiri Hills alone, and then it is believed that there
followed a period during which gods and men inhabited the
hills together. The gods ruled the men, ordained how they
should live and originated the various customs of the people.
The Todas can now give no definite account of their beliefs
about the transition from this state of things to that which
now exists.

Each clan of the Todas has a deity especially connected
with it. This deity is called the nbdrodcJii of the clan, and is
believed to have been the ruler of the clan when gods and
men lived together. I am doubtful whether there is at the
present time any belief that the nodrodchi exerts an influence
over the clan with which he is connected.

There was no department of Toda lore which gave me
greater difficulty than the study of the beliefs about the gods.
There was no doubt that two gods stood out pre-eminent
among the rest. One was a male deity whose name was On,
and the other a female deity, Teikirzi. A simple question
which I had the greatest difficulty in settling was the relation
of these deities to one another. According to one account
they were brother and sister ; according to another, father and
daughter. It seemed quite certain they were not husband and
wife, and most probable that they were brother and sister.
Others of the gods were believed to be related to one another,
but on such points as this I found it almost impossible to
obtain trustworthy information. It may have been reticence
which made the difficulty, but I do not think so, and am
inclined to think that the Todas have now only vague ideas
about the histories of their more ancient gods, and have
nothing like the definite traditions which they possess about
deities of obviously more recent origin.

Sometimes there were discrepancies between different
accounts which I could not clear up, and in such cases I
give the account which seems to me to be the most trust-
worthy.

i84 THE TODAS chap.

PlTHI

This god is the earhest of whom any tradition is preserved.
His name is Pithi or Piithi, and he is often called
Pithioteu. He was born near the sacred dairy of Anto in a
cave which had the same shape as the ordinary Toda
hut. According to one account, Pithi created Todas and
buffaloes, but there seemed to be little doubt that this is not
the correct tradition, which assigns the act of creation to
his son On. There is a suggestive resemblance between the
name of this god and the Sanscrit word for earth, Prithivi,
which is in common use in Southern India.

On was the son of Pithi. He created the buffaloes and the
Todas and became the ruler of Amnodr, the world of the
dead, where he now lives.

One day On went with his wife Pinarkurs to Medrpem (the
top of the Kundahs). There he put up an iron bar which
stretched from one end of the />€m to the other. On stood at
one end of the bar and brought forth buffaloes from the earth,
1, 600 in number. Then Pinarkurs tried to produce buffaloes
and she stood at the other end of the bar and produced 1,800
buffaloes.

Behind On's buffaloes there came out of the earth a man,
holding the tail of the last buffalo, and this was the first
Toda. On took one of the man's ribs i^parikatelv or magalelv)
from the right side of his body and made a woman, who was
the first Toda woman. The Todas then increased in number
very rapidly so that at the end of the first week there were
about a hundred.^

The descendants of the buffaloes created by On became
sacred buffaloes, while the descendants of those created by
his wife are the ordinary buffaloes.

1 This account of the creation of men ami Iniffaloes was obtained from Arsolv
(27) of Kanoclrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees very closely with the
story as related to Mr. Bracks.

IX THE TODA GODS 185

On had a son called Piiv. One day when Piiv was acting
2A palikartmokJi at Kuudr, he was churning in the dairy with
a ring on the little finger of his right hand. When the dairy-
man goes to fetch water he should always take the churning
stick out oi "Cao. patat or vessel in which the milk is churned.
On this occasion Piiv left it in \k\Q patat and went out to fetch
water. As he was going a black bird called karpuls tried to
check him, saying " tts, tis, tts^' meaning " Don't go to the
water," but Piiv paid no attention and went on. When he
was taking the water the ring dropped from his little finger
into the spring. Piiv saw the ring in the water, but could
not reach it, and so he got into the spring. The water
was not deep, and yet as soon as he stepped into the spring
it completely covered him and he was drowned. When On
found that his son was lost he cried very bitterly and covered
himself with his cloak {tuni). (On is said to have been a
palol at this time.) When On covered himself he looked
downwards and saw, as through a veil, his son in Amnodr
playing with the ring, putting it on and off his finger.^

When On saw that his son was in Amnodr he did not like
to leave him there alone and decided to go away to the same
place. So he called together all the people and the buffaloes
and the trees to come and bid him farewell. All the people
came except a man of Kwodrdoni named Arsankutan. He
and his family did not come. All the buffaloes came except
the arsaiir, the buffaloes of the Kwodrdoni ti. Some trees
also failed to come. On blessed all the people, buffaloes and
trees present, but said that because Arsankutan had not come
he and his people should die by sorcery at the hands of the
Kurumbas, and that because the arsaiir had not come they
should be killed by tigers, and that the trees which had not
come should bear bitter fruit. Since that time the Todas
have feared the Kurumbas, and buffaloes have been killed by
tigers. All the Todas and all the buffaloes appear to have
suffered for the evil deeds of Arsankutan and the arsaiir.

Then On went away to Amnodr, taking the buffaloes

^ According to another account, Piiv died from trying to catch the image of a ''^
white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to kill and bury any calf
of a white colour, and one had been buried close to the spring.

i86 THE TODAS chap.

and the palol of the Nodrs // with him, and since that time
On has ruled over Amnodr, which is sometimes called Onnodr
after him.

Teikirzi

This goddess is perhaps the most important of the Toda
deities. She is said to have been the sister, and probably
the elder sister, of On. I could learn very little about the
story of her life, but nearly all the customs of the Todas were
referred to her, and it seemed clear that when On left this
world Teikirzi became the ruler or iwdrodchi of the Todas.
Whenever I tried to obtain from the Todas an explanation of
any ceremony or custom I nearly always received the reply,
which was regarded as final, that it had been so ordained by
Teikirzi.

It seems doubtful whether Teikirzi dwells in any special
hill like other Toda deities, though there is a hill near Nodrs
especially connected with her. I was told that she lives
everywhere in this world, and in answer to a question it was
said even that her influence extends to London, where she
dwells as she dwells everywhere else.

She is regarded as the ruler or nbdrodcJii of all the Todas,
and this world is often spoken of as Eikirzinodr. At the same
time Teikirzi is especially connected with Nodrs, and she is
the special nodrodchi of this clan.

Five customs, or sets of customs, are ascribed especially to
Teikirzi. These are : —

(i) Madol pakJit kivadrt vai, " Who divided and gave inadol
(clans)." Teikirzi is also said to have divided the Todas into
their two chief divisions.

(ii) I y pdkht kivadrt vai, "Who divided and gave buffaloes."

Below Nodrs, near a swamp called Keikudr, there is a small
stream which at the present time Todas will not cross at
a certain spot, and Teikirzi stood in this stream. According
to one account she beat the water with a wand, saying " Ir
padri ma" ("May buffaloes spring"), and buffaloes sprang
out of the stream ; but it seemed to be more generally
accepted that she only divided the buffaloes on this spot by
touching each animal on the back with a wand and saying

THE TODA GODS 187

the name of the clan to which it was to belong. The first
portion went to Nodrs, the second to Kuudr, the third to Kars,
and the fourth to Taradr. Up to this point she used a wand
of kid wood {kidknrs). For the next clan, that of Keadr, the
kidkurs was put away and she used a wand of tavat wood,
and several other kinds of wand were used. Teikirzi was
also said to have ordained at the same time that ivuysulir
should be milked by Teivaliol and to have settled the general
regulations concerning the different kinds of buffalo.

(iii) Piiliol pdkht kwadi't vai, " Who divided and gave piiliol."

Teikirzi is said to have ordained that certain people should
be the piiliol o^ a man, and \\\^X piiliol should not marry one
another (see Chap. XXI).

(iv) Ir patz id vai, " Buffalo catch who said." Teikirzi
ordained that buffaloes should be caught at the funeral
ceremonies (see Chap. XV).

(v) KzvtiKzam pep ostht ad vai, " Who told the kzvarzam
and gdiWQ pep."

Teikirzi gave to each village its kivarzain, or sacred name,
and settled the method of making nQ\w pep.

The name of Teikirzi occurs frequently in other legends.
One story not mentioned elsewhere is the following : —

When Teikirzi was living at Nodrs the people of Mysore
came to fight her, but as they approached, the woods made a
great noise. When the Mysore people heard the noise they
stopped, and then Teikirzi cursed them and said, " Let them
become stones," and they were turned into stones, which are
still to be seen below Nodrs.

TEirAKH, OR TiRSHTI

I know very little about the life-history of this deity, but he is
very widely mentioned in the prayers and incantations of the
Todas, and is one of their most important gods. He was the
brother of Teikirzi, and differs from most other Toda deities
in being a river god, Teipakh being the Toda name of the
Paikara river.

Teipakh is the nbdrodchi of the Piedr and Kusharf clans.

Although there was considerable agreement that Teipakh

THE TODAS chap.

and Tirshti were one and the same god, there was some
doubt about it, and, according to one account, Tirshti was
only another name for Teikirzi.

Anto.

I am very doubtful about the name and identity of this
god. There seemed to be little doubt that he had the same
name as the chief dairy of the Nodrs ti and was the chief
deity connected with this dairy. According to one account
he was the son of On, but it is possible that the two deities
were identical, Anto being Onteu, His name was sometimes
pronounced Anteu or perhaps more correctly Anto or Anteu.

I have only a few incidents from the life of Anto. He
once rolled a huge stone with the hair of his head from
Nelkodr in the Wainad to the top of a hill called Katthvai
near the dairy of Anto. The god now lives near this dairy,
resting his head on a spot called Kodrs, and stretching his
legs on a spot called Tudrs. These places are about two
furlongs apart so that Anto is evidently a god of a large
size.

Anto is said to have made buffaloes, and the buffalo which
founded the ti mad of Makars (see p. ii6) was one of his
creation. The fact that Anto created buffaloes increases the
probability of his identity with On, but this is far from
conclusive for there were undoubtedly several independent
creations of these animals,

KULINKARS

This deity is the nbdrodchi of the Kars clan. His original
name appears to have been Kulin, and this was clianged to
Kulinkars. He is also called Teikhars. He inhabits a hill
near Makurti Peak, which is so steep and rocky that " no man
has ever climbed it."

The following story is told of Kulinkars or Teikhars : — He
once knocked on the ground and so made two buffaloes. He
then told the monsoon {kzuadr) to drive the buffaloes to the
place to which they were to go, saying, " you must push them
on." As the buffaloes were being driven on by the monsoon.

IX STHE TOUA GODS 189

a tiger went after them. When they reached a certain hill,
the hill divided into two and the buffaloes went between the
two parts, but still the tiger followed them. Then the
buffaloes came to Kwaradr and went into the pen, and the
tiger also went into the pen. When the buffaloes saw that
the tiger had come into the pen, they kicked it and it died.
Then one of the buffaloes said to the other, " You stay here
in the pen ; I am going to Tarsodr." Then the monsoon
drove on this buffalo to Tarsodr, which is one of the dairies of
the Pan //. The descendants of the buffalo which stayed in the
pen are the pasthir of Kwaradr and the descendants of the
other are among the buffaloes of the Pan ti.

Kulinkars was connected with the erkiimpttJipivii ceremony
(see Chap. XIII) and was the viokJitJwdvaiol or paramour of
Notirzi. His relation to Notirzi is said to have been the
origin of the mokJithoditi custom (see Chap. XXII), but I was
not able to obtain any detailed account of this part of the
history of the god.

Kulinkars has a son called Teikhidap, who lives on Makurti
Peak, and the proper Toda name for this hill is Teikhidap.

Notirzi

I have no details of the history of this female deity. She
is the nbdrodchi of the two important clans of Melgars and
Kuudr, and lives on the hill now known as Snowdon, the
Toda name of the hill being the same as that of the goddess.
This hill is especially sacred, and any Toda who visits it has
to salute with hand to forehead {kaiinnkhti) in all directions.
Like her mokhthodvaiol, Kulinkars, Notirzi is connected with
the erkiiniptthpiiui ceremony. She is said to have had a
son called Tikuteithi or Teukuteithi. It is possible that this
is the same as Teikuteidi, who appears in the story of
Kwoten (see p. 193), but they are more probably two different
deities.

A stone which is said to have been thrown by this goddess
from her hill is shown close to the village of Poln, under the
tree known to English visitors to the Nilgiris as the
' umbrella tree.'

IQO

THE TODAS

CHAP,

KORATEU OR KUZKARV

Korateu was the son of Teikirzi. One day when Teikirzi
was going from one village to another she went into a
cave called Teivelkursh, by the side of a stream called
Kathipa, near Kakhudri, and there gave birth to a son,
who was called Azo-mazo. The afterbirth dropped into
the stream and was carried down to Teipakh (the Paikara
river). It travelled down the river as far as a place

called Marsnavai, where
there were growing two
plants called tib a.ndp2irs
in which it became en-
tangled. The afterbirth
then slowly arose and
became a boy, and the
boy was Korateu. When
Azo-mazo became a man
he went to live at Per-
nodr in the Kundahs, but
Korateu lived in the
river till he was eight
years old. The river
Teipakh was the brother
of Teikirzi. As he sat
in the lap of his uncle
Korateu used often to
play at making the buffalo horns called tebkuter (Fig. 35).^
When he was eight years old he founded a ti and
created a male and a female buffalo, making both out of
earth. He also built a dairy and a buffalo pen and made
the garment called tiini. As soon as the buffaloes had a
calf, he went to fetch a churning-stick from Kaiers, beyond
Makurti Peak, and took it to Nerva, near Modr, where
his buffaloes were standing. He then went to Kurkodr,
a bamboo grove near Meipadi in the Wainad, and made a
kivoi or milking vessel. He next made the persiii and the

FIG. 35. —IMITATION BUFFALO HORNS.

^ Usually called pctkiiler.

THE TODA GODS 191

mani and all the other things of a ti and became palol of
the buffaloes at Odrtho. There was a buffalo here of the
kind called kughir, with the horns growing downwards.
Korateu cut off these horns and gave them to the kaltmokli
at bdrtho and they are now the horns of the Nodrs //.
Korateu then made a law that the people of Piedr should
fill the office of palol and that the kaltmokh should be taken
from the Melgarsol. He appointed a palol and a kaltmokh
from these clans, handed over the charge of the ti to them,
and went away to the hill Korateu, where he lived in an
iron cave which he called a poJi. He used to bathe in
a pool near the hill.

At this time Korateu was not recognised as a ten, and when
the gods held council he was not summoned as a member.
This made him very angry.

Near Korateu there was a wood in which there stood a
tree of the kind called mors {Michelia nilagirica) which was
about 80 feet high. Korateu ordered that honey bees {peshtein)
should come to the tree, and after a time there were about
300 nests, which made the tree bend down with their weight.
One day about twenty men came to collect honey, Todas,
Irulas, and Kurumbas. The Todas made a fire under the
tree, while the Irulas and Kurumbas climbed and collected
honey from the nests. When they had collected the honey
from all except three or four nests, the tree became so light
that it sprang back and killed the Irulas and Kurumbas, and
the Todas went home.

At this time Korateu was unmarried and he carried a stick
of iron. One day a Kurumba woman came to the mors tree
in search of honey. Korateu knocked her on the head with
the iron stick and at once she became pregnant. That even-
ing she gave birth to a daughter, who was very beautiful,
and Korateu decided to marry the child and sent away the
mother that night. (According to another version, the child
was so beautiful that the mother was frightened and went
away to her own village, and Korateu fed the child with milk
and fruit and honey, and when she grew up he married her.)

Soon after the death of the Irulas and Kurumbas a
sambhar calf came to Korateu, who caught it, tamed it, and

192 THE TODAS chap.

kept it for a month. Then certain Todas went to Korateu
and asked him for a place. Korateu gave them a place and
said that it should be called Keradr. The people of Keradr
then asked for buffaloes. So Korateu gave them the sambhar
calf and said that it should become buffaloes for them, and
he ordered that the buffaloes should be called miniapir, and
that the calves should be called indvelkar — i.e.^ calf from a
sambhar. This was the origin of Keradr and of its zuursulir,
which are still called viiniapir, and they are the only buffaloes
of the Todas which were made from sambhar.

After these things had happened the gods recognised that
Korateu was a ten, and calling him asked him who he was.
He answered that he was the son of Teikirzi, and the manmokh
or sister's son of Teipakh. He was then admitted as one
of the gods and now lives on the hill Korateu, but still some-
times sits in the lap of Teipakh. He is the nbdrodchi of the
Keradr and Keadr clans, and the chief villages of these clans
are near his hill. He is called Kuzkarv when mentioned in
prayer.

■ Another god, called Etepi, is said to be the same god
as Korateu. It ajDpeared, however, that Korateu lived on
one hill and Etepi on another, and I could not ascertain the
true relation of the deities to one another.

Azo-mazo is mentioned in the prayer of the Kars // as two
deities, Azo and Mazo.

PUZI AND KURINDO

I am very doubtful as to the identity of Puzi. According
to some accounts Puzi or Purzi was merely another name for
Teikirzi ; according to other accounts Puzi was a male deity
and the husband of Teikirzi. In the following story Puzi is a
female deity, inhabiting a hill near Nodrs. She gave birth to
a son called Kurindo. As soon as Kurindo was born he
became fire. Puzi did not approve of this, as it seemed to
show that the boy was too powerful, so she took a leaf of the
kind called kivagal, pounded it and mixed it with water and
sprinkled it on the fire. The fire then turned back again into
a boy who was bent to one side.

IX THE TODA GODS 193

Puzi said, " I will put yon on a hill opposite to me." So she
put him on the hill called Mopuvthut, near the villageof Naters,
and in order to make the hill hii^her she put three baskets
of earth on the top, so that her son mit^ht be seen by every-
body.

When Kurindo was on his hill he thought to himself, " My
mother has treated me badly ; she sprinkled me with water
and quenched my power, and she has made me bent to one
side ; I do not like to be opposite to her." So he went away
to a hill near Kanodrs. This was before the time of Kwoten
and before the Kamasodrolam had run away (see p. 195).
While Kurindo was living on this hill a strange tribe came
to the hills, so Kurindo again moved and went away to the
hill of Arsnur on the Mysore side, where he still lives.

There is a hill called Puthi on which a fire is lighted at
certain times (see p. 291) and the god inhabiting this hill
was, according to one account, the husband of Teikirzi. It
is possible that Puthi and Puzi are the same, but I think it
more probable that they are two separate gods, each having
his own hill, Puthi being the husbanci of Teikirzi, and Puzi
being the deity of this legend.

The following legends differ from the preceding in that
they appear almost certainly to record the lives of deified
men. The first legend deals with three men of different clans^
but the sons of three sisters. The second deals with the
life of Kwoto, and professes to be the history of a being of
miraculous birth who came to be accepted by the gods, not
only as one of their number, but as superior to themselves.
These two legends were known far more thoroughly and univer-
sally than any of the preceding. It seems most probable
that they are records of men who really lived, and that the
life of each has become a nucleus round which have grown
various miraculous and portentous incidents.

Kwoten, Teikuteidi, and Elnakhum

There were once three men, the children of three sisters.
The eldest was Kwoten, who belonged to Pan, the second
was Teikuteidi, who belonged to Taradr, and the youngest

194 THE TODAS chap.

was Elnakhum of Nodrs, (According to one account the
father of Kwoten was Purten, and his mother was Tikoni
of Keradr. They lived at Pan and Kiursi, and Kwoten was
born at Pan. Purten died when Kwoten was thirty }'ears old
and Tikoni died six years later.)

Kwoten had a wife called Kwoterpani. She did not like
her husband, but preferred a man of Kanodrs called Parden.
One day Kwoten took his wife to a place called Timukhtar
(near the spot where Sandy Nullah toll-bar now stands). He
gave her only the loin-cloth called tadrp to wear, hoping that
she would be cold and uncomfortable and would sleep with
him, but she refused. Kwoten then took her to Kudridjpiil
near Mulors, where there was a large wood. In this wood
there was a tree of the kind called kiilmdn, into which Kwoten
climbed and made a bed. Below him, about three feet above
the ground, he made a small bed for his wife, and under the
tree, close to his wife's bed, he tied a big male buffalo. He
did this because he thought a tiger might come to take the
buffalo during the night when his wife would be frightened
and would climb up the tree to his bed. During the night a
tiger came and took away the buffalo, but even this did not
induce the woman to go to her husband. Next morning
Kwoten took his wife to Poladri, which belonged to the Panol.
This village was near Miuni, and there Kwoten became a
palikartiiiokh. One day Kwoten was in the dairy and his
wife in the hut when Parden came from Kanodrs. Kwoten's
wife knew that her husband was in the dairy, and endeavoured
to prevent Parden from going into the hut by giving him
buttermilk. Kwoten found that Parden had come, and
sharpened a big knife to kill him, and when he came out of
the dairy, Parden ran away towards Kanodrs and Kwoten
followed with the knife.

Kwoten's sister had married a Kars man and was living
with him at Nasmiodr, and at this time Kwoten's mother
was staying at this place. As Parden ran away, pursued by
Kwoten, they had to pass Nasmiodr, and Kwoten's mother
saw them, and said, " How is it that my son does not catch
Parden?" Then she cursed Parden, saying "(9« sati ndair-
nudr, Kdrkadith vnil iiditli pdtmd " — viz., " If I have reverence

•IX THE TODA GODS 195

to the village, may he be checked by the tree with thorns in
the Kark wood." When Parden reached a stone now called
Pardenkars, Kwoten caught him up and tried to kill him,
but the knife struck the stone instead and split it into two
pieces. Then Parden ran on to the wood called Kark, where
he was caught by a tree with thorns (brambles) so that
Kwoten was able to kill him.

When the news of the death of Parden reached Kanodrs
all the people were very much afraid, and all ran away except
one old man and his wife. As the people were going, they
sent a message to the Kotas at Tizgudr. Two Kotas took a
grain pounder {wask) and went to Poladri. When Kwoten
was told that the Kotas were coming he went and hid him-
self. The Kotas came and stood near the village and were
told that Kwoten had gone away. Then they told Kwoten's
wife, who at this time was pregnant by Parden, to come out of
the hut. She came out and went to the Kotas, who asked
her where Kwoten was. She said she did not know, where-
upon the Kotas were vexed, and pierced her belly with the
pounder, so that she died. Her funeral took place atTadendari,
and that of Parden at Aradr.

The people of Kanodrs ran away to a place called
Penasmalpet, near Malmathapenpet, and are known as the
Kamasodrolam. They have never been seen since, but the
Todas have heard from various wandering tribes that they
still exist and that they live on a hill from which they
can see Kanodrs, and that when the Kamasodrolam see a
fire at Kanodrs they shave their heads and make a special
kind of food called asJikkarthpimi.

When the Kanodrs people ran away there remained
behind one old man called Muturojen and his wife
Muturach,^ who were living in a village near Kanodrs called
Mitaharzi. When the people left, the old man went to the
Kanodrs dairy to churn the milk left there by those who had
run away, and he stayed there, sleeping in the kwotars or
calves' hut, as the dairyman should do at Kanodrs. His
wife used to come every day as far as a place called

^ Tliese are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of liie village, Mitaharzti,
like a Toda name.

O 2

196 THE TODAS Chap.

Pitipem, where she rubbed a place with buffalo-dung and
sat down.

While sitting there one day an eagle {kasJik) sat on
her head, and she became pregnant, and went back to the
village and gave birth to a son. When Kwoten heard
of this he wished to kill the child and set out to do so.
The old woman's daughter, who had married a Kars man,
sent her husband to warn her parents that Kwoten was
coming to kill them. The Kars man met Kwoten and ran
away from him towards Kanodrs, followed by Kwoten's
dog. When he came to a hill above the village he called
out that Kwoten was coming. When the old man heard
him, he cursed Kwoten and those with him ; the latter
became stones and Kwoten himself (according to the story
as told by the Kanodrs people) was stung by honey bees
and died. The people of Kanodrs are descended from the
son born to the old woman. If this old woman was not
a Toda, as her name and that of her village suggest, this
would seem to point to a tradition that the people of
Kanodrs are descended from an ancestor of a different race
from the other Todas (see p. 640).

Owing to the behaviour of Kwoten to the Kanodrs people
there has ever since been karaivichi (trouble) between the
people of Pan and Kanodrs. They do not intermarry and
no Kanodrs man may go to one of the chief villages
{eUidmad) of the Pan people nor may a Pan man go to
an etudniad of Kanodrs.

According to the above account Kwoten died after being
cursed by the old man, but this is only a feature of the story
as told by the Kanodrs people, and in the account given by
others Kwoten had many other adventures and finished his
life in this world in a very different manner. He married a
second wife, who, like the first, objected to her husband and
preferred a man of Keradr, whose name was Keradrkutan.
Kwoten lived with this wife at Kazhuradr, near Isharadr. At
that time women wore the garment called //;/, which is dark
grey like the tiDii of the palol, and is now only used as a
funeral trarment.

IX THE TODA GODS 197

Keradrkutan used frequently to come to Kazhuradr, and
this vexed Kwoten, who told his wife to have nothing to do
with the man. She encouraged Keradrkutan, however, and
this vexed Kwoten so much that he took off her d)i and
brought a thorny bush called pesJiteinmnl and beat her all
over with the bush, so that she became covered with blood.
Kwoten at this time wore the garment called ///;//, which he
then took off, dipped it in water, and rubbed it all over his
wife so that she became the colour of //////, and tiien he gave
her back her an and went to his dairy. While he was in the
dairy Keradrkutan came stealthily to the village. When the
woman saw Keradrkutan she cried very bitterly and said,
" Kwoten has beaten me very severely so that I shall die ;
come and see me." When Keradrkutan went into the hut,
the woman died.

Before this time, when Kwoten was one day beating his
wife, she abused him, saying, " Talrs ti oditha vai, Kblrs kuv
oditha vai ; en pnspad''' — "You have no ti, you have no
Kotas : why do you beat me ? " This was to reproach Kwoten
because the Pan people had no ti buffaloes and had no Kotas
to make things for them. So Kwoten went and complained
to his brother Teikuteidi. Teikuteidi was very sorry, and in
order to remove the reproach he persuaded Elnakhum of
Nodrs to give certain buffaloes of the kind called iinir from
the Nodrs //. Elnakhum gave a two-year-old calf (^pol) and
a one-year-old calf {kar), and also two bells ijiiani) to put
on their necks. The two bells were called Tarskingg and
Takhingg. The calves were then standing at Kuladrtho
and were taken by Kwoten to the tars poh of Pan. He tied
the two bells to one of the calves called Kazhi. These bells
ought properly to have been tied to the buffalo called Enmars
which remained behind at Kuladrtho. Then Enmars went to
Anto and complained as follows : —

" ki incdr, I; I kevi, iiinknllh poranV^

" inferior neck, inferior car, to your council I will not come"

i.e., " I will not come to your presence with naked neck ancl

^ }\Pbdr(UU or pudraiii.

THE TODAS chap.

ear." Anto told him not to grieve because he had lost the
inani, and that instead

lilelgarsol ieirpiilk vmdd ind tii pud

Melgars man piil of Anto to in front go may you coine

Antosh pep /hi
at Anto ptp drink

i.e., " When you go to Anto, a Melgars man shall go in front
of you to the//// of Anto ; when you come to Anto you shall
drink Z^/." To this day, when the buffaloes of the Nodrs fi
go in procession to Anto a Melgars man goes in front and
the buffalo called Enmars drinks />e/> at Anto. At the same
time Anto prophesied to Enmars that a misfortune would
befall Teikuteidi, saying

" wnrddr iiols Teiktiteidi tan enndth piriedk/ii, at vokh ! "

"whole day himself without numbering I will divide, go away ! "

year

When Teikuteidi heard of this prophecy he was much grieved,
and was very careful to do all the following ceremonies : —
erkmnptthiti, upatiti, pimkiidrtiti, tatutadtJikiidrtiti, petkiidrtiti
miikudrtiti, adiktidrtiti, parivkitdrtiti, tatotiti, inttbiiti,
poiikastiti and irpalviistJii — viz., sacrifice of calf, salt-giving,
purification oi pun, tat and viadtJi, pet, viii, adtand pafiv, etc.,^
He performed all these ceremonies to escape the prophesied
evil, for if he had succeeded in doing them all for the whole
twelve months the prophecy would not have been fulfilled.
On the very last day he forgot the prophecy and did not
perform the ceremonies, but went to a place called Kirspem,
where he sat under the shade of a piilinaii. There is a flower
which blossoms on this tree in the rainy season only, and then
the bees come. When Teikuteidi was sitting under the tree
it was not the rainy reason and he was very much surprised
to hear the humming of honey bees in the tree. The noise
was being made by a kaztin ^ which had taken the form of a

' I do not know exactly to which ceremonies talolili and iniiotiti refer. The
words mean "he takes the tat''' and "he takes the inn,'' and evidently refer to
some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means that he kept pon throughout
the year- i.e., gave or sold nothing from his dairy during the year.
'"' A spirit which brings death (see p. 403).

THE TODA GODS 199

bee. He looked up to see if there were any flowers to attract
the bees and could not see them, neither could he see any bees.
Then he thought for a little while and remembered Anto's
prophecy, so he did not remain under the tree, but went away
to Kirsgors to attend the funeral of a ivursol of Nodrs (see
p. 439). When the funeral was over Teikuteidi set out with
companions to go to Kerkars (a place near Paikara). On the
way they passed Kwongudrpem (near Kuudi). There he
stopped and began to count his companions ; he counted them,
but forgot to include himself, saying that there were twenty
when they started and now only nineteen, and he thought for
a long time who the lost person could be. When he was
looking in the direction of the funeral-place for the lost
companion, he saw a lame man named Keikarskutan, who had
3. purs and ab (bow and arrow). Keikarskutan lay down and
shot the arrow ^ and it came towards Teikuteidi with a sound
like a bird's voice. Teikuteidi was looking to see what sort
of bird it was when the arrow pierced both his eyes '^- and he
died. When his companions found that he was dead, they
held the funeral at Keras, and at the place where he died they
made a mark with four stones like a cross, one for his head,
one for his legs and one for each hand.

Kwoten was responsible for various features of the organisa-
tion of the Pan people. He divided them into two parts,
the Panol and Kuirsiol, and also divided the // into two parts,
the ivars //", which was to belong to the Panol, and the tars ti
to the Kuirsiol. He settled that the palol of the // should be
chosen from the people of Keadr. When there is a funeral in
any clan a palol belonging to that clan must give up his
office ; hence, in order that his //should never be without ?i palol,
Kwoten separated the people of Keadr into two divisions,
the Keadrol and the Kwaradrol, so that a member of one
division might be palol if a member of the other division died.

^ Wlion Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay clown. According to my
informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because he was
lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs in doing so. Breeks,
who gives a brief version of this legend, was told that the arrow was shot by means
of the legs and refers to this method as the ancient Indian custom.

- 1 give this as it was told.

THE TODAS

This was the origin of the division of the Keadr people into
the Keadrol and the Kwaradrol.

One day Kwoten went to the ivars ti of Pan and took
buttermilk and slept there, and he did the same at the arsaiir
ti of Kwodrdoni, and since that day the people of Pan have
had the privilege of taking buttermilk and sleeping at the
places of each ti.

Kwoten also made two tciks (stones or wooden posts at
which buffaloes are killed at the funerals), the parsteiks for
the Panol and the kirshteiks for the Kuirsiol.

It is owing to the example of Kwoten that the Todas now
take meals in Kurumba villages. Before his time they had
never done so, but Kwoten one day went to a Kurumba
village and took food, and since that time all Todas have
done so.

Kwoten was also the first Toda to go to a Kota village.
He wanted one day to go to Mitur in the Wainad, and as it
was getting dark and he was still on his way, he went to the
Kota village of Kulgadi (Gudalur). He sat on their tiin,
or bed, got new pots and food from them, and, taking both
to the stream called Marspa or Marsva, he cooked and
ate the food there, and then, returning to the village, slept
on a Kota tiln. Since that time Todas have gone to that
village, and have done as Kwoten did, but they will not go
to any other Kota village.

One day Kwoten went with Erten of Keadr, who was
spoken of as his servant, to Poni, in the direction of Polkat
(Calicut). At Poni there is a stream called Palpa, the com-
mencement of which may be seen on the Kundahs. Kwoten
and Erten went to drink water out of the stream at a place
where a goddess (jeii) named Terkosh had been bathing.
When Kwoten was about to drink from his hands, he found
in the water a long golden hair ; he measured the length of
the hair and found it was greater than his height ; he had a
long stick in his hand called pirs, and found that the hair
was longer than this stick. Then he asked Erten about
it. Erten knew it was the hair of a ten, but thought it best
not to tell Kwoten, and tried to persuade him that it was of
no importance, and proposed that they should return home.

IX THE TODA GODS

Kwoten, however, insisted on finding out from whom the hair
came, so they went along the stream. Kwoten went first
and Erten had to follow him. As they went they met the bird
called karpiils going from the right side to the left,^ uttering
its cry. Kwoten asked Erten why they met the bird, why
it went from right to left, and why it made a cry. Erten
replied as follows : —

'"'■ Nod r lido i kwudrpcdrshai ; Naraian saiiii kaipedrshai."

" Country (God) if there is you will die ; Naraian will kill you.''

In spite of this warning, Kwoten persisted in going on, and
finally they came to Terkosh, who said to Kwoten, " Do not
come near me, I am a tc7i" Kwoten paid no heed to this, but
said, " You are a beautiful woman," and went and lay with
her. Then Terkosh went away to her hill at Poni, where she
is now, and to this day the Kurumbas go there once a year
and offer plantains to her and light lamps in her honour,

Kwoten and Erten returned home. Kwoten went to Kepurs,
a village now in ruins, close to Nanjanad, and Erten went to
a village called Kapthori belonging to the Keadrol. Kwoten
had about five hundred buffaloes grazing at Pazhmokh, near
Kepurs. That night Kwoten slept on the idrtiil over which
he had spread a sambhar skin. He had on his finger a thick
silver ring, which may still be seen at Naters and is used in the
funeral ceremonies of men of the Pan clan. When the people
awoke next morning they found that Kwoten had disappeared
and that there only remained, lying on the sambhar skin, the
silver ring and sovacpugr Kwoten had been carried away by
Terkosh and it was found that his five hundred buffaloes had
also disappeared.

When Erten got up next morning he went to Kepurs and
called out to the luursol of that place, " IVnrsolia, tar turrj-
hodthrska " -^ — " O w//rso/, is the man up yet ? " The ivursol

^ To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen ; if going from left to
right, it is a good omen.

'^ I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it ajipeared to be a
name for th^ blood-stained froth which may come from the mouth of a dying man.
In a sentence which occurs later the word appears xi pogh (blood), l)ut my inform-
ants were certain that pug itself is not blood.

^ See p. 6 1 6.

202 THE TODAS chap.

replied, '' Pillmdv tars pogJi iidisvichi " — " On the sambhar skin
blood is lying." Erten replied, " Arot/i pun pars Pdlmiin
kwark piitvai, nadrtivadr" — "Take sixty vessels of milk to
the wood of Palman and pour out." So the wiirsol took sixty
pun of milk and poured it out in the wood as Erten had
ordered him.

Then since Kwoten had gone away, Erten did not want
to live any more ; he took a large creeper called inelkndri,
and tied it round his neck and tried to strangle himself, but
when he pulled the creeper it broke into several pieces. He
was much disappointed, but took another kind of creeper
called kakkndri, but this broke in the same way. He then
tried teinkndri, which also broke. Finally he took kakhudri}
and with this he succeeded in strangling himself Then the
wursol and all those who had helped in pouring out the milk
also strangled themselves with kakhudri. Since this time it
has been a custom among the Todas to commit suicide by
strangling.

Kwoten and Terkosh are now living on two hills near Poni,
which face one another, and Erten has also become a ten and
lives on a smaller hill near those of Kwoten and Terkosh.
Whenever a Toda sees Kwoten's hill for the first time, he
lies down on his right side and sings twice the following
words : " Seizar son, Kzvoten dr son, Seizdr son, Terkosh dr
Sony I could not discover the meaning of these words,
and fancy that the Todas themselves do not know exactly
what they mean. It is possible that dr is the word meaning
six.

The history and fate of Teikuteidi, the second brother of
Kwoten, has been given in the story of Kwoten. He belonged
to Taradr, and according to one account the kugvalir of that
place were sent to him. Very little is related about the third
brother, Elnakhum. He had i,8oo buffaloes, but though he
had so many, he was always going to other Todas and saying
" I have nothing to milk ; lend me a buffalo to milk," and all
his life he used to beg. It is owing to his example that the
Todas have begged ever since, and arc not ashamed to do so
even when they are rich.

' This is a creeper used in tlie funeral ceremonies.

ix TPIE TODA GODS 203

Elnakhum is said to have built the long wall which still
exists at the village of Nodrs.

The story of Kwoten reads very much like that of a man
who really lived and was deified after his death. The minute
detail with which several of the natural incidents of his life
are known might be held to point in this direction, but
perhaps more important is the fact that his ring can still be
seen, and that his spear was, according to Breeks, in existence
not long ago. It looks as if Kwoten was a man who raised
Pan from a comparatively insignificant position among the
Todas to be one of their chief clans, and was the means
of introducing several innovations in Toda custom. It is
probable that he was deified after his death, and that some of
the incidents of his life have acquired miraculous characters.

KWOTO OR Meilitars

There was once a man belonging to Melgars who married
a woman of Kanodrs and took her to Melgars. When she
became pregnant, the woman was taken by her husband to
Kanodrs, On the way back to Melgars they passed Ushadr,
the place where the funeral ceremonies of Melgars men took
place. They were standing in front of the funeral hut at
that place when the man found a good tivadri tree,^ and,
cutting three or four sticks from it, brought them to his
wife, who stripped the bark from the sticks. While she was
doing this, the pains of labour came on, and soon after she
gave birth to a gourd {keni). Both husband and wife were
very much ashamed, and they decided to say that a child had
been born and had died, and the man went round to all the
villages to say that this had happened and that the funeral
would be held at Ushadr. Accordingly they had the ctvai-
nolkedr (first funeral ceremony) at Ushadr, the gourd b^ng
covered with tv piitkuli (cloak), so that it was taken to be the
body of a child.

First the buffaloes were caught and killed, and then the
supposed corpse was taken to the burning-place, where a fire

1 Probably the tree or bush from which ihc material called Iwadrinar is manu-
factured by thcTodas,

204 THE TODAS chap.

was made and the gourd in its mantle was put on the fire.
The fire first burnt the cloak, and when it reached the gourd,
this broke into two pieces. One piece became a little baby,
a boy, which took a piece of the burnt cloak and went away
in the air to Neikhars, where there is a big tree, under which
it alighted. The other piece of the gourd was split into many
fragments by the heat of the fire, and some of the fragments
were driven with such force that they killed a kite which had
come to the funeral. (To this day the kite does not eat the
buffaloes at funerals at Ushadr, though it does so at other
places.) The father and mother followed the child to
Neikhars, where they found it sitting on the tree.^ The father
and mother said to the child " Ena, itva " — " My son, come
here," and the boy came down and went to them, and was
taken away by his parents to Melgars,

As the parents and child were on their way to Melgars
they met the buffaloes of the Kars fi going from Kon to
Enodr. At that time the buffaloes of Melgars and Kars used
to go with the // buffaloes as far as a place called Irgudrval,
on the way between Kars and Enodr. A Kars man went
with the buffaloes, and he wore on his right wrist a gold
bracelet (which is still kept at Kuzhu). At Irgudrval there is
a stone called Pidutkars, and it was the duty of the man with
the bracelet to sit on this stone and to make the Melgars
buffaloes pass on the right side, the Kars buffaloes on the left
side, and the // buffaloes in the middle. When he had done
this, the pa/o/ prayed at the stone, and then the buffaloes of
Melgars and Kars turned back and the ti buffaloes went on
to Enodr. When the man and his wife saw the buffaloes
coming, they waited near Pidutkars, and while they were
waiting the baby laughed. The father asked the boy, " Why
do you laugh ? " The boy answered, " I know the kivarzani -

' My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air as a child
or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite later, and it is tempting
to suppose that the assumption of this form by the child was connected with the
death of the kite, i.e., that it was a case of transmigration. The fact that the
child went away in the air and was found silting on a tree makes it highly probable
that it flew in the form of a kite, Init my informants could not say that this was
definitely part of the legend.

" The kivarzaiit is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X).

■IX THE TODA GODS 205

of the //' buffaloes, perncr pcrsagiin ; I know the kwarsam of
the Melgars buffaloes, narsiiln natilln nakh ; also I know the
kwarsani of the Kars buffaloes, indtvidsliti inatvan ; that is
why I laughed." After the buffaloes had gone on to Enodr,
the parents and child went on their way to Melgars. After
they had been at Melgars fifteen days, they noticed that the
child grew so rapidly that they could see him getting bigger
from day to day, and he was soon grown up. He was called
Kwoto.

One day Kwoto went into the buffalo pen and played there
with the buffalo-dung, so that he was covered with the dust of
the dung. His father rebuked him and was blowing on him
to get rid of the dust when the boy changed into a kite and
flew away. The next day he resumed human form, but from
that time he only stayed in the village at times, and at other
times stayed in the woods. This went on for about eight
days, and then he refused to take food from the village and
became a companion of the gods.

At this time the gods used to hold councils on the slopes
below a hill called Tikalmudri. The place where they sat
was called Polkab. When the gods were holding council at
Polkab, Kwoto went and sat on the top of the hill Tikalmudri.
Then the gods said to one another, " How is it that he sits on
the top of the hill while we sit below ? It is not at all good."
They consulted together and decided to kill him. So three
or four of the gods went to Kwoto and said in a cunning way,
" We will show you your country " {i.e., the place which should
belong to him ; each of the gods had his appointed place).
So they took him to a steep precipice called Teipaper, and
having deceived him that they would show him his country,
they threw him down. Kwoto, however, was not killed, but
took the form of a kite and flew back to Tikalmudri. Then
all the gods were surprised that he was not dead, but decided
to try and kill him again, and they took him to the hill
Kodrtho, near Nidrsi, and threw him down. (The hill Kodrtho
was inhabited by the god Kodrtho.) Kwoto was not killed,
but pulled up a bamboo tree with its roots, and flew back and
struck Kodrtho on the head, and Kodrtho's head split into
three pieces. One of these pieces is now the well-known

2o6 THE TODAS CHAP.

hill, the Drug, seen from Coonoor, while the other two pieces
are eminences on the ridge running out to the Drug.

Kwoto then returned to Tikalmudri. The gods said, " We
cannot kill him ; he has some power ; let us try his power."
So they gave him the following task :

'■'■ Peivoi tirikva, pMar ptrichval^''

Low turn high fill ?

i.e., " Can he turn the low stream and fill the high stream ? "
(According to another account the words in which the task
was given were, " Alvoi tiriki, Kalvoi ptrsvoka" i.e., " Can he
turn the stream Alvoi and fill the stream Kalvoi ? ")

Kwoto then took a huge stone, which may still be seen
near Kanodrs, and put it in the stream so that it flowed
upwards. Then the stream begged Kwoto, " We are going
upwards according to your order, but it is very difficult for us ;
we wish to be allowed to go our ordinary way." So Kwoto
took away the stone and the stream resumed its natural
course.

The gods saw what Kwoto had done and decided to try his
power in another way, so they said :

" /u1nd7- at, kutei kitrs iilial"

Sun tie, stone chain can he do ?

i.e., " Can he tie the sun with a stone chain ? " Kwoto then
took a stone chain and tied it to the sun and brought the sun
down to Nern, near Kanodrs, and tied it to a tree. When the
sun wanted to drink, Kwoto took it to the stream Kalvoi,
from which the sun drank, and there is now to be seen a hole
in this stream at the place where the sun drank.^ Then
Kwoto took the sun to a pool surrounded by trees called
Nerpoiker, also near Kanodrs. While the sun was tied in this
way, it was dark both in this world and in Amnodr. Then
the people of Amnodr came to the gods and asked why they
allowed Kwoto to do these things, and said that they were
now living in thick darkness, and they begged that Kwoto
should be allowed to put the sun back in its right place.
Then the gods went to Kwoto and asked him to put the sun

' This ])lacc is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht (Bikkapatli-
niand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the former village.

•IX THE TODA GODS 207

back, and they acknowledged that he was a god and the most
powerful of the gods. They said that he should no longer be
called Kvvoto, but that his name should be Mcilitars, because
he was superior to all the gods ; also that he should go
" parmir nbdr, piitnur nodr" "to 1,600 places, 1,800 places,"
i.e., he should not belong to one place only, like the other
gods, but should go everywhere.

Then Meilitars put back the sun in its proper place.

(x*\ccording to another version, the task of t}'ing the sun
was given in the words :

" A'(?;/cV at, ptrsagim patfoka'i'''

Male buffalo tie, sun can he catch ?

The sun was said to have been at this time sitting on the
back of a male buffalo, and Kwoto was told to tie the buffalo
and catch the sun. According to this account Kwoto first
used an iron chain, kabantagars, which was melted by the
heat of the sun. Next he tried a bronze (?) chain called
kncJitagars, which also melted. Then he used a stone chain,
or karstagars, which did not melt, and he succeeded in t}-ing
the sun with this. This version of the story corresponds with
that given by Breeks.)

Kwoto or Meilitars was closely connected with two clans,
those of Melgars and Kanodrs. It is said to be owing to
the fact that Kwoto was a Melgars man that Melgars people
have the special privileges and duties which are peculiar to
that clan. At any rate, this is the view held by the people of
Melgars. At Kanodrs, the name of Kwoto occupies a
prominent place in the prayer of the dairy, and several of the
special features of the ritual of the Kanodrs dairy are said to
exist in consequence of the many wonderful things \vhich
Kwoto had done in its neighbourhood. When new butter-
milk has to be made for Kanodrs, it is made at a place
called Kautarmad, far awa)', because Kwoto made new
buttermilk there, and in the ceremony at this place earth is
taken from certain places from which Kwoto took it.

Kwoto or Meilitars is the hero of several stories, in none
of which does he play a very creditable iv/e.

At one time the Todas used to go to and fro between this

2o8 THE TODAS chap.

world and Amnodr. Those who were dead stayed perman-
ently in Amnodr, but living people could go to visit them
and return. One day Punatvan of Kars went with Meilitars
to Amnodr. They stayed there two days and two nights, and
then Meilitars came away without Punatvan's knowledge.
At that time the people of Kars were living at Nasmiodr, so
Meilitars went to Nasmiodr and said that Punatvan intended
to stop in Amnodr, and wished the Kars people to perform
the funeral ceremonies for him, killing thirty buffaloes. So
the Kars people caught thirty buffaloes, the chief one being
called Enmon. Round the neck of Enmon were hung the
two bells {zvursiili mani) called Karsod and Koni. They cut
a piece of stick and put it in a piitkuli to represent the dead
body and then killed the thirty buffaloes. As the buffaloes
were on their way to Amnodr, they met Punatvan on his way
back. Punatvan asked the chief buffalo, Enmon, " Why do
you come here? " Then Enmon told him what Meilitars had
done. The man and buffalo put their heads together and
cried, and their tears became a pool of water.^ Then
Punatvan took the two bells from the neck of Enmon and
sent them back to Nasmiodr, where they are kept to this day,
but he returned to Amnodr with the buffaloes. Then On, the
ruler of Amnodr, ordered that in future no one should return
to the world of the living from Amnodr, and since that day
the Todas have not been able to go to and fro between the
two worlds as they used to do.

At the present time the people of Keradr have no //. Once
they had a ti which they lost through the action of Kwoto, who
went one day to their dairy at Tikirs, near Modr, and, hiding
the kaltmokJi in the wood, took his place. When the palol
milks, it is the duty of the kaltniokJi to let out the calves and
send them to \.\\e palol. Kwoto did not do this properly, but
sent more calves than were required, so the palol became
j^ngry and took his stick {kivoinortpet) to beat the supposed
kaltmokh, but the stroke missed and fell on the palol him-
self.

Another day the palol told Kwoto to pour out the re-

1 This pool has been converted into the Mailiinand reservoir, the source of the
water-supply of Ootacamund.

IX THE TO DA GODS 209

maindcr of the buttermilk at the appointed place. Instead of
doing this Kwoto poured it into the stream, and the butter-
milk so poured became a god called Moraman, who sends small-
pox.^ Then i\\e palol became very angry and said he would
no longer he palol, if he had to keep such a kaltmokJi. Then
Kwoto revealed to the palol and to the real kaltmokJi that
he was a god, and gave them a medicine called mfivbinad,
which has the property that anyone who takes it will never
grow old.

After giving viuvbniad to the palol and kaltniokh, Kwoto
sent them into the air, together with the dairy and the
buffaloes and everything belonging to the //, and they all
went in the air to Kupars, near Pan ; they stayed there for
some time and then disappeared, and now nothing can be
seen of them, but if people go near Kupars, they hear the
voices of the palol and kaltmokh when they are talking to
one another.

Since that time the people of Keradr have been without
a //.

Another story in which Kwoto played a prominent part
is connected with the custom of eating flesh. I received
several versions of this story and was unable to satisfy
iTlyself which was correct.

According to one account Kwoto once went to Mitur
in the Wainad, where Kurumbas live. Kwoto played with
these people, and one day caught and killed a wild buffalo.
He said to the Kurumbas, " I have killed this buffalo ; let
us eat its flesh " ; and he gave to each a portion. The
Kurumbas ate their portions, but Kwoto only pretended to
cat ; he held out his pictkuli in front of him and instead
of eating dropped his portions inside the cloak. When the
Kurumbas had finished, Kwoto got up and all saw on the
place where he had been sitting the flesh which he had
pretended to eat. Then the Kurumbas were angry and went
to beat Kwoto with sticks, asking why he had not eaten the
flesh, and they insisted that Kwoto should eat some of it.
Kwoto ran away, and when the Kurumbas pursued him he

' The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mmi or Mnriaman. The Toda name
for buUermilk is vibr.

THE TODAS chap.

pretended that he was lame and consented to eat some of
the flesh of the buffalo. He also told them that he was a
god and said that he would dance before them, and did so
like a lame man. He told the Kurumbas that whenever
he came in the future, he would dance to the Kurumbas first
and then to the Todas ; and now the Kwoto teiiol, or
diviner (see Chap. XH), when he dances, does so first to
the Kurumbas, and when he dances before them he does so
as if he were lame.

After this Kwoto disappeared and since that time has
not been seen. He is said to live in a temple at Mitur,
but " wherever there is a god, there also is Kwoto, or
Meilitars."

According to another account, this story was told of the
people called Panins (Panyas), but in this version Kurumbas
were also said to be present, though it was the Panins who
were made to eat the flesh.

According to a third account, obtained, however, from an
untrustworthy informant, Kwoto practised this deception on
the gods themselves, and made them eat the flesh of a calf
while only pretending to eat himself This was said to
have been the starting-point of the erkuinpttJipii)ii ceremony,
and Kwoto was said to have killed the calf with the same
formalities as are now used in this ceremony. All other Todas
strenuously denied that Kwoto made the gods eat flesh.
There was, however, so much reticence about the crknviptth-
pivii ceremony and its history, that I am not confident that
Kwoto was not in some way connected with its origin, and
that the version of my untrustworthy informant may in this
case have been correct.

Other Gods

There are very many other deities. Of the following I can
give little more than the names.

Atiato is the nbdrodcJii of the Kwodrdoni clan and also of
Pedrkars. He lives near the chief villages of these clans, and
has a temple of which the priest is said to be an Irula, and
Todas sometimes <jivc to this sod offerings of clarified butter.

IX THE tODA GODS 2ii

Konto or Konteii is the nbdrodchi of the Panol, and Hves on
the hill Konto, to which fire is set by the /^?/<'/ of the Kars or
Tan //(see Chap. XIII).

Kodrtho is the nbdrodchi of Nidrsi. He played a part in
the history of Kwoto, and according to some accounts he was
the mnn, or maternal uncle, of this god.

Near the source of the Paikara river, there is a cave in
which there is a pool called Alvoi. Sometimes this pool gives
forth a loud bubbling noise, and this is believed to be due to
a ten dipping himself in the water. The name of the god
is Alvoi Kalvoi, Kalvoi, situated at some distance from the
pool, being a hill on which the god usually lives.

There are other gods about whose histories I have no infor-
mation. Tiligush is the nbdrodchi of Pam and Karadr of
Taradr. Porzo inhabits a hill near Nodrs, and Karzo, a hill
near Kars, and the names of other gods, such as Kaladrvan,
Teikhun, Peigwa, Karmunteu, Kondilteu and Mundiltcu, are
mentioned in the prayers of the ti dairies.

In addition to these, who are certainly true Toda gods, the
Todas also pay respect to the gods of the other tribes on the
Nilgiris, while occasionally the names of Hindu gods are men-
tioned in their ceremonies. If a Toda be asked if he worships
one of these gods, he will almost certainly assent, but at the
same time he distinguishes them from his own gods. The
only deity who seemed to be confused with their own gods by
some of the Todas was Petkon, whose Badaga name was said
to be Betakarasami. Breeks calls him Betikhan, and states
that he is a hunting god ; and according to some Todas
Petkon was a son of Teikirzi.

Previous accounts of the Toda gods have been very erratic.
Some writers have given the names of Hindu gods. Breeks
gives the names of dairies as those of gods, though he also
records abbreviated versions of several of the stories given
in this chapter. The most curious account, however, of the
Toda gods is that of Marshall, who gives ^ the following as
the names of five gods which are muttered when milk is put
on the sacred bells : — Anmungano, Godingatho, Beligoshu,
Dekularia, and Kazudava. We puzzled over these words for

1 r. 142.

p 2

iii tHE TObAS ch. i^

a long time, and could not discover the names of gods even
remotely resembling them. Finally it became clear that the
last was ^' kars nd dva^' ("Give me one rupee"). Similarly
there was little doubt that " Beligoshu, Dekularia " stood for
" beli kars7i Uidkcrsia " (" Will }-ou not give me a silver coin ? "),
the Badaga equivalent of the last word being very inuch like
Dekularia. The first two names we could not identify with
certaint}', but the first is possibly " en mfin ganei " (" Do
not see my face "), and the second is possibly the name of a
Badaga buffalo-pen.

CHAPTER X

PRAYER

In the chapters in which the ritual of the dairies has been
described, one of the most important features of the cere-
monial has been passed over which must now be fully de-
scribed. This feature is the prayer which is always offered at
certain stages of the dairy operations. In the village dairies, of
whatever kind they may be, no prayer is offered at the morning
ceremonial. In the evening the prayer of the dairy is recited
twice — once when lighting the lamp, and once when shutting
the buffaloes in their enclosure for the night, the prayer on this
occasion being said in front of the entrance to the pen.

At the // dairy the palol prays both morning and evening.
In the morning he prays when lighting the lamp and after he
has finished milking ; in the evening prayer is offered on both
these occasions, and also when shutting up the buffaloes for
the night. The palol also repeats a few clauses when going
out to milk. Prayers are said on certain other ceremonial
occasions, and clauses from the prayers are frequently uttered
during the many ceremonies of the dairy.

At the evening ceremonial of the village dairy the prayer
is said when the lamp is lighted, while during the morning
ceremonial, at which the lamp is usually not lighted, there is
no prayer. This suggests that the prayer is especially related
to the lamp-lighting, and that some idea of worship of the
light is involved, but occasionally for some special reason,
such as unusual darkness, the lamp may be lighted in the
morning, and on these occasions the prayer is not used.
Nevertheless, the relation between lamp-lighting and prayer

214 THE TODAS chap.

both at the village and ti dairies has probably some signific-
ance, and, taken in conjunction with the undoubted salutation
of the sun, it points to some degree of worship of light and
its sources which may at one time have formed a more
marked feature of the Toda religion than seems at present to
be the case.

The prayer when shutting up the buffaloes for the night is
common to both ti and village dairies. The night is the
dangerous time for Toda buffaloes, which are not infrequently
killed by tigers, and the prayer on the occasion of closing the
pen is probably designed to promote their safety.

At the prayer uttered at the close of the milking at the //
dairy the palol adopts a special attitude which is shown in
Fig. 28. He prays leaning on his wand, the pohvet, with his
hands crossed over one another. This attitude is not em-
ployed in the village dairy, and only on this occasion at the ti
dairy.

In all cases the prayer is uttered " in the throat," so that
the words cannot be distinguished by any one who may hear
them. Whenever I listened to the recital of a prayer as it
was being offered 'by a dairyman within the dairy, I heard
only a gurgling noise in which no words could be distinguished.
On one occasion I was allowed to approach the // dairy at
Modr while the first prayer was being offered by the. palol. I
heard the beating on the persin (see p. 92) which accompanies
this prayer, and at intervals in the monotonous sound produced
by the voice of the palol there were pauses. As we shall see,
the prayer of the ti has certain sections which are dis-
tinguished from one another, and it seemed possible that
these pauses marked off the different portions of the prayer,
but it was clear that this was not the case, the palol only
stopping when the necessity for taking a new breath became
imperative.

Each village has its own prayer, and so far as I could
ascertain this prayer is used in all the dairies of the village ;
thus I believe that at Taradr the same prayer would be used
in both kugvali and tarvali. This is not, however, a point
on which I can speak [XDsitively, for there was much reluctance
to talk about this subject and many of the Todas absolutely

X PRAYER 215

refused to discuss it. One point seemed quite clear, at any
rate among the Teivaliol, viz., that the cHfferent villages of a
clan had different prayers, though often with many clauses in
common.

In general, the prayer of the ti is longer and more elaborate
than that of the village dairy. Different prayers arc used at
different dairies of the same ti, though here again they may
have many clauses in common.

In all cases the prayer consists of two distinct parts : a
preliminary portion consisting chiefly of names known as
kwarzani, followed by a portion which may be regarded as the
prayer proper.

The prayer proper should be the same in every dairy, but it
seemed to me that there was a good deal of laxity as regards
this portion, and there is no doubt that it is often slurred over
hastily and is less strictly regulated than the preliminary
portion of the prayer.

The following is the most generally accepted form :

Tdiieiiind ; fdn/uviid ; ir kark tdnenind ;

may it be well may it be well with the buffaloes and calves

or or may it be well ;

may be blessed ; may be merciful ;

iii'ri) drk Did ; kazun drk ind ; iiiidri ark iitd ;

may there be no disease ; may there be no destroyer ; may there be no poisonous

animals (snakes and insects) ;

kdvcl drk Did ; per kdrt pd in A : piistht kdrt pd via ;

may there be no may be kept from (falling may be kept from floods ;

wild beasts (tigers, &c. ); down) steep hills ;

tilt drk Did ; 11 id it 11 i/id ; iiiaj eii ind ; pid pfiv md ;

may there be no fire ; may rain fall ; may clouds rise ; may grass flourish ;

nir lir md.
may water spring. •

The prayer then concludes with the names of two of the
most important gods or objects of reverence, followed by the
words :

dtJiani idith eink idiieniiid .

them for the sake of for (or to) us may it be well.

There does not seem to be any strict regulation as to the
clauses of the prayer, and in different versions some of the

2i6 THE TODAS chap.

given above were omitted, while others were added, especially
requests for protection against special animals, as pob ark via,
" may there be no snakes," and pir.zi ark ind, " may there be
no tigers." One man concluded with the words crdadrsink
erdddri ini, " I know half to pray, I know not half to pray," ^
but I do not know whether this was an individual peculiarity
or a special feature of the prayer of his dairy.

It seemed clear that the whole prayer referred to the
buffaloes. It may be summarised as follows :

" May it be well with the buffaloes, may they not suffer
from disease or die, may they be kept from poisonous animals
and from wild beasts and from injury by flood or fire, may
there be water and grass in plenty."

The first part of the prayer contains a number of clauses
each of which usually consists of the name of an object
of reverence followed by the word idith (often contracted
into ith). This word is said to mean " for the sake of,"
so that the prayer as a whole seems to consist of clauses
mentioning a number of objects of reverence for the sake of
which the prayer is said, followed by the prayer consisting of
clauses directed to avert evils or bring blessings on the
buffaloes of the dairy. The word idith is used in the sense of
"for the sake of" in ordinary language. Thus, "for my sake,
leave him," would be ^' en idith, an pidr'' (me for the sake of,
him leave).

The objects of more or less sanctity thus mentioned in the
prayer are not called by their usual names, but are referred to
by means of special names to which the general term of
kwarzani is given. In some cases the kzvarzani differs little
from the ordinary name, while in other cases it bears no
resemblance to it.

The kivarzani mentioned in the prayer fall into several
groups : there are the kivarzam of the gods, of the buffaloes,
of the villages, of the dairy and of its various parts, vessels
and implements. In some cases, especially in the case of the
ti, we shall find that different dairies differ in the prominence
given to each kind o{ kzvarzatii ; that the prayer of one place

' Erd means two, and this translation is a free rendering of the Toda words,
though it probably conveys the proper meaning.

x PRAYER 217

consists chiefly of k^var^^aiii of the dairy, while in the prayer
of another the kivar::aiii of the gods or of the buffaloes
predominate.

In some prayers there occur kivarrjani of a special kind
containing references to incidents in legend — incidents which
occurred in the life of some deity especially connected with
the dairy at which the prayer is used, or other kivarzaui may
refer to incidents in the history of the dairy or of the village
in which the dairy is situated.

I had great difficulty in obtaining examples of the prayers,
or rather of those portions consisting of the kivarrjaui of the
sacred objects. There was little objection to giving the prayer
proper ; it was only when the kwarsaui were approached that
the difficulty arose. It was evident that it was this portion of
the prayer which was regarded as especially "sacred and
mysterious, and this was doubtless due to the mention of
sacred beings and objects by their sacred names.

With much difficulty I succeeded in obtaining the prayers
of four village dairies, three belonging to the Kuudrol, while
the fourth was the prayer, or part of the prayer, of the
Kanodrs poh. I was also successful in obtaining two ti
prayers and fragments of others.

The Village Prayer

The following are the kxvarrjain of the prayer used in the
dairy of the village of Kuudr, the ctiidniad oi \.\\q. Kuudr clan.
On the left-hand side of the page are given the kzvaraain, each
of which is followed by the word idith when the prayer is
uttered. On the right-hand side of the page are given the
objects, beings or incidents to which the kwarzam refer.

Prayer of Kuudr

Atthkdr Kuudr village and probably also the Kuudr clan or

Kuudro.

oners Kuudr village.

paliliuirpali large dairy at Kuudr [Indrpali).

palikidpali small dairy at Kuudr {kidpali).

tudrpahhpclk lamp [pelk) of large dairy.

kidpahhp,p all the sacred ol)jects of small dairy.

2l8

THE TODAS

CHAP.

tiitodrtho

tiikidin

kadrtorikkadr

keishkvet

tarskivan

kiinpep

dethpep
mtitchiidkars

tarskikars

nirkizntr

Eikisiov

Piilindlpul

Enialpnv

Kakathniiink

Karsttim

teikhkzvadiki

maiiikiars

Keikars
keitnodi

pet lit pat i pet hiU ir

puthion nakh tarzdr
inaj

large buffalo-pen {tu) at Kuudr.

small buffalo-pen {ti'i) at Kuudr.

calf enclosure [kadr) at Kuudr.

sacred buffaloes (pastkir) of Kuudr.

ordinary buffaloes (piitiir).

portion of buttermilk {pep) originally given by Teikirzi for

pastkir.
portion of pep for pittiir.
stone in buffalo-pen at Kuudr where the vessels of the large

dairy are purified,
stone in pen where the vessels of the small dairy are

purified,
sacred dairy spring of Kuudr.
a buffalo whose milk was the origin of the spring,
a hill near Kuudr.

a buffalo which once lived at Kuudr.
a hill near Kuudr.

a buffalo which once died on this hill,
a tree by which the dairy vessel called uiii is buried (see

p. 170).
the kiars tree by which the sacred bell (/naiii) is laid when

the dairy things are being purified,
a hill near Kuudr.
hill near which the erktiiiipithiti ceremony is performed

(see Chap. XIII).
chief buffaloes given when Teikirzi divided the buffaloes

with wand in hand (see p. 186). Literally, " wand with

divide chief buffaloes."
calf which was the ancestor of the Kuudr put it r.

Thus, the prayer would run, ^^ Atthkar idith ; otters idith ;

palitfidrpali idith; and the translation would run,

" For the sake of the village and clan of Kuudr ; for the sake
of the village of Kuudr ; for the sake of the large dairy of
Kuudr ;...." as far as the end of the kiuarzam given
above, and then would follow the prayer proper, " taneiniia^
tariiiaiita, . . . ."

This prayer begins with two kwarzam of the village or
clan, followed by others referring to the dairies and dairy
vessels, buffalo pens and buffaloes. Then follow certain
kwarzaiii of the pep or buttermilk which is of so much im-
portance in the dairy ritual, and those of stones which play a
part in the ceremonies attending purification of the dairy
vessels. After the kivarrjaiii of the dairy spring, there follow
a number of kivars(xni referring to certain incidents in the

X PRAYER 219

history of the dairy. Eikisiov is the kiV(ir:;ain of a buffalo
which was one day being milked at Kuudr when some of the
milk was spilt on the ground. From that day the ground
became swampy, and on digging, a spring of water was found
which has ever since been used as the dairy spring and is
called kisntr. The two following kjvarzam refer to incidents
of which I have no record. Karstum is the kivarsani of a
buffalo which was one day grazing on the hill Kakathumuk
when it began to bellow and could not be induced to stop ;
the people tried to take it back to the pen, but it would not
go and died on the hill, and has ever since been remembered
in the prayer. These kivarsam are followed by two referring
to trees of ceremonial importance — one the tree by which is
buried the 11m on the integrity of which the continuity of the
dairy procedure depends, while the other is connected with
the sacred bell.

Then follow the kivarzani of a hill on which there are
cairns and that of the sacrificial place of the village. The
prayer concludes with two kivarzavi of a different kind. The
first refers to the act of the goddess Teikirzi, who portioned
the buffaloes and assigned to each clan its share. In so doing
we have seen that she touched each buffalo on the back with
her wand, saying in each case to whom the buffalo should
belong, and this act is commemorated in the prayer in the
form, " for the sake of the dividing of the chief buffaloes
with the wand." The last kivarzani is that of the calf, from
which the ordinary buffaloes or putiir of Kuudr are
descended, but I was unable to ascertain the meaning of the
words, except iiakJi, which is the name of a three-year-old
buffalo.

In the Kuudr prayer several of the kivarzani refer to
incidents of a more or less miraculous nature which are believed
to have happened at the village where the prayer is used,
while the last kivarzani but one refers to one of the chief
events of Toda mythology.

It will be noticed that many of the kivarzani used in this
prayer correspond very closely to the names in ordinary use.
Some, such as kcitnodi and tciklikivadiki, are the same
words as those in general use, while others differ from

220

THE TODAS

CHAP.

the ordinary words in the reduplication of part of the
name, tudrpali becoming palitudrpali and ki::nir becoming
jiirkizntr.

Prayer of Kiudr

The following are the kwarzaui of the prayer used at
Kiudr, which is one of the most sacred of Toda villages.

Ktlvbh

kcrdni

mcdrdiii

poHgg

nongg

pelteirzi

iflirzi

kit nut nv

iitiidkh

iiirtirshki

keitu

tUlivaiiers

tashtpdluv

kadrtiilikkadr

arkatchar

iiierii

drsvitchkdrs

eivitchdv

nersddi-vel

keikuir ^

kwoteiiiers

kwelthipiishol

ctainudfi

eraikin

kdnniis

pdfvaki'idr

arspeiii

Kwarzaiii of

the dairy at Kiudr.

one of \he palalmaiii of Kiudr.

the other palatiiiaiii.

one of the ertatiiiani.

another ertatiiiani.

the lamp of the dairy.

also the lamp.

the way by which the dairyman s^oes from the dairy to milk ; the

punetkalvol.
the dairy stream,
also the dairy stream,
the buffalo-pen.

the posts at the entrance of liie buffalo-pen '
the bars of the entrance of the pen.
the calf enclosure,
the household stream,
also the household stream,
the house {ars) at Kiudr.
also the house,
the milking place,
the stream which runs between the house and the dairy (see 307).

- all of Kiudr village.

slope of hill {pciii) near Kiudr.

The special features of the Kiudr prayer arc the large
number of kivarzaui of the village and the inclusion of the
kivai'zain of the house and household stream. The prayer
of Kiudr is the only Toda prayer in which either the house
or household stream is mentioned, and this fact is in
accordance with the high degree of sanctity which has
become attached to this village. It will be noticed also that

X PRAYER 221

the buffaloes arc not mentioned, and that nearly all the
clauses of the prayer apply to the buildings and their
contents or to other parts of the village or to the village
itself. Only the last ktvar::avi of the prayer applies to a
place not actually in the village itself, and I could not
ascertain why this place was so favoured. With this ex-
ception,- the Kiudr prayer is one in which the kivarzain
are entirely limited to those of the village and the dair)-.

It will be remembered that when the buffaloes of the
Nodrs // migrate from Modr to Anto they pass by the
village of Kiudr, and that the occasion is observed in various
ways by the people of the village (see p. 135). I was told
that certain kivarzam referring to this occasion are used
in the Kiudr prayer. According to one man, these kivarsam
are always recited in the prayer before those which have
been already given, but others denied that they were so
used. It is possible that these kivarzam are only said
on special occasions, such as the day of migration, or it
may be that they were formerly used, but are nov/ being
forgotten.

These kivarnaui are as follow :

iiuer piigit iiodr li l)uffaloes, come near countr)'.

uiikeii piigit iibiir hell of wars dairy, come near country.

eupalol pitgit nodr god palo/, come near country.

eiifiini pdgit nodr god tuni, come near country.

eiti)l pagit nodr hair done up, come near country (this has reference to ihe

practice of tying the hair which is followed by the palol
when engaged at his sacred work (p. 92).

Tcigun iirpit nodr horn (of warsir) blow country.

A'indkudr iir/>it nodr horn (of fitj-) blow country.

Then follow the kwarsam already given.

These kivarzam are of a different form frotn those used
in the general form of prayer, and the various persons or
objects mentioned are referred to either by their usual names
or by slight modifications of them, as in eupalol or envalol and
eutuni. There seemed to be no doubt that these words were
abbreviations of taipalol and tcutiini, the omission of an
initial t being not uncommon in the Toda language. Thus
in this prayer the dair)'man is called " god palol^' and his
garment " god timi."

222

THE TODAS

CHAP.

Prayer of Kwirg

Kwirg is one of the villages of the Kuudrol and is the
place to which their buffaloes go when it is necessary to
make new/^/ for the whole clan.

Kwirg village.

the dairy.

the pen.

the kadr (calf enclosure).

the dairy stream.

a hill.

Kwatakivirg

knlptidshol

palikcithiolv

tuinadshil

kadrkeiri

nirtii'idsh

pinptimlv

pilkiirs

atthpep

kdnpep

Diutchudpep

keishkvet J- see Kuudr prayer.

tarskivan

pet at pat i peth Jit i> '

pOthion Jidkk tarzar iiiaj ■*

It will be seen that many of the clauses are common to
this prayer and that of Kuudr.

The three kivarzani of pep were said to be used in every
dairy of the Kuudrol, but it did not appear that they were
used at Kiudr. The third, inntcJiudpcp, is not included in the
Kuudr prayer, but imitchudkars appears in its place. Two
hills are mentioned in the Kwirg prayer, but there are none
of the references to special events connected with the village
such as exist in the prayer of Kuudr.

The Prayer of the Kanodrs Dairy

When I was staying at Pishkwosht and visited the conical
dairy at Kanodrs with Neratkutan, he told me that the prayer
of this dairy had forty kiuarrjaiti referring to the gods, as well
as many of other kinds, but on going into detail I could only
obtain the following : —

Par 7iih- ten the 1600 gods.
put nih- ten the 1 800 gods.

Kwoto Kwoto or Meilitars (sec p. 203).

PRAYER

Atioto

Atioto (see p. 2io).

Kuriudei teit

Kurindo (see p. 192).

Koiiteii

Konteu or Konto (see p. 211).

Anteu

Anlo (see p. 188).

Pbrzo

Porzo

Kbdrtho
Kdrso

Kodrtho

Vsee p. 211.
Karzo

Teikhunten

Teikhun,

indnpoh

Kanodrs village.

muttrshpoh

ditto.

iimertil

the pen.

kaner

the sun ? (see p. 206).

kuteikitrs

the stone chain used l)y Kwoto (see p. 207).

aners

Kuzhu village.

tAtashki

Pishkwosht village.

22-

This prayer is quite unlike those of the other village
dairies and was much more like that of a // dairy. As we
have seen, \.\\q. poJi of Kanodrs resembles a // dairy both in the
elaborateness of its ritual and in the high degree of sanctity
of its dairyman, and this resemblance is now seen to extend
to the prayer used in the dairy ritual.

Other dairies of the Tartharol which have an especial
degree of sanctity are the kugvali of Taradr and the conical
dairy of Nodrs. I made great endeavours to obtain the
prayers used in these places, but without success.

The ti Prayer

The prayers offered at the ti dairies are as a general rule
longer and more complex than those of the ordinary village
dairy. The latter portion of the prayer, or the prayer proper,
does not seem to differ from that of the ordinary dairy, the
differences being in the kwarzam recited at the beginning.
The different dairies of the same ti may have different prayers ;
thus, at the Nodrs ti there is a special prayer for the dairy at
Anto which is longer and more complicated than that used at
Modr, but it is probable that this is exceptional and is owing
to the great antiquity and sanctity of Anto. The other
dairies of this ti probably use much the same prayer as at
Modr, though there may be certain slight modifications at
each.

224

THE TODAS

CHAP.

The Anto Prayer

This prayer is characterised by a very large number of
kivarzain referring to the dairy, its contents and surroundings.
On ordinary days a shortened form of the prayer is used which
consists wholly of kzvarzam of this kind. On special days,
such as the occasions o{ ponup and ir)iddrtJiiti, other kzvarzam
are said, including those of gods and buffaloes.

The following kwarzatn are those in daily use, each being
followed by the word idith as in the village prayer : —

Ktvarzain of

Auto the ti.

eithipoh ditto.

medrpoh the ti poh.

pShtirzh the wars poh.

iiv the milking place [fepkaniius).

pero the special pen used on the night before ihe ponup ceremony.

keirv the pen used on the night before the migration of the
buffaloes.

Miii the ordinary pen.

Teirz a hill near the dairy on which Anto lives.

tilkav the back of the dairy {pohpalikef).

trbiir the way by which the kaltniokh goes to and from the dairy.

Pit hi poh the cave where Pithi was born (see p. 1S4).

iiersiiviil sacred path to the dairy by which the iiiaiii, pep, &c. , are
taken.

karkadr path by which ordinary people approach the dair)'.

iadipiil ditto.

eijipiil path by which \.\\e pa lol goes to draw water,

panpiil path by which \\\e. palol returns from drawing water.

Kiilln a hill near the dairy.

Keini another hill.

iitktn stream at which the palol bathes and washes his garments.

titor stone by this stream marking the spot by which the palol
bathes, &c.

teirpiil spot at which the palol halts and prays for the third time dur-
ing the procession to Anto (see p. 135).

teiipoh ditto.

nu'kfdi place at which palol and kaltinokh defrecate.

Ii'atthvai hill near Anto (see p. 188).

Ktihtil ditto.

A'odrs place near Anto (see p. 188).

Titdrs ditto.

teibithikars stone rolled by Anto.

teihilhival lower part of the hill Kattln'ai (see alnne).

PRAYER

225

On ordinary days these kivarzaui are followed by the prayer
tiDieiima taruiama, &c. On special occasions the following
kivarzam are inserted between those already given and the
prayer proper : —

Ekirzaiii meidjam

KMreij

tulj

Kuhuirtho

Perithi li viiners

K'uti

pagvoh

Putin

linul

Kiilinkars

Notirzivan

Kuzkilrv

unir

unkeu

Persin

kudrs maiii

taJsth

tCtpar

dter

tetter

Ktirz

pilti

per^v

Keirv

Kit hi

kiidi)vors

tadrpors
tarikipiil

kidkadr

ponpoli

kidpiVi

bdrtlio

Kitdreiil

munarten

Kivarzatti of

Teikirzi, Tirshli.

Kudreiil dairy.

ditto.

Kuladilho dairy.
// dairy at I'erithi in the Wainad.

One of the hills at which fire is lighted hy the palo! ■a.\. the
t eutiit list held Citxitmowy {<,>^ti p. 291).

ditto.

another hill at which fire is lighted.

ditto.

Kulinkars (see p. 1 88).

Nolirzi (see p. 1 89).

Korateu (see p. 1 90).

one group of tiir (see p. 112).

mani of wars dairy.

mani of ti dairy.

bells oi puiiir.

axe which came from Amnodr with the buftaloes.

an iron bar.

the second group of tiir (see p. 1 12).

the third group of tiir.

the buffalo which has the iiiaiii called Keu put on its neck.

buffaloes {unir).

ditto.

buffalo which drinks /^/ on day of migration (see p. 1 35).

buffalo which wears the kudrs mani.

the path at Modr by which ordinary people approacii the
dairy.

place near Modr at which the pa/ol and kaltiiiokk defi\;cate.

place near Modr where the erkiiniptthpiii/i ceremony is per-
formed.

calves' hut (kareiipoh) at Modr.

// dairy at Modr.

wars dairy at Modr.

ti dairy at Odrtho.

wajs dairy at Kudreiil.

a ti dairy.

The following is all I was able to obtain of the prayer used
at Modr: — '^ Ekirzani Dieidjam idit/i, Anlo eithipoh idith,
Kfdinkdrs idith, Notirzivan iditli, KuMdrvan iditli, Teukute-
ithi idith, Kt'idreiJ tidj idith, Kuzkdrv idith, Alvoi Kalvoi

226

THE TOD AS

CHAP.

idith, tancnnia tannama^' &c. Two of these kii'arzai)i,
'' TeukutcitJii idit/i" and " A/voi Kalvoi idith^' are not
mentioned in the Anto prayer. I have no doubt that the
list of kwarzam is very incomplete.

The Prayer of Makars

The following is the prayer used at Makars, the chief dairy
of the Kars ti. The kwarzam of the dairy are here compara-
tively few in number, but the prayer is especially rich in the
kzuarzani of gods and buffaloes, and it furnishes a very good
example of the relation of the prayer formuL-e to the Toda
legends.

The kivarzani of the prayer run as follow : —

Anto

Nhttrzivan

Kiilinkars

A'lizkdrv

Onkonm

Ekirzam meidjam

Azo \

Mazo]

Katadi-vanpoh

Peigwa

Karmiinieu

Kolzgdrth

Kondilteu

Mnndiltcti

Oiu'ilvpoh

Kiiiddrazeiileu

kalian adi arlen

ten
kaban kiil citen

ten
mors ver arteii ten
kilghir kAdr kwa-

ten ten
tebkfiter at, tan

inun madrik tiii
mdvid karilan ten

piilncrkurz
tetnirkan
pirsk iiiuneki po-
tilth ir

The god Anto.

Notirzi.

Kulinkars or Teikhars.

Korateu.

Onkonm who lives on a hill in the Kundahs.

Teikirzi and Tirshti.

Azo and Mazo.

place near Kfdinkars.

god living on hill near Makurti Peak.

Karmunteu.

the Paikara river (Teipakh).

Kondilteu, a god opposite the hill uf Koti.

a god on a hill near the last.

jalace near Majodr.

god on a hill near Kuladrtho.

"iron door shut god."

" iron stick held god."

" uibrs tree under event god."

" crooked horned buffalo horn cut god."

"imitation buffalo horns took, his mnllicr's brother's lap

god."
" sambhar from calved god." (The last six kivarzuiii refer

to the story of Kuzkarv (sec p. 1 90).
buffaloes of // called p/irsir.
ditto.
" sun to facinir that came l)uffalo."

PRAYER

227

nerk iituneki po-

tilth ir
puliidr inim ke-

kitth It-
Kit her i kutk cth-

kitth ir
pdtthh kattith 11
Waywark ethkitth

tr
0 khuheravi kitj

erditth eraiti
Pinter
liner
persagun
talg

narvtiils
poikar
pth-s7j6h
tinmidri
kakunnudri
nirkar
tiilintr
piinpoh
kdtn
piiiinir
Eiibdr
medrpoli
peiltii
titlinir
Pars

dtiirnitdri
nericners
Neradr
piilvoh
aners
tednids
puvArsnir
I\'dn

" bell lo facing thai came Imffalo."

" t/h/r \tiic back (face?) rubljed Ijuffalo."

" Kitheri stream to jumped liuffalo."

" desolate pen from made Iniffalo."
" Warsvar (stream) to jumped buffalo."

"seven heaps Iniffalo-dung fire set buffaloes.

bell (mani) or piirs dairy.

ditto.

mani of pars dairy.

ditto.

lamp.

piirs dairy.

pars dairy.

pen.

ditto.

dairy spring.

ditto.

dairy at Enodr.

pen at Enodr.

spring at Enodr.

Enodr ti mad.

dairy at Pars.

pen at Pars.

spring at Pars.

Pars // mad.

dairy at Neradr.

pen at Neradr.

Neradr // mad

daily at Kon.

ditto.

pen at Kon.

spring at Kon.

Kon // mad.

Then follow " tanenma tannama" &c.

The kwarzaui of the prayer given above are arranged in a
definite order. First come the kwarzani of sixteen gods or
of hills or places closely connected with gods, then follow six
kivarzavi referring to various incidents in the life of the god
Korateu. These are followed by two kivarzaiii of buffaloes,
and then follow six referring to various features of the
founding of Makars, of which an account has been given on

o 2

228 THE TODAS CHAP.

p. ii6. Then follows a kzvarzam relating to an incident
which is probably recent. The pnlol of this // used to make
seven heaps of the dung of the buffaloes. There is a
law that the dung should not be sold, which the palol dis-
obeyed, and soon after a fire broke out suddenly from the
seven heaps, and this event is commemorated in the prayer by
means of the kzvarsam meaning " seven heaps of buffalo-dung,
fire set buffaloes," and is included among the kzvarr:am
relating to buffaloes, probably because there was a belief that
the anger of the buffaloes was the cause of the fire.

The buffalo kzvarzaui are followed by eleven referring to
the bells of the // and to the dairy, pen and spring of Makars,
and these are followed by kzvarzam referring to the other
places of the ti — viz., Enodr, Pars, Neradr, and Kon. In each
case there are said the kzvarzain of the dairy, pen, spring, and
place except in the case of Neradr, where for some reason the
kzvarzam of the spring is omitted.

The feature of the Makars prayer which is especially
interesting is the reference to legend in the kzvarzam. This
reference occurs in the Kuudr prayer and in those of Kanodrs
and Anto, but the references are far more elaborate in the
Makars prayer. These references were very useful in pro-
viding incidental confirmation of the details of legends
previously obtained, while in other cases they put me on the
track of stories which I might otherwise have failed to obtain.
One point of interest connected with them is that, in the
absence of the legends, they might easily be supposed to be
meaningless sentences. We have seen that there is reason to
believe that the Todas are forgetting much of their mythology,
and if the legends referred to in the Makars prayer should be
forgotten, these kzvarzam would become meaningless formulae.
This appears to have happened already in some cases ; there
were certain kzvarzam of which I could obtain no translation ;
thus, all the kzvarzam of the clans and villages were of this
nature and could not be explained, though they almost
certainly had a definite origin. A good instance oi ?i kzvarzam
which is on its way towards a similar fate is that at the end of
the Kuudr prayer. The meaning of only one word was clear
— vi/. , ndk/i — while w^'was probabl}' the word for cloud, and

• X PRAYER 229

the kwarzam appears to refer to some incident of legend in
which a three-year-old calf and a cloud were concerned, but I
could obtain no record of the incident, nor of the legend of
which the incident was a feature.

I have treated these formulae of the dairy as prayers, and I
think there can be very little doubt that they are of the nature
of supplications, and are believed to invoke the aid of the gods
in protecting the sacred buffaloes. It must be confessed,
however, that there is no actual evidence in the formuhe of
direct invocation of the gods. The name of no god is
mentioned in the vocative form. In some prayers there is
barely mention of a god at all, if the term 'god' be limited
to the anthropomorphic beings of the hill-tops.

The exact relation between the formula and the gods
largely depends on the exact meaning of the word iditJi,
which is not quite clear. But, whatever the meaning of this
word, it is evident that it is used in exactly the same way in
the case of a god as in the case of a buffalo, a place, a dairy
vessel, or other even meaner object.

Perhaps the nearest approach to an appeal to gods in the
prayer is in the words at the end, in which the names of
certain gods are mentioned, followed by the words dt/unn idith
emk tdnenvid, " for their sake may it be well for us."

There is little doubt that the Todas offer prayers to their
gods in their ordinary daily life, altogether apart from the
dairy ritual. I was told by one man that when anyone
leaves an etudniad he should pray that he may return safely,
and in this case my informant said that he prayed to Teikirzi.
Unfortunately I did not ask the exact form of the prayer, and
do not know whether the goddess was invoked by name or
whether kivarzani were uttered of the same form as in the
prayer of the dairy. We may, however, be confident that the
idea of supplication to the gods is not foreign to the Toda
mind.

We shall see later that in the formulae used in Toda
sorcery, the names of gods are mentioned, followed by the
same word idith which is used in the dairy formulae. In
the magical formulae the evidence of appeal to deittes is
somewhat stronger than in the case of the dairy formulae,

230

THE TODAS CH. x

which are certainly of a reh'gious character. It seems most
likely that the word iditli was at one time used especially
in connexion with the names of gods, and carried with it
some idea of supplication. Gradually other sacred objects
were included in the prayer, the same form being used for
them as for the gods, this inclusion being prompted by the
belief that the mention of any sacred object might help to
promote the efficacy of the prayer. Later, when any mys-
terious and seemingly miraculous incident occurred at a
village, it seems to have become the custom to commemorate
it in the prayer.

It is quite clear that at the present time the earlier portion
of the prayer, consisting of the kicarrjajn, is regarded as more
important than the latter portion, which reads like the actual
prayer. I suspect even that in practice the prayer proper
is often omitted, or that only the first two words, tanenma,
tarmaiiia, are said. There certainly seemed to be no very
rigorous laws as to the exact number or order of the clauses
of this part of the prayer. The earlier portion, on the other
hand, is very strictly regulated, and the order in which the
kwarzam are to be uttered is definitely prescribed. Cer-
tainly there is far more reticence in connexion with the
kivarsam, and this may safely be taken to indicate that a
higher degree of sanctity attaches to them than to the words
of the prayer proper.

It is probable that the alteration in the relative importance
attached to the two parts of the prayer would have to go
little further in order to produce a state of things in which
the Toda dairyman would use the first parts of the formulae
only, and an anthropologist visiting the Todas at this stage
would find them using formulae which would not be recognis-
able as prayer.

If, at the same time, the process of forgetting their
mythology should also have advanced, the Todas would
then provide an excellent example of a people using in their
religious ritual meaningless forms of words, and the Toda
kwarzam seem to furnish one wa)- in which people ma\' come
to use such meaningless forms.

CHAPTER XI

THE DAIRY RITUAL

In the preceding chapters I have given an account of an
elaborate ritual wholly connected with the buffalo and with
the dairy. This ritual is certainly of a religious character,
and, though there is much in the nature of the dairy formulae
which is uncertain, there can be little doubt that they are
intercessory and that they bring the dairy operations into
definite relations with the Toda deities.

It seems most probable that the general idea underlying
the dairy ritual is that the dairyman is dealing with a sacred
substance, the milk of the buffaloes. This sacred substance
is to be converted into other substances, butter and butter-
milk, which are to be used by the profane. At the present
time much of the butter goes to those who are not even
Todas and are regarded by the Todas as inferior beings.

It seems most probable that the elaborate ritual has grown
up as a means of counteracting the dangers likely to be
incurred by this profanation of the sacred substance, or, in
other words, as a means of removing a taboo which prohibits
the general use of the substance.

Similarly the migration ceremonies have the general under-
lying idea of counteracting any possible evil influence which
may accompany the passage of the buffaloes through the pro-
fane world from one sacred place to another. During the
migration, objects may be seen by the multitude which under
ordinary circumstances are strictly screened from the general
gaze, and objects may be touched, or be in danger of being
touched, by people who ordinarily may not even see them.

232 THE TODAS CHAP.

Again, the ceremonies connected with entrance upon any
dairy office are intended to purify the candidate and make
him fit to see and touch and use the sacred objects.

The purpose of some of the other ceremonies is less
obvious. The irpalvustJii ceremony seems to be of the
nature of a thanksgiving, one of its most important features
being a feast, but in this feast people may partake of the
milk of sacred buffaloes, which is not ordinarily used by them,
and there is a suggestive resemblance to those religious cere-
monies in which communion is held with the divine by eating
or drinking the divine.

The salt-giving ceremonies seem to point to a time when
salt was difficult to procure. According to the Todas the
object of these ceremonies is to ensure a plentiful supply of
milk. There is a belief that salt is beneficial to the buffaloes,
and the occasions on which the salt is given have become
religious ceremonies which at the ponup of the // have reached
a high degree of elaboration with very special relations to
the chief gods of the dairy. The ceremonies of making
new pep are especially mysterious, and I will reserve some
speculations as to the general idea underlying them till later
(see p. 242).

Comparison of the Procedure of Different
Dairies

One of the most striking features of the ritual in all its
branches is its increasing elaboration and complexity from
the low^est to the highest grade of dairy.

One of the details of the ritual which runs through the
whole series of dairies is the separation between the vessels
and objects which come into contact with the buffaloes or
their milk, and those which come into contact with the
outside world, or with the products of the churning which
may go to the outside world.

In the proceedings with the milk of the ordinary buffaloes
in the huts where the people live, there is, so far as I know,
no distinction of this kind.

In the lowest grade of dairy we already meet with the

xi THE DAIRY RITUAL 233

separation. All the vessels are kept in the same roonn, but in
different parts of the room, the patatuiar and the ertatinar,
and this distinction between the two sets of objects is kept
up in the migration ceremonies where they are carried by
different men.

There are no striking differences in this respect between
the k)wer grades of dairy, whether tarvali^ kiidrpali, or
zuiirsnli) in all, the two sets of vessels are separated, but no
strict measures are taken to prevent a vessel of the patatuiar
from coming into contact with a vessel of the ertatmar during
the dairy operations. It is only on reaching the kugvali of
Taradr that we find an intermediate vessel, the kuvun^ used
to transfer substances from a vessel of the more sacred to one
of the less sacred kind, and to prevent possible contamination
of the former by the latter.

It is in the //' dairy that these precautions reach their
highest degree of development. Here the two sets of vessels
are kept in different rooms, separated by a screen, and the
dairy products are never transferred directly from a vessel of
one kind to a vessel of the other, but always by means of an
intermediate vessel. The butter and buttermilk produced by
the churning operations in the inner room are transferred to
the vessels of the outer room by means of the idrkwoi, which
is kept on the dividing line between the two compartments.
Similarly the vessels into which the butter and buttermilk are
received are never allowed to come into direct contact with
objects from the outside world, but their contents are trans-
ferred to vessels used outside the dairy by means of inter-
mediate vessels, the iippun or the uibipnii.

In the migrations of the ti buffaloes this strict separa-
tion between the two kinds of vessel is still kept up. The
things of the inner room are carried by the palol himself,
while the things of the outer room are carried by others.
The idrkwoi, though carried by the palol on the same staff
as the things of the inner room, is kept apart from the rest,
and is not allowed to touch them.

The fires of the //dairy furnish another interesting example
of the principle by which sacred objects are prevented from
coming directly into relation with objects which may have

:34 THE TODAS

been contaminated by contact with the outside world. The
lamp is not lighted directly from the tbrattJiivaskal, which is
probably sometimes touched by the kaltiiiokJi, but fire is
transferred from this fireplace to the pclkkatittJnvaskal, from
which the lamp is lighted. Here, again, the use of an inter-
mediary object is limited to the ti dairy.

The principle of management by which the palol prevents
the contamination of the sacred by the profane in the dairy
is adopted by him in other ways. Whenever I paid any
money to i\\Q palol at Modr, I placed it on a stone from which
it was taken by the kaltniokh and handed to the palol. A
similar procedure is generally adopted whenever anything is
brought to, or taken from, a ti dairy. The kaltniokh in the
above instance acts as the intermediate link between \\\q. palol
and the unclean.

In the ordinary procedure of the village dairy, except at the
kugvali of Taradr, no example occurs of this use of inter-
mediate links, but there is such an example during the ordina-
tion of the wursol. When the palikartniokJi gives the candi-
date milk from the ertatpiin (p. 149), he does not pour it
directly into the leaf-cup from which the candidate drinks, but
first pours it into another leaf-cup and then from that
into the cup used by the candidate.

Other features of the ritual in which there are differences in
different grades of dairy are in the ceremonial touching of
dairy vessels, in the avoidance of turning the back towards the
contents of the dairy, in lamp-lighting, in the ritual connected
with the bell, and in the frequency with which the prayer of
the dairy is recited.

At the tarvali and kudrpali, the dairyman touches
ceremonially the viajpariv and the patat at the beginning of
the afternoon churning, while at the iviirs2ili this is done both
morning and afternoon. At the ti, however, this ceremonial
touching does not occur, or, at any rate, I failed to obtain any
account of its performance.

The method of carrying out the dairy procedure kabkaditi,
in whicli the back is never turned on the sacred vessels of the
dairy, is not followed in the tarvali, except at the irpalvustJii
ceremony. I have no record of it in the kndipali, except o\\

XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 235

the same occasion, and it is only followed regularly in certain
dairies of the iviirsuli grade, viz., Nodrs, Nasmiodr, Odr, and
Kozhtudi. The first has a conical dairy, and Nasmiodr and
Odr are especially ancient and sacred places. At the kugvali
and the ti dairy, on the other hand, the dairy ceremonial
is always performed kabkaditi. At one ceremony, that of
irpalvusthi, the work of the dairy is performed kabkaditi
in every dairy of whatever grade.

The lamp-lighting is another feature which becomes more
frequent and more ceremonial in the higher grades of dairy.
In all the village dairies, including the kugvali of Taradr,^ the
lamp is on])' lighted ceremonially at the afternoon churning,
the lighting being made the occasion of prayer. . If the morn-
ing is dark, the lamp may be lighted, but it is clear that this is
not done ceremonially, and the lighting is not accompanied by
prayer. At the // we have already seen that the lamp
is lighted in a more ceremonial manner and in the morning as
well as in the afternoon.

Some of the details of the ritual are definitely associated
with the inani, and since the presence of a niani implies
a higher grade of dairy, this leads to an increase in the
elaboration of the ritual. The mani is treated in much
the same way in all the grades of dairy which possess this
sacred object.

Another feature in which the increasing sanctity of the dairy
is shown is the frequency with which prayer is offered.
At all the village dairies the dairyman only prays at the after-
noon ceremonial when lighting the lamp, and when shutting
up the buffaloes in their pen for the night. As already
mentioned, there is a definite association between prayer and
the ceremonial lamp-lighting.

In the // dairy, prayer is offered both morning and evening ;
at the morning ceremonial twice and in the afternoon
three times. On both occasions the first prayer begins when
the lamp is being lighted and is continued while the palol
knocks on one of the persiii with the persinhidriki. The
second prayer in each case is offered at the conclusion of the
milking, and the third prayer of the afternoon corresponds to

' I am doubtful about this point at the poll of Kanodrs.

236 THE TODAS CHAP.

the second prayer of the village dairy, being offered when
shutting up the buffaloes for the night.

The increasing sanctity of the different grades of dairy
is shown very clearly by the increasing stringency in the rules
of conduct of the dairyman. The tarvalikartviokli may sleep
in the living hut on any night in the week, and there are no
restrictions on his intercourse with women. The kudrpalikart-
niokh may only sleep in the hut on Sundays, Wednesdays and
Saturdays, and is prohibited from intercourse with Teivali
women. The iviirsol is limited to two nights, Sunday and
Wednesday, and, though himself a Teivali man, is prohibited
from intercourse with Teivali women. The kugvalikartmoklL
has similar restrictions, but the pohkartpol of Kanodrs must
avoid women altogether, and this is almost certainly the case
with the palol also.

The tarvalikartviokli takes his buttermilk and food without
any ceremony. The kudrpalikartmokli must hold his food in
his hands throughout his meal and must not put it on the
ground.

In the case of the zvursol we meet first with the ceremonial
drinking of buttermilk, which must in this case be poured into
the leaf-cup from the vessel called ertatpun. The kugvalikart-
viokJi drinks buttermilk sitting on the seat outside his
dairy and pours from the ertatpini, drinking three times only
and saying " Ofi " each time.

T\\Q pohkartpol of Kanodrs has to take his food with very
special precautions. He sits on the wall of his dairy and his
hand must not touch his mouth nor the leaf-cup his lips. At
the // the drinking of buttermilk has become a definite
ceremony in which the kaltniokJi pours out drink for the palol
with prescribed formulae, but, strangely enough, the /c?/^/ does
not suffer from the same restrictions against touching his mouth
as \hQ pohkartpol of Kanodrs, though the latter holds an office
which in most ways is distinctly less sacred than that of
the palol.

The clothing of each grade is also regulated. Perhaps the
most important feature here is the use of the garments called
tiini. These are made of dark grey cloth of a quite different
kind from that of the ordinary clothes worn by the Todas.

XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 237

The garments are procured from the Badagas, and cloth
of the same kind, called an, is used to enwrap the corpse in the
funeral ceremonies. It is mentioned as the ordinary clothing
of a woman in the legend of Kwoten, and is almost certainly
the ancient clothing of the Todas still persisting in ceremonial
in connexion with the dead and in the dairy ritual.

The ///;// is only worn by the higher grades of the dairyman-
priesthood and by the palikartuwkJi of the Teivaliol. The
palol wears tuni only, both his loin-cloth and his mantle being
of this material. The kaltmokJi has no need for a tuni, for
when he is engaged in his work at the // he has to be naked,
and when away from the // and in the sleeping hut he wears
a small piece of tuni, the petnni, in his girdle, the piece of
cloth marking the difference between the full kaltniokh and
\\\Q. pcrkiirsol.

The wiivsol, the kugvalikartmokh, and the Teivali palikart-
mokh only wear the tuni when actually engaged in the dairy
work and leave it inside the dairy at other times. I am
doubtful whether the pohkartpol of Kanodrs resembles the
palol or the lower grades in this respect.

Although the palikartuiokh of the tarvali and the kndrpali
never wear the ///;//, a small piece of this cloth is put in the
girdle during the ordination ceremonies, and this may be a
relic of a time when every dairyman wore the tuni} In the
secret language (see Chap. XXV) the word petuni is used
in one place as the ecjuivalent of ' uniform,' and this seems
to indicate that the petuni is regarded as the badge of a
dairyman.

The use of the leaves and bark of the sacred tudr tree is
another feature which distinguishes different dairies. In the
tarvali it is, so far as I know, not used at all. In the kudrpali
it is only used in \\\q. pcpeirthti ceremon}'. The w?/rj^/ uses
tiidr in his ordination ceremonies, but not in the ordinary
ritual of his dairy, nor is it used in the daily ritual of the ti
dairy, though largely used in the purification of the dairy and
of the dairy vessels, and in the ordination ceremonies of the
palol.

' II is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore the tiitii
when acting ^'s, palikarlmokh aUhough he was one of the Tartliarol.

238 THE TODAS chap.

The use of tudr in the ordination ceremonies is only allowed
to the members of the Teivali division and of the Melgars
clan of the Tartharol.

Special kinds of dairy or special dairies may have features
peculiar to themselves ; thus \.\\g pepeirt/iti ceremony, in which
the dairyman beats on \.\\q patat with a piece of tudr bark, is
only performed at the kiidtpali ; the prescription of nakedness
when milking is confined to the kiidrpalikartviokJi ; the special
method of wearing the piitkuli open in front when going to
the buffaloes is only practised by the wiirsol, and the method
of taking food sitting on the wall of the dairy and throwing
the food into the mouth is peculiar to the poJikartpol of
Kanodrs.

One feature of interest in the dairy organisation is the
existence of different names at different dairies for the dairy
products, and for the various objects used at the dairy or in
connexion with the dairy ceremonies. The chief differences
are found on comparing the village dairy with the ti, nearly
every object having a different name in the two places, though
occasionally a peculiarity of nomenclature may be confined
to one dairy, as at Kanodrs, where milk is called persin, the
name of the churning vessel of the ti. As a general rule it
seems that the name used in the village dairy is the same as
that in ordinary use ; thus, the dairy vessels used in the house
for the milk of the ordinary buffaloes are known by the same
names as those of the village dairy.

The use of special names in the more sacred dairies is
probably connected with their high degree of sanctity. The
names of the dairy vessels of the village are in common use,
and it would doubtless seem sacrilegious that the names of
the vessels of the // should be thus in everyone's mouth.
Consequently nearly every object used in the ceremonial of
the // dairy has a special name, and in the ordinary life of the
Todas these words are probably never uttered.

One striking feature of the dairy ritual is the use of the
syllable Ofi. With one exception (p. 177) this word is always
uttered thrice, and it seems to be especially connected with the
act of putting curds or milk on the bells. It has a suggestive
resemblance to the mystical syllable Oni of the Hindus. It is

XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 239

also possible that it may be a form of the name of the god On,
or, again, it may be a corruption of the word viani, of which
the initial letter has been dropped, a process qf which other
examples have been given.

It is doubtful how much significance is attached to the
right and left sides in the dairy ritual. There is no doubt
that in the most sacred acts of the ritual, such as saluting
the buffaloes and the sun, or feeding the bell, it is the right
hand which is used. This preference of the right hand is
emphasised by the action of the palol in washing out his
mouth, when he takes the water into his mouth from the left
hand, because it is his right hand which has most to do with
the sacred objects. In the migration ceremonies the dairy
vessels are carried on the left shoulder, but at the // the
choice of this shoulder by \\\q. palol is obviously due to the fact
that either the viani or churning-stick is carried in the right
hand, and in other cases it is probable that the choice of the
left shoulder is due to the necessity of leaving the right
hand free. When the candidate drinks in the ordination
ceremonies he holds the cup in the right hand, and this hand
certainly has the preference throughout the dairy ritual. On
the other hand, the petniii is worn on the left side of the
waist-string, both by the kaltmokh, as a sign of his full
rank, and by the palikartinokh during his ordination
ceremonies.

In the ordinary dairy the side which is on the right hand
in entering seems to be the more sacred, and the platform on
this side is the ineitiin or superior bed. In the // dairy, on
the other hand, there was some doubt as to the more sacred
side. At Modr it seemed that the mani is on the left
hand side of the palol as he is performing his duties, but it
is doubtful whether this is so at other places, and it may
be that my account of the Modr dairy is wrong in this
respect.

The Sanctity of Milk

The different degrees of sanctity attaching to the different
dairies are associated with differences in the rules regulating
the use of milk, and these rules .seem to show clearly that

240 THE TODAS CHAP.

the milk of buffaloes belonging to the more sacred dairies has
a higher degree of sanctity than that churned in the lower
grades.

The milk of ordinary buffaloes may be drunk by anyone,
man, woman, or child. The Todas do not ordinaril}^ sell
milk, but if they do so, they ma}^ only use the milk of
ordinary buffaloes for this purpose. I have a note that any-
one may also drink the milk of buffaloes belonging to the
tarvali, but I suspect that this only applies to men who must
drink it at the dairy.

The milk of the kudrpali may only be drunk by the
kudrpalikartniokli himself. It is believed that any other
person or animal who should drink milk from this dairy
would die.

At the zvnrsrdi milk may be given to men at the dair}%
but it must be mixed with buttermilk. At the kiigvali of
Taradr the milk of the kugvalir themselves is not drunk by
anyone, the dairyman having certain ordinary buffaloes for
his own use, and this is also the case at the ti. I believe that
not even the palol wovXd. drink the milk of the persinir, the
sacred buffaloes of the //.

There is one exception to the rule that ordinary people
may not use the milk of the sacred buffaloes of the village
dairies (except in the form of butter and buttermilk). At the
irpalviisthi ceremony at all the village dairies, including the
kiigvali, food is prepared with the milk of one of the sacred
animals and this food is given to the people of the clan to
which the dairy belongs and also to members of other clans.

In the case of the ivursuli, I was especially told that this
is the only occasion on which the milk of wursulir is used
by people in general. At the kugvali, people of other clans
are only given this food on the second day of the proceedings,
and the distribution of the food is preceded by a ceremony in
which some of the food is thrown into the fire. The milk
used on this occasion is the milk of the buffalo which has
recently calved, the ceremony being in celebration of this
event.

At the ^vursuli it is noteworthy that the food is cooked hy
the wursol liimself, the ceremony of irpeilvnstJn being the

XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 241

only occasion on which a dairyman of this grade prepares
food. Thus, when the milk of the wursiilir is used ceremoni-
ally as a food by ordinary people, the food is prepared by the
dairyman-priest. One feature of the irpalvusthi ceremony is
that the work is performed kabkaditi in every dairy, and it is
possible that this sign of increased respect is intended to
counteract the desecration which is about to take place in the
use of the milk by the profane. As I have already pointed
out, the irpalvustJii ceremony has a strong resemblance to a
sacrificial feast, in which people partake of the sacred animal,
but in this case it is the milk of the animal and not the
animal itself which is taken.

A further indication of the sanctity of milk is given in the
prohibition against the drinking of milk by a widower or
widow during a period which, as we shall see later, may
extend to many months.

The restrictions on the use of the milk of the sacred
animals have the general characters associated with taboos,
and the whole daily ritual of the dairy would seem to be
designed to remove the taboo. It is possible that at one
time the milk of the sacred buffaloes was not used at all,
and that these animals only suckled their calves. If
then the Todas had begun to milk the sacred buffaloes,
it is natural that the milking and churning should have
been accompanied by ritual designed to counteract the
evils to be expected from the profanation of the sacred
substance and the breaking of the taboo. In certain cir-
cumstances even now the Todas do not milk their sacred
buffaloes, but allow them to suckle their calves only. If a //
dairy, or even one of a lower grade, has no dairyman, the
buffaloes are not milked, though they are still tended by some
unsanctified person and are kept ready to take their part in
the dairy ritual if a dairyman should again be appointed.

Special Dairy Customs

The general method of treating the milk in the dairy
procedure seems to be the same as that generally followed
in India and other hot countries. The milk is allowed to

242 THE TODAS chap.

coagulate and the curd is churned. The butter so obtained
differs from that of European countries in containing the
proteid as well as the fat constituents of milk. This butter
is then clarified, but in this respect there is an important
difference between the ordinary Hindu procedure and that of
the Todas. The usual Hindu method is to heat slowly over
a fire without the addition of any other substance. The
Todas add grain or rice to the butter before clarification, and
this sinks to the bottom of the vessel and forms a substance
called by the Todas al, which is one of their chief foods.
This deposit of grain or rice will carry clown with it some,
possibly all, of the proteid constituents, and the al will, there-
fore, be a nourishing food.

The only other detail in which the Toda procedure is
peculiar^ is in the addition of buttermilk from a previous
churning to the newly-drawn milk, the buttermilk ox pep being
put into the vessel before milking. This addition probabl)'
hastens the process of coagulation, but its chief interest is
derived from the fact that it has become the nucleus of some
of the most interesting features of the dairy ceremonial.

This addition of buttermilk seems to be regarded as forming
a thread of continuit}- in the dairy ritual, and the ceremony of
pepkaric/ia, or making new pep, is held whenever this con-
tinuity is broken. The pep is connected with a dairy vessel
of the kind called niu, which is buried in the buffalo pen, and
if any evil befalls the )iiii, it is held to be a cause for making
new pep- — -i.e., the usual course of the dairy procedure will be
interrupted, in some cases for months.

The buried dairy vessel seems to be linked in some
mysterious way with the fortunes of the dair}', and especially
w ith the buttermilk which forms the element of continuity in
the dairy procedure. The buried dairy vessel, or ;////, is not
one which is now generall}' used to hold buttermilk. There
are two kinds of ;//// in the dair}% one which contains the
butter added during the churning, while the other is used,

' It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to promote
coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk. It is possible that
in some parts of India it may be added to the milk l)efore or iinnicdialely after it
is drawn.

•XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 243

partly as a receptacle for the milk which is about to be
churned, and partly to fetch water from the stream. It is
highly probable that there was at one time a third inn in the
dairy, which was a receptacle for the buttermilk added before
milking.

At the especially sacred dairy of Kanodrs, where ancient
procedure is likely to have lingered, the buried mn is still used
as a receptacle for buttermilk. When this dairy is unoccupied,
a certain amount of buttermilk is kept in the buried inn, and
when the dairy is again occu[)ied, this buttermilk is used to
add to the milk. In this case the continuity of the dairy
procedure is directly kept up by means of the buried vessel,
and this procedure of the Kanodrs dairy is strongly in favour
of the view that the buried vessel was formerly a receptacle
for \\\Q. pep.

There are other indications that the inn is the most sacred
of the dairy vessels. It is this vessel which is touched by the
zunrsol the kngvalikartniokh of Taradr and the polikaripol of
Kanodrs, as the final act which gives them their full status at
the ordination ceremonies, and we shall see later that in the
funeral ceremonies at Taradr a temporary building is made to
represent a dairy by placing in its inner room a ;////. In this
last case, it would seem that the nin is regarded as the emblem
of the dairy, and that placing a nin in the inner room of the
temporary building makes it a dairy.

The representative of the nin at the //dairy is ihcpcptbrziini,
but it does not seem that this vessel is specially distinguished
from the rest, and it does not appear to have the sanctity and
importance which attaches to this kind of vessel at the village
dairy.

There seem to be two chief possibilities in explaining the
existence of the buried ;//;/. It may be that it was at one
time the custom to bury the pep while the village was
unoccupied, and that this custom now only persists at Kanodrs,
the nin at other places being no longer used for this purpose,
though it has continued to be of ceremonial importance. The
other possibility is that, as the pep acquired increased
importance in the dairy ritual, the sanctity of the buttermilk
was transferred to the vessel which contained it, and the

R 2

244 THE TODAS chap.

sanctity of the vessel became so great that it was not thought
right to leave it exposed to the dangers it might incur in the
dairy, especially in the various migrations, and it was there-
fore buried in the buffalo pen of the chief village of the clan.
It is probable that the custom arose in the way suggested by
the procedure of the Kanodrs dairy, but that the full develop-
ment of the custom has been largely due to the belief in its
special sanctity.

The obscure observance of having a ball of food larger than
can be eaten at one sitting occurs twice in the various dairy
ceremonials. It is a feature of the ceremonies which the
kaltniokJi has to undergo on the day after the migration of
the Nodrs ti\.o Anto,and the superabundant portion of food has
also to be eaten by the candidate for the office oi pnlol in the
preliminary ceremony called tesherst. In each case the food
is of the ceremonial kind called asJikkartpinii. I can offer no
suggestions as to the meaning of the observance, nor do I
know of any parallel for it.

Purity and Imturity

The idea of ceremonial purity is one running through the
whole of the dairy rites. Many of the details of the ritual,
the purification of new vessels and of dairies revisited after
a period of disuse, the ordination ceremonies of the dair}'-
man, the elaborate ceremonies accompanying the making
of new pep^ all show a very deeply engrained idea that men
and things have in themselves some degree of impurity, and
that in order to be made fit for the service of the gods, they
must be purified and sanctified by appropriate ceremonies.

As regards man two grades of impurity are recognised : (i.)
the impurity of the ordinary man, which is perhaps an absence
of ceremonial purity rather than actual impurity ; and (ii.) the
special impurity which is the result of certain events and
especially of those accompanying birth and death.

The impurity of the ordinary man does not prevent him
from visiting the dairies of the lower grade, but it prohibits
him from taking any part whatever in the actual dairy opera-
tions. With certain exceptions, he is rigorously excluded

THE DAIRY RITUAL 245

from actual contact either with dairies or dairymen of the
higher grades. He is perhaps regarded as unsanctified rather
than impure. The definite impurity which is the condition of
those who have attended funeral ceremonies or have been in
relation with a woman in the period of seclusion after child-
birth is something very different. Such a man is not merely
unsanctified, he is unfit to hold any sacred office ; even the
prolonged ceremonies of ordination would not fit him to hold
office in the dairy or to perform any part in the tendance of the
sacred buffaloes, and he is not allowed even to approach
the members of the higher grades of the dairyman-[jriest-
hood.

Women and the Dairy

Women take no part in the dairy ritual, nor in the milking
and churning operations which are carried on in the hut. It
is said that at one time the women took charge of the
buffaloes at the time of calving, but this is not the case at the
present time.

Women go to the dairy to fetch buttermilk, using an
appointed path and standing at an appointed spot to re-
ceive it.

Females enter dairies under two conditions only. They
may enter the outermost rooms of those dairies which are
used as funeral huts while the bodies of men are lying in
them. Here they may sit only on one side of the room, and
only when the dairy operations are not in progress. Women
also enter the temporary funeral huts of men which are called
pali, or dairies.

The other condition under which a female enters a dairy is
at the migration ceremony of the village, in which a girl,
seven or eight years of age, is given food in the dairy of the
village which the buffaloes are leaving, and sweeps the front
of the dairy of the village to which they are going. This
ceremony is one in which a girl seems to take a definite part
in dairy ceremonial, but the girl chosen for this office must
be below the age of puberty.

The relations of women with the different grades of dairy-
men have already been considered ; a point which may again

246 THE TODAS chap.

be mentioned is that the emblems of womanhood, the
pounder, sieve, and broom, may be removed from, the hut
while the dairyman is present, though the women themselves
remain.

During certain dairy ceremonials, women must leave the
village altogether, and during the passage of the buffaloes of
the Nodrs ti near the village of Kiudr, the women leave the
village, taking with them the pounder, sieve, and broom.

Although women are thus excluded from all participation
in the dairy ceremonial, we shall see later (Chapter XIV)
that an artificial dairy plays a part in some of the ceremonies
connected with pregnancy and childbirth.

History of the Dairy

The Todas can give very little information which throws
any light on the development of this complex organisation of
the dairy with its elaborate ritual. According to tradition,
the most sacred dairies, and especially that of the Nodrs ti,
date back to the time when the gods were active on earth and
were themselves dairymen.

Beyond the belief that buffaloes of different kinds were
assigned to the different clans by Teikirzi, I could obtain no
account of beliefs about the origin or growth of the other
grades of dairy. One fact as to the past which seemed clear
was that ti dairies were at one time more numerous than at
present, and several places now possessing village dairies of
the ordinary kind are said to have been at one time the seats
of // dairies. Thus it is believed that Kiudr was formerly a
ti place, and the old weatherworn stones shown in Figs. 31
and 32, which are still called neursiilnkars, seem to provide
evidence that tradition is here correct. The village of Teidr
is said to have been at one time a ti, and here again two
stones called neursiilnkars are to be seen about a quarter of
a mile from the village.

There is another feature of the Kiudr dairy which suggests
that it may at one time have been a // dairy. It contains six
bells c'aWc(\ niani, which clearly differ in nature from the nKnii
of the other village dairies, especially in the fact that they

THE DAIRY RITUAL 247

are not used at funerals. They are also distinguished as
patatnuini and ertatiiiani, a distinction not met with in any
other village dairy. It seems probable that they are the
representatives of the two kinds of bells of a //, the iiiani
proper and the kudrsmani. The crlatj/iaiii of Kiudr are ' fed '
with buttermilk, a procedure not followed, so far as I know, in
any other dairy, but it may be that this is a feature of the
procedure of the ti dairy which escaped me. Certainly the
most likely explanation of the existence of these bells at
Kiudr is that they are survivals of its former position as a ti
dair)'.

The villages of Kiudr and Teidr both belong to the Teiva-
liol, and this raises the c]uestion whether this division of the
Todas may not have possessed ti herds and ti dairies of their
own at one time, and may not always have had to be content
with providing dairymen for institutions belonging to the
Tartharol. No information could be given on this point, but
it seems unlikely that dairies and places belonging to a
Tarthar clan should have been handed over to the Teivaliol
when they were no longer used as ti dairies and ti places.

Certain Tarthar villages are also said to have had at one
time // dairies, especially the sacred places of Xodrs and Odr.
This probably means that there is a tradition that the buffaloes
of the Nodrs ti were at one time kept at these places which,
as we have seen, are still visited by the palol during his
ordination ceremonies.

The process of extinction of // institutions can be seen
in progress at the present time. The Nidrsi // is not now
in working order ; there has been no palol for some years and
its dairies are unoccupied. It is said that 2i palol would have to
be appointed temporarily if it was desired to perform the
second funeral ceremonies of a Nidrsi man, but in the present
condition of the Nidrsiol, it seems to me not at all unlikely,
either that the rule will be disregarded, or that the second
funeral ceremonies will not be performed, and that the Nidrsi
// will become absolutely extinct, possibly dragging down
another institution into extinction with it.

The Kwodrdoni ti is now only active for a short time once
every year in order to satisfy a ceremonial requirement of the

248 THE TODAS CH. xi

Kotas, and this institution may possibly soon become little
more than a name. If it were not for the Kotas, it would
undoubtedly be as near extinction as the ti of Nidrsi. One
palol of the Pan ti has recently ceased to be appointed, and
the same difficulty which has led to his disappearance will
probably sooner or later vacate the other office, and Pan will
follow in the footsteps of the other clans. Many of the dairies
belonging even to the more prosperous ti institutions are now
disused, and some have completely vanished. The legend
of Kwoto preserves a tradition of ceremonial accompanying
the migration of the buffaloes of the Kars // which has now
entirely disappeared, and nothing is known of the special
features of ritual which were practised at many // dairies
which have become extinct.

Of dairies of other grades, the poh of Kanodrs is now only
occupied for a short time once a year, and its ceremonial may
soon also become extinct. The conical poh of Kars and the
seven-roomed kiuh'palioi Nodrs are dairies which have ceased
to exist, and with the extinction of the latter have gone com-
pletely all traces of the ritual which was practised in this kind
of dairy, and nothing is known as to the meaning of the
seven rooms.

Some of these changes are recent, and due to the altered
conditions produced by the general invasion of the Nilgiris,
but others date back to a time before Europeans came to the
hills, and were due to intrinsic conditions, chiefly the hard-
ships connected with the ritual practised in certain of the
dairies. The altered surroundings of the Todas are undoubt-
edly hastening the process of decay, and institutions which
would probably have lasted for centuries will now almost
certainly disappear in a few decades.

CHAPTER XII

DIVINATION AND MAGIC

Tins chapter will furnish a very good example of
specialisation of religious and magical functions among the
Todas. We shall find that certain Todas have the power of
divination, others are sorcerers, and others again have the
power of curing disease by means of spells and rites, while all
three functions are quite separate from those of the priest or
dairyman. The Todas have advanced some way towards
specialisation of function in this respect, and have as
separate members of the community their prophets, their
magicians and their medicine-men in addition to their
priests.

Divination

Certain men among the Todas are reputed to have special
powers as diviners, and are known as teubdipol, " god-gesticu-
lating men," or more commonly as teuol. Samuel, my inter-
preter, always spoke of their performances as devil-dancing
and evidently regarded the teiiol as like those whom he called
the devil-dancers of his own people.

In several cases these men are said to have inherited their
powers from some near relative, often a grandfather, but it
seems that anyone who showed evidence of the necessary
powers might become a teuol. All but one of the present
diviners are Teivaliol, but the divining power is not limited
to this division. There is no relation between the various
offices of the dairy and the power of divination, and, in

250 THE TODAS chap.

fact, a diviner necessarily gives up his divining if he becomes
a paloiy

Each of the teuol is beHeved to be possessed by a
special god when he falls into the divining frenzy, and when
in this state it is said that the diviner does not, as a rule,
speak in his own language, but in some other, most commonly
in Malayalam or one of its dialects. The following are
those who are at present credited with the power of
divination : —

Midjkudr (63) of Piedr, who is inspired by the gods
Kulinkars and Petkon. He speaks in Malayalam, and he
does not appear to have succeeded anyone else as tcuol.
He is the most successful of those who are at present
practising the art, and played the chief part in all the divining
which took place during my visit.

Tadrners (60) of Kuudr, inspired by Ethrol and Arivili,
succeeded his mother's father, Kasorivan (66) of Kusharf
He is said to speak the language of people whom the Todas
call Mondardsetipol living in the Wainad, a language which
appears to be a dialect of Malayalam.

Pangudr [66) of Kusharf, also succeeded Kasorivan, his
grandfather, and is inspired by Petkon and Meilitars. There
was some doubt as to the language used by him.

Ethgudr (52) of Kuudr is inspired by Arivili, and, like
Tadrners, speaks the language of the Mondardsetipol.

Terkudr (63) of Piedr, inspired by Teipakh, the river god,
succeeded his grandfather Keitolv. When inspired, his speech
is like the babbling of a running river, " like the river's voice,"
and cannot be understood.

Kangudr (62) of Piedr, who lives at Kavidi in the Wainad,
is inspired by Meilitars and speaks Malayalam. He succeeded
Tarsvan (62), his father, and Tarsvan had succeeded his father
Keithiolv.

Kobuv (61) of Kuudr, is inspired by Meilitars and Kuderol
and speaks Malayalam.

Poteners (54) of Kuudr, is inspired by Petkon and speaks
the language of the Mondardsetipol.

' From the account of Finicio (Ai)pcn<lix I), it woulil seem that at one time
the palol 'AwCi zviinol jxissessed the power of divinatinn.

XII DIVINATION AND MA(;iC 251

Karkievan (6^), the />a/c>/ of the Nodrs //, was formerly a
/t'//o/, but gave up divining when he became /^a/o/.

All the above belong to the Teivaliol, and the only Tarthar
diviner at the present time is Mongudrvan (13) of Kars. He
is said to be inspired by the god of Miuni village, and to speak
the Toda language. Hie village of Miuni belongs to the
Teivaliol, so that the only Tarthar diviner is inspired by a
god connected with the division to which the majority of the
diviners belong.

Two other Tarthar men, Kerveidi (5) and Tevo (3), both of
Nodrs, are said to have been teuo/ at one time, but they have
ceased to divine. They succeeded another man of their clan.
Kangudr, who is inspired by Meilitars, has to ' dance ' or
divine before the Kurumbas, and when he does so he dances
as a lame man. This custom is reputed to have come down
from the time of Meilitars (see p. 210), who danced as a lame
man before the Kurumbas, and promised that whenever he
came in the future he would dance to the Kurumbas first and
then to the Todas.

It will be noticed that many of the deities by whom the
diviners are inspired are not true Toda gods. Petkon, who
inspires Midjkudr, Pangudr, and Poteners, is said to be a
hunting god. According to some he was a son of Teikirzi,
but is almost certainly not a true Toda deity.

Arivili inspires Tadrners and Ethgudr, who are both reputed
to speak the language of the Mondardsetipol, and he is
probably a god of these people, a tribe of the Wainad.
Ethrol, who also inspires Tadrners, is probably another
deity of the same people. I do not know anything about
Kuderol, by whom Kobuv is believed to be inspired.

It is noteworthy that the only existing Tarthar tc/eo/ speaks
the Toda language when divining, and is believed to be
inspired by a local Toda god ; while the diviners belonging
to the Teivaliol seem to speak dialects of Malayalam, and
many are believed to be inspired by gods who are almost
certainly not true Toda deities.

The teiiol 'Axe consulted whenever an\' misfortune befalls a
Toda. The following are various instances in which I have
records of resort to divination : sickness or death of a Toda

252

THE TODAS chap.

or of any of his family ; sickness or death of a buffalo ;
failure of milk in a buffalo and persistent kicking of its calf;
failure to make a buffalo go to the spot at which it is to be
killed during a funeral ceremony ; failure of milk to coagulate;
burning down of a dairy ; disappearance of the bells of a
dairy; loss of a tukitthkars or lifting stone. In this last
instance the stone at the village of Nidrsi was carried away
some years ago by a party of English people who came to
picnic near the village while the people were away. They
carried the stone for some miles and then threw it down.
The Nidrsi people could not find it, and consulted Midjkudr
and Mongudrvan, who were able to reveal where the stone
was to be found, and it was restored to the village, where it
can now be seen.

The diviners usually work in pairs, though occasionally
it would seem that one only may be consulted. If they
are asked for an explanation of some misfortune which has
befallen a man, the teuol usually find either that the sufferer
has committed an offence against the dairy or that he is
the subject of spells cast on him by a sorcerer. In the
former case, they prescribe the ceremony which must be
performed in order to expiate the offence. In the latter
case, they name the sorcerer so that the sufferer may know
with whom to make his peace.

I have already said that towards the close of my visit
a number of misfortunes befell the Todas ; one man fell
ill, the wife of another died, and the dairy of a third was
burnt down, and these events kept the diviners busy, but
probably because I was implicated I was not allowed the
chance of observing the diviners at work.

The only occasion on which I saw the process of divining
was at a funeral. The buffalo which was to be killed had
been caught at some distance from the place appointed
for its slaughter. The animal was unusually refractory and
at length lay down and all the natural efforts of the Todas
failed to make it move. Midjkudr and Mongudrvan were
then called upon to discover the cause of the obstinacy
of the buffalo. Mongudrvan first began to dance slowly
to and fro, away from and towards the buffalo. He had

XII

DIVINATION AND MAGIC

553

taken off his cloak and was only wearing the tadrp. As I
already knew the man, I was able to observe that his
general appearance was unaltered and that he did not appear
to be in an\' abnormal mental condition. He was soon
joined by Midjkudr, who danced up and down much more
wildly (Fig. 36). His general appearance was very different
to that usually presented by a Toda man. His hair seemed
to stand out from his head, although it shook with each of

FIG. 36.— MinjKUDK AND MOXUUORVAN DIVINING AT A FUNERAL.

his violent movements ; his eyes were abnormally bright
and his face gave every appearance of great mental
excitement. I had not previously known the man, but
when he came to see me a few days later I could hardl)-
believe that the quiet, self-possessed man whom I saw before
me was the same individual whom I had seen dancing at
the funeral. It was obvious that he had been in a distinctly
abnormal condition of frenzy during the divining process.
After dancing for a time Midjkudr began to utter broken
sentences in a loud and almost chanting voice, while Mon-

>54 THE TODAS chap.

gudrvan remained silent throughout. After Midjkudr had
in these sentences given the reason for the obstinacy of
the buffalo, and had prescribed what was to be done, he took
a red cloth and dancing more violently than ever waved
the cloth before the buffalo and pushed against the body
of the animal. Then after the people had dragged the
buffalo a little way, it rose and went quietly to the place
where it was to be killed.

I had much difficulty in finding out exactly what Midjkudr
had said. When he came to see me a few days later he
stated that he did not know at the time what he was saying,
and that his only knowledge was derived from those who had
heard him, and I am inclined to believe that he was speaking
the truth. His appearance during the divining was remark-
ably different from that of ordinary days, and strongly
suggested a semi-hypnotic state, during which he might well
have had no knowledge, or only a very vague knowledge, of
anything he said.^ In his ordinary condition he professed to
be ignorant of Malayalam, the language which he was said to
use in his frenzied condition.

My ignorance of Malayalam, and the obvious difficulties of
the investigation, make me hesitate before expressing any
decided opinion as to the real nature of Midjkudr's condition
when divining, but I have a very strong leaning towards the
idea that the man was in a genuinely abnormal condition,
allied to the hypnotic state, and I am disposed to accept the
statement of the Todas that he was speaking in a language of
which he had only a very vague knowledge when in a normal
condition. It is, of course, quite possible that the abnormal
appearance of Midjkudr was merely due to the exercise of
dancing and to mental excitement, and that he knew per-
fectly well what he was doing and saying. I can but record
my impression that there was something more, and I only
commit mwsclf to this extent in regard to the special occasion
on which I saw Midjkudr divining ; even if I saw a genuine
hypnotic or semi-hypnotic phenomenon, it does not follow
that all Midjkudr's performances are wholly, or even partly,

' For an account of what MidjUmlr seems to have said and the consequent
proceedintjs, see ]). 392.

XII l)I\"lNATION AND MAGIC 255

of this nature, and still less docs it follow that the per-
formances of all the tetiol are of this kind. Nothing struck
me more than the contrast between the frenzied condition of
Midjkudr and the calm, ordinary demeanour of Mongudrvan,
his fellow diviner.

In the case I have described the necessity for the interven-
tion of the diviner arose out of the funeral proceedings, but it
appears to be not uncommon for divination to be practised
during funerals. Both Mr. Walhouse and Mr. Thurston have
seen the process of divining going on at funerals. In Mr.
Thurston's case he notes that the diviners talked in Malayalam,
and offered an explanation of a gigantic figure which had
suddenly appearetl and as suddenl}' disappeared some time
previousl}-.

Sorcery

I met with greater difficulties in discovering the methods of
sorcery than in an)' other branch of my work. It was quite
certain that there were men called piliutpol (sorcery praying
people), or pilikbren, who had the reputation of possessing
magical powers, comprised together under the "ix^Xo. pilnttviclii
or piliiititi. I was able to obtain the names of these people
from several sources, but when I approached any one of them
on the subject he professed total ignorance and usually
suggested that 1 should apply to some other man, who, he said,
was a real piliutpol. Occasionally someone would give me a
fragment of information, but would impress on me carefully
that he had heard it from somebody else and did not know
whether it was true or false.

One or two men, who were certainly not sorcerers, told me
that they hoped that I should succeed in finding out the
methods and would tell them, for they said that the Todas
who had no magical powers were always tr)'ing to find out the
methods of the sorcerers and were never successful.

I was told by two men that they believed that a sorcerer,
by merely thinking of the effect he wished to produce, could
produce the effect, and that it was not necessary for him to
use any magical formula or practise any special rites.

2s6 THE TODAS CHAP.

It was not until my last week on the Nilgiris that I was
told of some of the magical rites by Teitnir, who had previously
denied all knowledge, though he was said by others to be a
sorcerer, and he knew that I was aware of his reputation. He
was not a trustworthy informant, but his account was consistent
in itself and was in agreement with fragments which I had
picked up elsewhere, and I believe it is correct, though I
cannot guarantee its accuracy with the same degree of
confidence which I feel in regard to most of my information.

The following men were said by various people to be
pilikbren : —

Kancrs, Kudrievan, and Teikudr (6^)), Ishkievan (60),
Keinkursi (54), Puthion (64), and Teitnir (52), among the
Teivaliol ; Keitan (6), Mudrigeidi (i), Kiunervan and Usheidi
(14), and Karseidi (8), among the Tartharol. Pushteidi, the
elder brother of Keitan, was a noted sorcerer who paid for
the belief in his magical powers with his life. It will be noted
that magical powers appear to be fairly evenly distributed
between the two divisions and do not greatly predominate in
one as in the case of divination.

The power of sorcery was said to belong to certain families,
and I was told that it was inherited. It seemed probable
that a sorcerer only communicated his methods to his sons, and
usually only to one of his sons, or if he communicated his
knowledge to all, it was often one of them only who obtained
the credit for magical powers.

We have already seen that when a man sustains a mis-
fortune of any kind, he consults the diviners, and they find
whether the misfortune is due to a fault committed by the
sufferer or whether it is the result of sorcery. In the latter
case, they say by whose magic the misfortune has been
produced, and the sorcerer is then propitiated and removes
the spell, the nature and details of the process varying
according to the method of sorcery used and the offence
which had led the sorcerer to exert his powers. Thus when
Pirsners (9) fell ill, he consulted Midjkudr, who said that
Kudrievan had bewitched him. Pirsners went to Kudrievan
and gave him food, and asked him to remove the spell, and
Pirsners became well soon after.

xn DIVINATION AND MAGIC 257

There are two chief reasons which induce a sorcerer to work
his magic on another. One is when a request by the sorcerer
for assistance has been met by deception. If the sorcerer
asks a rich man for a buffalo, or for money, and the rich man
refuses point-blank, it does not appear that the sorcerer pro-
ceeds farther ; but if the rich man promises a gift and does
not give it, or if he delays giving a positive answer and puts
off a decision from day to day, it is a clear case for the
application of occult measures. The other chief motive for
sorcery is a quarrel with a sorcerer. The methods are different
in the two cases. In the first case the sorcerer procures some
human hair — it may be the hair of any one, even his own
hair. It is not the hair of the man he wishes to injure because
it would be impossible to get it. Five small stones are taken
and tied together by means of the hair, and both hair and
stones are tied up in a piece of cloth. Then, holding the
stones and hair in his hand, the sorcerer utters the following
incantation : —

Pithioteu On idith, Teikirzim Tirshtim idith ; d ten sati udasnudr ;

those gods power if there l^e ;

an nbdr nbdr nddsm'idr ; an kar warkhi peii ind ; an ir tergi pilti

his country country if there be ; his calf sleep go may ; his buffaloes wings grow

pAr i)id ; ath on nir ud pitk dthni nir iin ind ; on nikh as puk

fly may ; he I water drink as he also water drink may ; I thirsty am as

dthin nikhai ind ; on eirt puk dthni eirth md ; en niokkin

he also thirsty be may ; I hungry as he also hunger may ; my cliildren

bdrth puk an tnokh/n odr nid : en tazmokh ki'it/n pi'it puk an

cry as his children cry may ; my wife ragged cloth wear as his

taziiiokluii k{ltm pDv md.

wife ragged cloth wear may.

This incantation was freely rendered by Teitnir as
follows : For the sake of Pithioteu, On, Teikirzi, and
Tirshti ; by the power of the gods if there be power ;
by the gods' country if there be a country ; ^ may his
calves perish ; as birds fly away may his buffaloes go when
the calves come to suck ; as I drink water, may he have
nothing but water to drink ; as I am thirsty, may he also be

1 I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding clause is
correctly given in these words.

258 THE TODAS chap.

thirsty ; as I am hungry, may he also be hungry ; as my
children cry, so may his children cry ; as my wife wears
only a ragged cloth, so may his wife wear only a ragged
cloth.

When he has uttered the incantation, the sorcerer takes the
hair and stones in their cloth to the village of the man upon
whom he wishes these misfortunes to fall, and hides them
secretly in the thatch of the roof of the man's hut.

It seemed that this method of sorcery is only justified when
the sorcerer is a poor man, and the references in the incanta-
tion to the poverty of the sorcerer confirm this.

When a man who has prevaricated with the request of a
sorcerer suffers any evil fortune, he consults the diviners, and
they may tell him not only who has produced the misfortune,
but why the sorcerer has brought the misfortune upon him
and they may advise the sufferer to become reconciled with his
enemy and to give him what he has asked. The man goes
to the sorcerer, who is usually only too ready to take the
credit of the affair, and it is arranged that he shall come to
the village of the sufferer. Whenever he comes a third
person must be present, who is called the nedrvol, or inter-
mediate man.^ The nedrvol brings about the reconciliation,
and arranges the terms, and then the sufferer bows down
before the sorcerer and performs the kalniclpiidithti saluta-
tion. The sorcerer then utters the following formula while
his foot is restinsf on the head of the man : —

Those

ten jiddsHudr,
gods if there be,

an nod)' nddsniidr ; tancd pen
his country if there be ; cold go

md ; term
may ; mercy

ai
become

pen md ; in
r, go may ; this

17- kark elm iiltdmd : en
buffalo calf to all be well ; my

mans elm
mind all

iiilsznshpini, tan mansm tiili md.

cleared from guilt have I, his mind also clear may.

Teitnir rendered this freely as follows : —

By those gods if there be gods, and by their country if
there be a country ; as water is cold, so goes my anger ; as
mercy comes, may my anger go ; may his buffaloes and

' The middle room of a tiiree-roomcd dairy is the ticdrkursh.

Xii DIVINATION AND MAGIC 259

calves be well ; I have now nothing evil in my mind, you
must also have no evil in your mind.

Food is then given to the sorcerer, who also obtains the
object for which he had originally asked. Later the sorcerer
goes secretly to the hut of the man and takes out the stones
and hair which he had hidden in the thatch.

In removing the spell the sorcerer does not mention
the names of the four gods, but speaks of them as " those
gods." The object of this is that the names of the four gods
whom the sorcerer invokes shall not become generally known.

If any one quarrels with a sorcerer, the method adopted by
the latter is different. He obtains a bone of a man, buffalo,
or some other animal, or if unable to obtain a bone, he may
use a lime. He sits, holding the bone or lime in his right hand,
and utters the following incantation : —

Pithioteu On idi'th, Teikirzi)ii Tirshtiin idith ; a ten sati itddsnudr, an nodr

tiddsnudr ; ank pudra pirsk pat ma ; ank tid ultdkhdtk

to him will destroy disease come may ; to hiin one incurable

pun pa md ; an kal tmiri nmd ; an kai nii'tri I'lmd ;

sore come may ; his leg broken may be ; his hand broken may be ;

an /can piidri ihnd ; an drs ttlrsh an kudupd nvodink

his eye destroyed may be ; his house into his family to all

sakbtam pa md ; dth enk sakbtam kasvai agi ankm

trouble come may ; he to me troubles did who accordingly to him also

sakbtam b md ; an nbdr Jidi ed arikeji d

troubles occur may ; his country there is that we shall know those

ten tidi ed kanken ; i elv nets alaui

gods there is that we shall see ; this bone into the ground what happens,

ai btkm aid md.

that man to also happen may.

The only clause of this incantation of which the meaning
is not clear is the penultimate, and the free rendering of this
was said to be " as there are undoubtedly gods, we shall see
all this happen " ; it seems that ariken, which means literally
" we shall know," is often used in the sense " without doubt."
If he is using a lime, the sorcerer substitutes trsiuiitch for elv
in the last clause.

The bone or lime is then buried in a wood near the village
of the man who is to suffer the misfortune.

S 2

26o THE TODAS chap.

When the misfortune comes, and the diviners have dis-
covered its cause, the matter is arranged by a nedrvol as in
the other kind of sorcery, and it is usually settled that the
sufferer shall give a one- or a two-year-old calf to the sorcerer.
When the matter is arranged, the sorcerer visits the village of
the bewitched man, who does kaliiielpndithti to the sorcerer,
and the spell is removed with the following words : —

ten udasnudr, an nodr itdasnildr ; taned pen ?nci ; term ai pen ma ' ; mohh

son

tiiadrik an kudilpel ehnk ; in mel e/i mans elm tiilsvinem
cHildren to his family all to ; this after my mind all cleared from guilt

in nli agi ama ; nuv put, nudri put pen ma.
(as I) this well be may; disease leave, troubles leave go may.

The sorcerer is then given food and goes away with his
calf, and later he goes secretly and takes the bone or lime out
of the ground.

I have already mentioned that these methods of casting and
removing spells were obtained with great difficulty and only
from one man. This man, Teitnir, was one of the most
intelligent of the Todas, but v/as not a very trustworthy guide.
In this case, however, the account he gave was so consistent
in itself and with the general character of Toda customs and
beliefs that I have no doubt that his methods are those
actually in use. It is more than probable, however, that
other sorcerers may use other methods, and even that Teitnir's
account is not a wholly accurate description of the methods
of any one sorcerer. The other Todas had told me that Teitnir
was himself a sorcerer, but even after he had given me the
above account, he denied that he had himself magical powers,
but said that he had learnt the methods from Ishkievan. I
had been told of one instance in which Teitnir had practised
sorcery on Teikudr {^''x), but Teitnir gave a different account
of this event. Teitnir and Teikudr had quarrelled and in
consequence Teitnir had been angry with Teikudr, a con-
dition which the Todas call murtJividii. Teitnir belonged
to the chief family of the Kuudrol, which is known as
the viaiii kudupel ; " it is a bad thing for one of so im-

^ For the meaning of this see above.

xil DIVINATION AND MAGIC 261

portaiit a family to have inurt/nnc/ii'' and any one who has
been the cause of such a state of things is Hable to suffer
misfortunes. When therefore some of Teikudr's buffaloes
died and Teikudr consulted the tciiol, these diviners gave as
the reasons for the misfortunes the inurt/ivic/ii, not the
piliutvicJii, of Teitnir. According to Teitnir, Teikudr was
himself a sorcerer and there were reports that the recent death
of Teitnir's wife was due to the piliutvicJii of Teikudr, and
just before I left the hills, I was told that the tcuol had
arrived at the conclusion that Teikudr had had a hand in her
death.

The Toda sorcerers are not only feared by their fellow Todas
but also by the Badagas, and it is probably largely owing
to fear of Toda sorcery that the Badagas continue to pay
their tribute of grain.

The Badagas may also consult the Toda diviners. In one
recent case a Badaga consulted Mongudrvan, who found that
the misfortune from which the man was seeking relief was due
to the sorcery of Kaners. Kaners was, no doubt, propitiated
b}^ the Badagas, and it is probable that the belief of the
Badagas in the magical powers of the Todas is turned to good
account by the latter.

In some cases Todas have been killed by the Badagas
owing to this belief About ten years ago Pushteidi of Nodrs
(6), the elder brother of Keitan, was a very notable sorcerer,
much dreaded by both Todas and Badagas. He visited the
Badaga village of Nanjanad on the occasion of a feast, and
soon after a Badaga child died and its death was at once
ascribed to the sorcery of Pushteidi. Not long after,
Pushteidi's dead body was found near his village, and there
seemed to be no reason to doubt that the Badagas had killed
him, but owing to the fact that the Todas held the funeral
and burnt the body before they made a report to the police,
the crime could not be thoroughly investigated nor the
murderers brought to account.

One of the events which the Todas ascribe to sorcery is
failure of the milk to coagulate. If there is much trouble in
getting the milk to form adrpars, the teiiol are consulted, and
they sometimes find that it is due to sorcery and sometimes

262 THE TODAS chap.

that some offence against the dairy has been committed. I
have no information, however, as to the method which the
sorcerer uses to prevent the coagulation of the milk of any
one who has offended him.

The only other indication of Toda methods of sorcery came
to me from a Badaga source. A Badaga maistri said that he
had been given an account by a Toda. According to this
account, the sorcerer takes three leaves of each of the plants
which the Badagas call jakalmul, peninml, and tupunml
(evidently varieties of the muli of the Todas), puts the nine
leaves in a new earthenware pot and buries the pot in a wood
after saying certain formulae in which he wishes evil to a
given man whom he mentions by name. When the man falls
ill and the diviners say by whom his illness has been pro-
duced, a reconciliation is effected and the sorcerer digs up the
pot of leaves when the sufferer again becomes well. This
information came from a Badaga source and I could not
obtain confirmation of it from the Todas but it is possibly an
approximation to the method employed in one form of Toda
sorcery.

The Todas dread the sorcery of the Kurumbas more than
that of their own pilikbrcn. The latter can be remedied, but
the sorcery of the Kurumbas, called kunibudrcJiiti i^Kiirnb =
Kurumba), is much more dangerous and cannot be remedied.
If it is found that a Kurumba has made a man ill, the only
thing to be done is to kill the Kurumba (see p. 641).

When Kutadri became ill while he was with me in the
Kundahs, the first suggestion was that the Kurumbas were re-
sponsible. Soon after this I went to Kotagiri, and Kodrner,
Kutadri's brother, who was to accompany me, said that as
the Kurumbas were very numerous in that part he did not
like to go alone with me and made a stipulation that while I
was on that side of the hills I was to provide him with a
companion. Mr. Thurston^ describes a similar experience in
which his guide was afraid to walk from Ootacamund to
Kotagiri lest he should come to grief at the hands of the
Kurumbas. In this case it seemed that the man was using
his fears as an excuse, and in my case the fear may have been

1 Bulletin, i. p. 182.

XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 263

used as a lever to provide occupation for a friend, but that
there was a very real fear of Ku rumba sorcery I have no
doubt.

It is easy to see how this belief in the magical powers of
the Kurumbas may have arisen, or, more probably, how its
existence may have been maintained. The slopes of the hills
on which the Kurumbas live are extremely malarious, and
it must often have happened that a visit to a Kurumba
village was followed by an attack of fever of a severe
kind. We probably have here a good example of a vicious
circle. Whenever two tribes of different degrees of culture
live near one another, the members of the lower usually
acquire the reputation of being sorcerers. For this and other
reasons they are driven to a less healthy district, and the
unhealthiness of the district helps to maintain and reinforce
their reputation for magical powers.

The Evil Eve

Various misfortunes may befall a man if any one says that
he is looking very well or is very well dressed. It is also
unlucky that anyone should look at a man when he is eating.
Similarly it is unlucky for anyone to say that a buffalo is giving
much milk ; she will probably kick her calf or will suffer in
some other way soon after.

This kind of misfortune is usually called kaiiarvasnudr,
which was translated, " if looking anxiously." It is also often
known now by the Tamil name kondiiti or kontiisJiti or evil
eye. One of the commonest effects of kanarvaznudr is indi-
gestion. When anyone is suffering from evil effects of this
kind, he calls in one of certain people called utkbren, or
" praying people," or, probably more correctly, " saying incan-
tations people." Piutolvan (10), Keitazvan (15), and a woman,
Sinpurs (7), are utkbyeji of repute. Any one of the male
utkbren may be spoken of as an ntpol, but I was doubtful
whether this name would also be used for a woman.

The 7itpol rubs the belly of the sick person, holds one
corner of his cloak in his left hand, and, putting some salt on
the cloak, strokes the salt with a thorn of the plant called

264 THE TODAS chap.

patJianmnl} The thorn and some of the salt are then put into
the fire, and the utpol utters the following incantation : —

Pithioteu On idith, Teikirziin Tirshtini idith, tan dv lean piidrs /can

his mother eye perish eye

piidri {Imd ; tan in kan picdrs kan pudri i\ind ;
be destroyed may ; father

and this formula is repeated, substituting for av or /;/ the
names of the following relatives : — an, akkan, nbdrved, iniin,
viiini, plan, piav?" Then follows the same formula repeated,
in which the names of various tribes are substituted for those
of the relatives, as " niav kan pndrs kan pndri uma " — Badaga
eye perish, may his eye be destroyed." The people mentioned
are viav (Badaga), pedr (Tamil), snti ( ? chetties), kuriib
(Kurumbas), ^r/ (Irulas), /^;?/>? (Panyas).-"^ The last clause is
nioditi kan pndrs kan pndri nnia, extending the imprecation
to the women of all the people already mentioned. When
the incantation is finished, the remainder of the salt is eaten
by the sick man.

The Toda titkbren may practise 'absent treatment.' If a
man wishes to treat a sufferer from the evil eye, and is unable
to visit his patient, he puts the salt on the ground and strokes
it with the thorn of pat/ianunil, repeating the above incanta-
tion as he strokes. He then sends the salt to the sick man,
by whom it is eaten.

The treatment in any case is repeated till it has been done
three times.

If it is a buffalo which is suffering from the evil effects of
kanarvar;nudi% the nikbren use the same method, and the salt
is eaten by the buffalo.

In the special case in which the evil is produced by saying
that a man is looking well or is well dressed, the utkbren have
a different method. They take a piece of the root called
kabudri,^ and a plant called kiuagal, and squeeze the juice of

^ The leaves of this plant, Solanuin indiaiin, are used in the ordination of the
ktigvalikartmokh .

'^ For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI.

•* It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included.

■* This is the plant, Euphorbia Kotliiana, used at the purification of the ti dairy
(p. 136).

XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 265

both into a vessel. An incantation is said, the same as, or
similar to, that already given, while the utkbrcn strokes the
sick man with the corner of his cloak. After the incantation
the sufferer drinks the juice.

Various Magical Remedies

The utkbreti also practise various other methods of treat-
ment.

Headache. This is called niadersnndr, " if head aches." For
this the ntpol places his hand on the head of the sufferer, and
says the following incantation in a low voice, so that the
patient may not distinguish what is being said.^ After the
names of the four gods, as in previous formulae, it runs : —

ndkherov mad

tat hi kan

tath ma ;

ker mad tat hi

cobra head

broken into pieces

not break may ;

a snake &c.

kan tath nta ;

and the same formula is repeated, substituting first the names
of other kinds of snake and then of other animals. The
following are the animals mentioned : kfirupatz, a black
poisonous snake ; piitpob, a variegated snake, which is called
the foolish snake, because it will not get out of the way ;
tavenini^ a green snake ; pdlipob, another green snake ; mtch,
a kind of lizard reputed to suck blood ; anili^ a squirrel ;
kapan, a frog ; tiigu/i, a crayfish (?) ; kadrmad, a water animal
of some kind ; iniii, a fish ; fgal, an earthworm ; nelnpilf, an
insect found under stones ; dptpilf, an insect found in buffalo
dung. After all these animals have been mentioned with the
same formula, the names of Pithioteu and On are again
uttered, followed by the words tatJikJima. The iitpol flicks
the corner of his cloak first against the ground, and then
against the forehead of the sufferer, and then, if the man
is sitting, he sa,ys, '' ateuk h'," "sit there off!" and the man
moves a little way from the place where he had been sitting.
If the man is unable to sit, and is lying down, the words will
be " ateuk padr" " lie there off! " or " lie a little way off! "

' I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this manner, but I
only had it specifically mentioned in this case.

266 THE TODAS chap.

I could not obtain a satisfactory account of the exact
meaning of the incantation ; it was said to mean " may the
snake's head be broken in pieces, and so may your head be
broken " — i.e., so may the pain go ; another rendering was
" may the pain go to the snake's head," the latter being by far
the more probable meaning. Three divisions of the incanta-
tion are recognised : in the first, snakes only are mentioned ;
in the second, things which live in the water ; and in the
third, things which live in the earth. The treatment is
repeated on one or two days, if necessary, but it is never done
more than three times, " because the ailment is always cured
in that time."

Another condition treated by the utkbren is stomach-ache,
which is called piifkzvatiiudr, " if worms bite." The ntpol
places his hand on the belly of the sufferer, and after reciting
the names of the four gods, he continues : —

kers piiv kadkaum kdl ind ;

kers tree flower fallen as fall down may ;

and this formula is repeated, substituting the names of various
trees and other plants for the name of the kers tree. The
trees and plants mentioned ?ccq. pirzkJi and /("w/rrj-, trees having
edible fruit ; ////, kil, kwadriki, kid, trees from which bees get
honey ; kab, sugarcane ; ieg, coco-nut ; patm, samai ; 7ie7's,
rice ; eri, ragi ; kttj, potato ; perigi, chillies ; melkh, pepper ;
kwatimeli, Coriandum sativum ; kadrk/i, mustard ; and kiri
or kirsi, red amaranth.

Thus the last clause would run : kiri pi'cv kddkanni kdl via,
and this would be followed by the names of Pithioteu and On.
Then the Jitpol flicks his cloak three times, first against the
ground and then against the belly of the sufferer, and says,
" ateuk ir," or " atejik padr" according as the man is sitting
or lying down, and the sufferer moves a little from his place.

The names of flowers are used because the Todas believe
that worms come from eating honey, and the honey has come
from flowers. The flowers mentioned belong to four groups ;^
(i) those of trees which bear edible fruits ; (ii) those from
which bees get honey ; (iii) those of trees or plants part of

^ This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant.

XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 267

which are eaten ; (iv) those of trees which give pungent
substances Hke chillies and pepper.

There were various other complaints for which the
ntkbrcii are consulted, such as : — elpt/iksniidr, depression in
the chest of a child when it breathes {elp or elv = bone) ;
tcklipkadatlivi'idiiTldr, pain in the side ; kankpuditJiniidr, if
anything gets into the eye ; enUntJitinudr, if cut or wounded
in any way ; pohersnildr, if snake bites.

Each of these has its appropriate treatment, but the only
method of which I obtained an account was the last. Cer-
tain men have a special reputation for the treatment of
snake-bite. A cord is made of woman's hair and this is
bound tightly round the bitten limb in three places. The
doctor takes a piece of pathanniul and strikes the bitten limb
while he utters the appropriate incantation.^ The ligature is
kept on the limb for two or three days and the incantation is
repeated three times a day during that period. Anyone
whom a snake has bitten must not cross a stream. If it is
absolutely necessary that he should cross, he must be carried
over it.

If wild animals attack the buffaloes, a procedure which
closely resembles those already described is carried out by
the uikbren. The procedure is called kadrkatiHaniudr — i.e.,
" wild beast tie mouth if." It is also carried out if a buffalo
is lost, and in this case the charm will keep the animal from
injury by wild beasts. The utpol takes three stones secretly
and goes at night to the front either of the dairy or hut and
utters the following incantation : —

Pithiotcii Oil idith, Teikirziin Tirshtiiii idith ; pef pirzi kt'it terz nil

big tiger teeth fastened stand

viA ; kakh kerinaii iiiun terz nil ind ; padr kenai aimin terz

may ; l)lack bear face crowd red dog other side

nil ind ; pob teuv terz nil ind ; pef per terz nil ma ; pef po

snake erect head big hill big river

pd terz nil ind ; pef podi iiiiil'^ terz nil iiid.

stream big porcupine quills

' I did not obtain this formula.

- Mill, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the porcupine's quills.

268 THE TODAS chap.

Then come the names of Pithioteu and On, followed by

ath irc'odiii kati vaimnA.
these all before tie keep may.

The litpol then takes a piece of ragged cloth in which he
ties the three stones and hides them in the thatch of the hut.
If a buffalo has been lost it will come back the next day,
and even if it remains in the wood no tiger would touch
it while the stones are in the thatch. When the buffalo
returns the stones are taken out and thrown away.

All the remedies so far described resemble one another
in that they are applied by one of the people called iitkbren.
TheTollowing remedy is applied by the sufferer himself If
a man is frightened in any way, as by a sudden noise when
he is passing along a road, he will go home and put the hoe
{kudali) and a stone called iieilikal into the fire till the hoe
is red hot. He puts the hoe and stones into a brass vessel
called tcrg and pours on water. He then covers himself
entirely v/ith his cloak and remains covered till the water
in the vessel ceases to bubble, when he opens his cloak,
drinks water from the vessel three times, and throws the rest
away.

There was some difference of opinion as to the use of the
stone called tteilikal at ordinary times. It was said first to
have been used for making fire before matches were intro-
duced, and there seems to be no doubt that fire was sometimes
made in this way. Others said that the iieilikal was used
for sharpening iron tools. The only iieilikal I saw was at
Nidrsi and this was a large piece of quartz, and there
seemed to be no doubt that this had at one time been used
for making fire.

In one of the methods of sorcery which have been described
it will be remembered that human hair is used. The Todas
take the same kind of precautions about hair and nail-parings
which are so widely spread throughout the world, but the
reasons for the precautions differed from those usually
given. I was told that the Todas do not ordinarily cut their
hair, but the heads of children are shaved and adults also
shave their heads on special occasions. The hair removed

XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 269

at these times is hidden in bushes or hollows in the rocks,
and the reason given is that it may not be taken by crows.

Nail-parings are buried in the ground, and this is done
in order that they may not be eaten by the buffaloes, for
" nails are poisonous to buffaloes," who will die or become ill
if they find them when grazing.

There was some difference of opinion as to what was done
with the hair cut off at the ceremony called tersamptpi)}ii (see
p. 333). It was clear, however, that care was taken that it
should not be eaten by crows, for if crows obtained any of
the hair first cut from a child's head the child would suffer
from shaking of some kind.

Both at the first head-shaving and at the teisainptpimi
ceremony special bangles are put round the wrist of the
child, and these are certainly of the nature of charms, for it
is believed that the child would fall ill if they were not used.

The Todas believe in certain injurious influences which
they class together under the name of pudrtiniti} but I was
able to obtain very little information about them, and I
suspect that belief in these influences is largely of recent
growth and due to contact with Hinduism.

One variety of pudrtviiti is the evil influence of Keirt
{Keirtpitdrtviiti) at the ceremonies after childbirth (see p. 326).
Another variety is kbdipudrtviiti [kbdi, demon ? ). The Todas
now adopt as a preventative of this evil influence a round
mark made with ashes above the nose. If a Toda should
suffer from the effects of kbdipudrtviiti, two remedies are
adopted. One is called kavkal wart atpiini — i.e., " kavkal
(a stone) grind, pour we." I did not obtain an account of the
remedy, but it is possibly the same as that already described
which is used by a man when frightened. The other remedy
is kwagal atpiini. Kzvagal {Polygonum rude or P. Chineiise)
is the same plant which is used in one of the remedies for the
evil eye (see p. 264) and it is possible again that this remedy
is the same as that already described. Kivagal is also the
plant used by the goddess Puzi to quench the fire of her son,
Kurindo.

It will have been noticed that the formuL-e recorded in this

' Pildrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhnt.

270 THE TODAS chap.

chapter have the same general form as the prayers of the
dairy ritual. They consist of sentences ending in via, which
seem to be of the nature of supplications that certain things
may come to pass, preceded by the names of certain deities
followed by the word idith, occasionally with other sentences
allied in meaning to these. The two parts of the prayer are
represented, but the first part, consisting of the kzvarzani, does
not appear to have acquired the same degree of importance
as in the prayer. Thus the magical formulae of the Todas
have precisely the same general form as those used in their
religious ritual. In the case of the prayer, I have pointed
out that the actual words leave one in doubt as to whether
there is anything of the nature of a direct appeal to the gods.
In the magical formulae, on the other hand, the case for an
appeal to the gods is stronger. In all the formulae, whether
used by sorcerers to bring evils en their enemies or by
medicine-men to remove sufferings of various kinds, the
names of the same four deities are mentioned, and these four
deities, Pithioteu, On, Teikirzi, and Tirshti, are undoubtedly
four of the most ancient and sacred of the Toda gods. It is
noteworthy that the sorcerer does not say the names of these
gods when he is removing his spells, but simply refers to them
as " those gods," and it is clear that he does this because
he does not wish his victim to learn the names of the gods
by whose power his misfortunes have been brought about and
are now to be removed. This procedure leaves little room
for doubt that it is through the active intervention of the
gods that the sorcerer is believed to work.

There still remains the question whether the words of the
magical formula imply anything of the nature of supplication,
or whether the sorcerer is not rather using forms of words
which will compel the gods to exert their powers in the way
the sorcerer wishes. I have no definite information as to the
belief of the Toda sorcerer on the point, but the almost
contemptuous tone of the two clauses which follow the names
of the four gods might perhaps be held to point to the latter
conclusion, and to indicate that the sorcerer can use the gods
as his instruments of wrath much as seems to have been the
case with the mag-icians of our mediaeval times.

Xii DIVINATION AND MAGIC 271

On the other hand, it is not unHkely that the words, "« ten
sati nddsnudr, an nbdr nodr uddsiifidr," may have originally
had a meaning very different from that which the bare
translation seems to give to them. A similar formula occurs
in the story of Kwoten (p. 194) in the curse uttered by
Kwoten's mother, which has the proviso, " on sati udairnfidr^'
which was translated, " if I have reverence to the village."
This makes it possible that the translation of the words of
the magical incantation should rather be, " if I have proper
reverence to the gods and to the gods' country." The inter-
pretation on page 257 is that which was given to me by
Teitnir, but it is not at all improbable that it is wrong, and
that a translation on the lines of that given for the curse of
Kwoten's mother would be more correct.

The nature of the words used makes it clear that the
remedies employed by the Toda ntkbren, or medicine-men,
are of a magical kind. The words are essentially the same
as those used by the pilikbren, or sorcerers, to remove the
evils they have brought about by their previous magical
incantations. The same formulae are used to remove ills sup-
posed to be due to natural causes as are used to remove
those due to the workings of magic. It seems clear that the
Todas have advanced beyond the stage of human culture in
which all misfortunes are produced by magic. They recog-
nise that some ills are not due to human intervention, but yet
they employ the same kind of means to remove these ills as
are employed to remove those brought about by human
agency. The advance of the Todas is shown most clearly by
the differentiation of function between pilikbren and ntkbren,
between sorcerers and medicine-men, and we seem to have
here a clear indication of the differentiation between magic and
medicine. The two callings are followed by different men,
who are entirely distinct from one another, but both use the
same kind of formula to bring about the effect they desire to
produce. It seems that the powers of the ntkbren are less
definitely passed on from father to son than in the case of
the pilikbren. There is no doubt that these powers depend
largely on a knowledge of the words to be used, and espe-
cially on a knowledge of the names of the four gods, but it

272 THE TODAS chap.

is probable that this knowledge is transmitted from one old
person to any other who may be likely to inspire confidence.
It will be noted that a woman can practise the magical
remedies of the iitkoj^en, but I do not know whether this is a
recent innovation. It seems clear that a woman could never
become one of ihe. pilikbren or sorcerers.

When discussing the formulae of the dairy ritual, it was
mentioned that one difficulty in the way of regarding these
formulae as prayers is that the names of deities are not
uttered in the vocative form, and that this might be held to
negative the idea that they involve supplication to higher
powers. In the magical formulae there seems to be a clearer
case for the presence of a distinct address to deities, though it
is doubtful whether this address is of a supplicative or com-
pelling character. If there is a distinct address in the case of
the magical formulae, which every Toda would acknowledge
to be used for an evil end, it is very probable that the words
of the dairy formulae also involve the idea of an address to
deities. These formulae are always directed to avert evils
from and to call down blessings on the buffaloes, and it seems
almost certain that for this good end the words imply not
only an address to the powers of the gods, but also one of a
supplicative rather than of a compelling character.

One distinction between the formulae of the dairy and those
of the sorcerer may be pointed out. In the latter the names
of the gods are those used in ordinary conversation,
i.e., Teikirzi, Tirshti, and are not the kwar,':ani, i.e., Ekirzam
vieidjam.

One of the most interesting features of this chapter has
been the clear evidence given in the formulae of the close
relation existing between magic and religion among the
Todas. The formulas of magic and of the dairy ritual are of
the same nature, though the differentiation between the sorcerer
and the priest who use them is even clearer than that between
the sorcerer and the medicine-man. It is probable that the
names of the gods with the characteristic formulae of the
prayer are later additions to the magical incantation ; that at
some time the sorcerer has added the names of the most
important of his deities to the spells and charms which at one

XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 273

time were thought to be sufficient for his purpose. It is also
possible, however, that the similarity of prayer and spell
points to a time when the functions of priest and sorcerer
were combined in one person ; that as the restrictions which
hedge round the life of the dairyman-priest increased, it
became impracticable for him to exert his magical functions,
and that there has therefore come about a differentiation of
function, though the means used continue to show a close
resemblance.

It may perhaps be said that the clear evidence of the
supposed influence of the gods takes the facts which have been
described in this chapter out of the realm of magic and
puts them in that of religion. The Toda's methods of procur-
ing ill to his neighbours are clearly in their essential nature of
a magical kind, but their close blend with religious ideas is the
reason why I have considered them in their present place.

Omens

The Todas do not pay much attention to omens, but meet-
ing certain animals is regarded as lucky or unlucky. The
most definite instance of an omen-animal is a black bird
called karpiils, which is said to be the Indian cuckoo. If
a Toda is going on an errand and sees this bird on the
left side, he takes it as a bad omen and turns back ; if on the
right side, it is a good omen. This bird appears twice
in Toda legend. It warned Piiv, the son of On, and in the
last scene of the life of Kwoten, it appeared going from left
to right. It is noteworthy that when Erten is interpreting
the omen in this legend, he brings in Naraian (Narayan), who
is certainly not a Toda deity, and this suggests that the whole
incident of the omen-bird may be an accretion to the legends,
and that the belief in omens has been borrowed from the
Badagas or other Hindus.

CHAPTER XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

In this chapter various ceremonies will be described which
may all be regarded as examples of propitiation of the higher
powers by sacrifices or offerings. We shall see later that in
the funeral ceremonies buffaloes are killed, but it is clear that
there is no idea of propitiation or atonement connected with
this slaughter, the animals being killed so that they may go to
the next world for the service of the dead.

The Erkumpttiipimi Ceremony

' In this ceremony a young male calf is killed and eaten.
The ordinary name is erkuuipttJipinii (" male buffalo we kill ") or
erkumptthiti, but at the ti the ceremony is called ernudrtipinii,
\ met with great obstacles in obtaining a satisfactory account,
the men who had told me all the details of the dairy ceremonial
denying at first all knowledge of any ceremony among the
Todas in which a calf was killed or eaten. As soon as they
found that I knew positively of the existence of the ceremony,
they acknowledged that they killed a calf, but said they could
not tell me anything about it. I succeeded at last in obtain-
ing a record of the ceremony from Teitnir, and when I was
endeavouring to identify the various parts into which the
sacrificial animal is divided, we met with such difficulties ^ that
Teitnir agreed to allow me to see the ceremony on the con-
dition that I would provide the cost of the calf.

1 Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome Teitnir's
scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was described as "a little
tongue."

en. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 275

Ovvine to the crcneral reluctance to talk about this ceremony,
I was not able to obtain such independent accounts from other
people as I should have liked, but the details of the sacrifice
as given me by Teitnir agreed with those of the ceremony I
witnessed, and I have no doubt as to its essential accuracy. I
had hoped to have obtained independent evidence on some
doubtful features at the end of my visit, but these hopes were
entirely frustrated by the death of Teitnir's wife a few days
after the ceremony which had been performed for my benefit,
her death being generally ascribed to the anger of the gods
because the secrets of erkmnptthpiuii had been revealed.
After I had left the hills, however, Samuel succeeded in
obtaining information on several doubtful points, and was
given an independent account which entirely confirmed the
accuracy of the proceedings which he had witnessed at the
same time as myself.

The ceremony is performed both at the ordinary village and
at the ti dairy. At the // there is no doubt that it is
performed three times a year, but there was much discrepancy
in the accounts of its frequency at the village. According to
some, the sacrifice only takes place once a year at each village
in October, soon after the ceremony of tentutiistJicJii, to be
described later in this chapter. According to others, the
ceremony is performed whenever the people have a suitable
male calf to sacrifice. During the ten years that my inter-
preter, Samuel, had been living among the Todas, he had
come to the conclusion that the ceremony is performed fairly
often, his opinion being based on chance remarks made by the
children. I think there is very little doubt that a calf is now
killed in each village more often than once a year, and the
ceremony at which I was present was almost certainly one of
the occasional performances, though the time of year at which
it took place makes it possible that it was the chief annual
occasion of that village.

There was also some doubt whether there is an annual
ceremony in every village for the people living in that village,
or whether the annual ceremony is only performed in the
etudmad, or chief village of each clan, for all the people of the
clan. The true state of affairs at the present time is probably

T 2

276 THE TODAS CHAP.

that the ceremony is performed at the Nodrs ti in October.
Fifteen days later it is performed at the other ti mad and at
the chief village of each clan. In addition to these annual
celebrations the sacrifice is performed on two other occasions
at the //, while at a village it may be performed whenever
the people of the village have a suitable animal.

The place at which the sacrifice is performed is called the
ernkar, and at Karia, where I witnessed the ceremony, the
ernkar is in a wood nearly half a mile from the village at a
spot where it is very unlikely that the proceedings would
be disturbed by chance visitors. It seems that there is not
only a special ernkar for each // and for each clan, but that
each village has also its appointed place.

The ceremony is performed on appointed days, different
for each // and clan. In the case of the Kuudrol, these are
Sunday, Wednesday, and Thursday, and the ceremony which
I witnessed at Karia, a village of this clan, took place on a
Sunday. The chief officiator at the sacrifice at an ordinary
village is the palikartmokJi of the village, who must, however,
for this occasion be of the same clan as those who are
celebrating the sacrifice.

On the day arranged for the ceremony at Karia the pali-
kartviokh was ill, and as none of the other inhabitants of
Karia was able to undertake the office, an elderly man,
Punatvan (53), had to be fetched from another village. On his
arrival he had first to go through the ordination ceremonies
for the office of palikartmokh, a lucky chance which gave me
the only opportunity I had during my visit of observing these
proceedings.

At the ernkar wood for the fire is collected, and over
small firewood the people place several logs about three feet
in length, so that the fire is of an oblong form. The firewood
must be of one or both of the kinds called main and kiill.
While some of those present are making the fire, others will
be fashioning sharply pointed stakes of wood on which the
parts of the calf are to be impaled. These sticks are called
ko^ and must be made of one of the following four kinds of
wood : avelashki, karkekoi, kiuadiki, or poJivet. It was said
that exactly fifty of these ko must be provided.

XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

277

The first stage of the ceremonial is to make fire by friction,
which should be clone by the palikartmokh. The only occa-
sion on which I saw fire made by friction during an actual
ceremony was when I witnessed the sacrifice at Karia, and on
this occasion both Punatvan and his chief assistant, Pichievan
(69) of Keadr, twirled the firesticks alternately, but though
they soon produced some smoke, they failed to light the rag

FIG. 37. — PUNATVAN AND PICHIEVAN ATTEMPTING TO MAKE FIRE
AT THE ' ERKUMPTTHPIMl' CEREMONY. ^

used as tinder. My constant attendant, Kodrner, was called
in, and with his more powerful manipulations was almost
immediately successful, and the lighted rag was carried by
Punatvan to the heap of firewood, which was soon in a good
blaze.

As soon as the fire is alight the calf is brought to the

^ This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted wood, and
represent the actual ceremony.

278 THE TODAS chap.

ernkar, and the palikartuiokh goes to cut a log of tudr wood
and three small branches of tudr leaves. The calf should be
fifteen days old and must be without blemish. Its ears must
not be split, its tail must not be cut, and its eyes must be
clear.

The log of tudr wood is for the killing of the calf and is
about four feet in length and about three inches in thickness.
Such a log is usually called iiidrkud, but on this occasion is
named crkiinipttJikud. The three branches of tudr must
consist of perfect leaves. Such branches are usually called
tudrkwunak, but on the occasion of this ceremony they receive
the name toashtitudr.

The palikartuiokh then stands in front of the calf, holding
the log and leaves in his right hand. He raises the log and
leaves to his forehead as a salutation, and then recites the
appointed prayer. This pra)'er is different for each clan and
consists of clauses in each of which the kwarzaui of one of

the villages of the clan is followed by " k per ind."

Thus the first clause of the Kuudr prayer is attlikdrk per via ;
attJikdr is the kivarsani of Kuudr, k is the suffix, meaning
" to," and per ind is " may increase " or " may there be in-
crease." All the clauses of the prayer are of this form except
the last two, which are karserani parseraui ; Nbtirak cr iisJit
md ; the first of which is a kzvar::a?u of Kulinkars, craui
probably meaning buffaloes, while the .second means, " may
the buffalo appear to Notirzi," The calf is supposed to
appear to Notirzi and then to go from the hill of this goddess
to the hill of Kulinkars, The complete prayers of Kuudr
and Kars are given on pp. 288, 289.

The palikartuiokh touches the head of the calf with the
erkumptthkud (Fig. 38) as he utters each kwarzaui till he comes
to the penultimate clause of the prayer, at which point he
begins the following series of actions. He draws the three
branches of tudr leaves along the back of the calf from head
to tail and then drops one of the three toashtitudr on the
ground behind the calf. The two remaining branches are
drawn along the back of the calf from tail to head in the reverse
direction to the first, and on reaching the head one of the two
branches is dropped on the ground at the head of the animal.

XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

279

The remaining branch is drawn from head to tail and dropped
on the ground by the side of the first (see Fig. 39).

The animal is then killed by striking it on the head with
the erkutnptthkiid. T\\q. palikartniokh then takes up the three
toas/ititndr, and, taking them in his right hand with the log,
passes them round the calf three times. In doing this, the

FIG. 38. — PUNATVAN UTTERING THE ' ERKUMPTTHPIMI ' PRAYER. HE
IS HOLDING THE ' ERKUMPTTHKUD,' AND ONE OF THE 'TUDR'
LEAVES IN HIS HAND CAN BE DISTINCTLY SEEN.

body of the calf rests on its side, while the log and leaves
are passed between the two fore-legs, then between the two
hind-legs, round the hind-quarters, and forward over the back
and head, so that they make a complete circuit of the animal,
and this circuit is twice repeated, so that the log and leaves
are passed completely round the calf three times.

T\v& palikartviokh then proceeds to cut up the calf (Fig. 40),

2 8o

THE TODAS

CHAP.

beginning with a complete incision round the neck. The
knife used is of the ordinary kind called tiwi, but on
this occasion it is called ab, or " arrow." On the occasion
on which I saw the ceremony, the calf seemed to have only
been stunned by the blow on the head and began to kick as
soon as this incision was made. The animal was, in con-

FIG. 39. — STROKING THE BACK OF THE CALF WITH THE ' TOASHTITUDR.'
PUNATVAN IS BEGINNING THE THIRD MOVEMENT, AND ONE OF
THE BRANCHES OF LEAVES CAN BE SEEN ON THE GROUND BEHIND
THE CALK.

sequence, vigorously belaboured over the testicles with the log
of tudr wood, and this was repeated till the movements of the
animal ceased.

The next incision is down the mid-ventral line ; in-
cisions are made through the skin above each hoof, and the
palikartinokh then removes the skin of the whole animal
except the head and feet, beginning at the right fore-limb.

XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

281

When the skin {tars) is removed, it is laid on the ground
with its outer surface downwards a few yards from the spot
at which the animal is being cut up, and the palikartnwkh
proceeds to cut the animal into the following parts: —

Kwelthkh, hoof and attached skin and bones.

Mogdl, lower segment of fore-limb (metacarpus).

KIG. 40. — PUNATVAN AND PICHIEVAN CUTTING UP THE CALF. IN
THE BACKGROUND KODKNER IS SHARPENING UP THE ' KO.'

Kemal, or kemalth, upper segment of fore-limb correspond-
ing to fore- arm.
Kanbdri, shoulder.
Medrkivelv, trachea and larynx.
Tbdrthars, lower segment of hind-limb (metatarsus).
Pevutth, upper segment of hind-limb (leg).
lyriif, liver.
Putth, gall-bladder.
Pushk, kidneys.

282 THE TODAS chap.

Kitnir, small intestine.

Tiitkivur, large intestine.

Miilikiidri, urinary bladder.

Agelv, pelvis, including thigh bones.

Mudri, sternum and part of ribs attached.

Niidz, heart.

Pilt/i, lungs.

Kivotmeriif {kwotin/in'if?), spleen.

Pdlvir, stomach full of milk, called pdlvetdr when emptied
of milk.

Mittelf, lower part of backbone with parts of lower ribs
attached.

Nodi, upper half of backbone with parts of upper ribs
attached.

Mad, head.

The parts of the calf are removed approximately in the
order in which they are given above. The palikartniokJi
first cuts off the four feet of the animal, beginning with that
of the right fore-limb and the four kiveltJikh are placed under
the skin, one at each corner.

The next part to be removed is the right viogdl, and then
the three other corresponding parts. Up to this point, every-
thing must be done by the palikartniokJi himself, but after
the niogdl have been removed any one may help, and on the
occasion when I witnessed the ceremony, several operations
were going on simultaneously after this point of the pro-
ceedings, and it became difficult to ascertain exactly what
was being done and the exact order in which the parts were
being removed. The cutting up of the calf was performed
chiefly by Pichievan, while t\-\Q palikartinokh, Punatvan, occu-
pied himself with other operations.

After the removal of the inogdl, the remaining parts of the
two fore-limbs are removed and placed on the skin. The
larynx and windpipe are taken out together, and in doing
this the large vessels of the neck are divided. The body of
the animal is then taken up and held over the skin, so that
the blood runs out over the parts placed on the skin, and
these parts are then moved about, so that they become
smeared with blood, and are then placed on the stakes {ko\

XIII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

283

and each ko with its part of the animal is stuck in the ground
on one side of the skin. Some of the other parts when
removed are rubbed in the blood on the skin.

When the different parts have been impaled in this manner,
the palikartiiiokh cuts from each part a small piece of flesh
called niiis and puts the pieces on a stake. From the ribs
and sternum, he cuts a part called the tiituiiis, much larger

FIG. 41. — ROASTING THE PIECES OF THE CALF.

than the other fragments, and puts this on a stake. I
could not ascertain exactly of what the tutniiis consisted,
but it seemed to be the lower end of the sternum with some
of the diaphragm attached to it.^

After cutting off the niiis, the palikartiiiokh begins to put
the parts round the fire (Fig. 41), beginning with the i/iogdl,

' The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests that the
tiilmiis might have been the omentum, or have inckided part of the omentum.
At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were going on simultaneously
that exact observation became very difficult.

284 THE TODAS chap.

which are placed, one on each side, about the middle of the
fire, but rather nearer that end at which the head is to be
placed later. The mogdl must be put in this position by the
palikartmokh himself, but the other parts may be arranged in
any order. While the palikartniokh is manipulating the
parts first cut off and placing them round the fire, his
assistants will be continuing the division of the animal.
When the liver is taken out, the gall-bladder is cut from
it and thrown on one side. The intestines are removed
and put on stakes by transfixing every few inches of their
length.

The small intestine is placed on more than one ko, while,
so far as I could see, the large intestine is put on one
stake. The urinary bladder is thrown on one side. The
ribs are cut through nearer the back than the front, and the
sternum and anterior parts of the ribs form one part,
the inudri. It was from this part that the tiitmiis was taken.
The spleen is put on one side in order that it may be given
to a cat, and its name is derived from this fact. The stomach
when taken out of the body is filled with milk and in this
state is called pdlvir. Its contents are poured out and it
then receives the name pdh'etdr.

As soon as the cutting up is completed and all the other
parts have been placed round the fire, the head is put on a ko,
and this is stuck in the ground at one end of the fire and about
half a yard from it, and the four kiueltJikJi are placed on the
ground round the head. Some of the parts placed round the
fire may by this time have charred, and they are turned round
so as to expose the opposite side to the flames.

The next step is to take up the head on its ko and place it
in the middle of the fire for about a minute, after which it is
replaced. The object of this is to singe the ears, which the
palikartmokh then pulls off. He also takes certain fragments
{miis) from some of the other parts and throws them, together
with the ears, into the fire, standing at one end, the opposite
end to that at which the head is placed. He then takes three
charred pieces of wood from the fire, and throws them over
the fire and over the head, so that they fall beyond the latter,
saying as he throws each time, " Nbtij-zk per ma, man ! " the

Xill SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 285

last exclamation being the sound which is ordinarily uttered
when calling a calf.

When the flesh is sufficiently roasted the palikartuiokJi eats
the tiitjniis, while the others present may eat any portion.
When enough has been eaten, the remainder of the cooked
flesh is carried to the village. The inogdl, agelv, mad, and
kiucltJikJi are carried to the dairy by the palikartniokh and
kept there. The flesh of these parts is eaten by the dairy-
man or by other men, but may on no account be eaten by a
woman. The other parts are taken to the hut and given
into the keeping of the women, and the flesh of these parts
can be eaten by any one — man, woman, or child. Butter is
often put on the flesh before it is eaten.

The Sacrifice at the Ti

The sacrifice at the ti is called eniudrtipimi, and is per-
formed at every // three times in the year. The first occasion
is about fifteen days after the ceremony of tcutiitusthchi
in October. The second occasion is about January, w^hen
the buffaloes of the // migrate to the Kundahs or elsewhere
for the dry season. The third occasion is after the ceremony
of giving salt, which is known as kbrnp (see p. 175)- The
ceremony may take place at any ti mad except Anto.

The appointed days are Sunday and Wednesday. On the
day before the ceremony wood is taken by the palol and
kaltmokh to the sacrificial spot, called ernkaras at the village.
At Modr the wood in which the sacrifice takes place is called
Turikipiil.

The sacrifice may be performed either in the morning or
evening, and takes place, in either case, before kaizJivatiti,
the ceremonial pouring of buttermilk. This means that the
sacrifice takes place during and not after the dairy ceremonial,
and thus forms part of the dairy ritual. Each palol wears the
pbdrshtimi, while the kaltmokh is naked throughout except for
the kHV}i. The kaltmokh arranges the firewood and the chief
palol (at the Nodrs //, the // palol) lights the wood with fire
brought from his dairy. The calf is then killed and cut up
with exactly the same ritual as in the village ceremony.

286 THE TODAS chap.

After the flesh has been placed round the fire both the palol
return to their dairies, leaving the kaltmokJi at the crnkar to
look after the roasting flesh. Each palol prays as usual and
takes buttermilk without the aid of the kaltinokh, and then
returns to the ernkar, the chief palol taking butter with him.
At the place of the sacrifice the palol eats the tutiiiiis only,
first putting it, together with butter, on leaves of kakitd, from
which he eats. The kaltinokh eats part of the liver at the
erukar, and is not allowed to touch any other part of the
animal unless given to him by the palol. The inogdl, agelv,
mad, and kwelthkh are then carried by the palol to the dairy
where they are kept. They are eaten only by the palol and
kaltmokh. Some parts are carried by the kaltniokJi to the
sleeping-hut, and are eaten by the kaltmokh and mbrol \
other parts are taken to the outskirts of the ti mad and giv^en
to any Todas who may visit the dairy.

In connexion with the ei'kumpttJipimi ceremony, I was told
of a device employed to induce the mother of the sacrificed
calf to continue suckling after her offspring has been killed.
Several days before the sacrifice the calf to be sacrificed and a
female calf of about the same age are shut up together in the
kiish, or small structure in which young calves arc kept. On
the floor of the kush are spread some of the grass called nark ^
and some leaves of the kiars - tree. When these have been
broken up and mixed with earth by the trampling of the
calves, a handful of the mixture, together with milk, is rubbed
on the backs of both calves, and this is repeated for three
or four days. The object is that the mother shall not know
which is her own calf, and shall suckle both, and continue to
suckle the female calf when her own has been taken away.
During the days on which the calves are shut up together the
dairyman should keep pon, i.e., he should not sell or give
away any of the produce of the dairy.

If this device is not employed or is unsuccessful the skin of
the sacrificed calf is placed on the back of a female calf, and
in this way the mother may be induced to suckle the latter.

' Andropogoi Scha/ianthns, a strongly-scented grass.
- ? Kiaz.

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 287

When Teitnir performed the erkiunptthpiini ceremony for
my benefit, he did not succeed in getting the mother to suckle
another calf and demanded 60 rupees ^ as compensation for
the loss of milk which he would suffer till the buffalo had
another calf. When he found that I had no intention of pay-
ing this sum, he adopted the second device just described,
and this expedient was successful.

T\\c erkiuiiptt/ipiuii ccYcvaony \w7is first mentioned by Hark-
ness (p. 139), who witnessed the sacrifice. The details of the
ceremony which he gives agree in general with those observed
by myself. He calls the sacrifice '■'yerr-gouiptsr A still
more complete account which agrees closely with my own was
given by Muzzy in 1844. Breeks mentions the ceremony, as
is usual with him, under its Badaga name of /co;ia sliastra,
and his account contains several features which disagree with
those of Harkness, Muzzy, and myself,

I could obtain no satisfactory account of the origin of the
sacrifice. Teitnir gave me a circumstantial story of the way
in which Kwoto or Meilitars induced the gods to eat the flesh
of a male calf. Teitnir stated that when Kwoto was visiting
the gods in the form of a kite, and before he had tied down
the sun (see p. 206), he killed a male calf with exactly the same
ceremonial as that practised since, and taking some of the
flesh threw it into the midst of the gods, saying, " I have
brought the flesh ; it is sacred flesh ; I have partaken of it,
and if your counsel is to be right, you must partake of it."
At this the gods were very angry and blamed Kwoto, where-
upon he said, " I am not blameworthy ; if you blame a man
who should not be blamed, why do you not eat flesh which
should not be eaten .-• " Kwoto was then given the task of
tying down the sun, and when he succeeded in doing this and
had been acknowledged by the gods as their superior, the
gods agreed to eat the flesh, and since that time the Todas
have sacrificed a male calf, just as Kwoto did, and have eaten
the flesh of the calf.

The truth of this account, given by Teitnir, was denied by
every other Toda whom I questioned, and I have not there-
fore included it in the story of Kwoto given in Chap. IX, but
^ This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence 1

288 THE TODAS CHAP.

I think it is possible that Teitnir was right, and that the denial
of the other Todas was due to their reluctance that I should
know the real belief about this ceremony. Even if not correct,
Teitnir's account is valuable as a record of an ingenious
example of Toda reasoning.

At the ceremony I witnessed there was one feature of
some interest. When it was found that the calf had not
been killed by the blow with the log of tiidr wood, the
animal was belaboured over the testicles. This procedure
had not been included in the account given to me before the
ceremony, and I could' not discover how far it is an
established custom to kill the animal in this way if it is not
killed by the blow. The interest arises from the fact that
in the ancient Vedic sacrifices, the animal was killed by
stopping its mouth and beating it severely ten or twelve
times on the testicles till it was suffocated.^ I have not been
able to discover whether this method of killing an animal is
still practised in India. If so, it has probably been borrowed
by the Todas ; but if not, this ancient Indian method may
have been preserved by the Todas. I did not observe that
the mouth of the calf was stopped at the sacrifice which I
witnessed, but this was probably done.

The Erkumptthpimi Prayer of Kuudr

This consists of clauses of the form Atthkark per ma in
which the following kwarzani of villages are mentioned :
Atthkar and Oners (Kuudr), Kidndrs and Toarsodri (Ars),
Moskar and Manethi (Odr), Keikbdr and Kaisiilh (Melkodr),
Kwoteiners and Kwelpushol (Kiudr), Tashtakhkusli (Pirsush),
Kivotirkivir-g (Kwirg), Toarskdria (Karia), Pdrners and
Tiindeuk (Miuni). These are followed by the final two
clauses, karseram parsirani, Nbtirzk er iisJit via.

The chief features of this prayer are that the chief villages
of the Kuudrol have each two kwarzain and that two kwarzani
of Odr, a Nodrs village, are included (see p. 647).

^ llTiwg^s Aitareya Bnihinanat/i, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note il.

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS

The Kars Prayer

This consists of the kzvarzmn of the villages of the Karsol
followed by -k per via, as in Mutashkitik per via, but in this
case only one kwarsam is mentioned for each village. The
following are the kxvarzani with the corresponding villages
in brackets: Mutaslikiti {Y^'SiXS), Karadniers (Kuzhu), /iT/w^-
ners (Keshker), Kiilnkars (Taradrkirsi), Nersnii (Nasmiodr),
Edstars (Tashtars), Keiikdrs (Kerkars), Kiizhdrm'tidri (Isha-
radr), Pbdshners (Podzkwar), Peleiners (Peletkwur), Tarskidi,
Tuli, Sing, Keitan. In the last four cases the kivarsam and
ordinary name of each village are the same. These kzuarzam
are followed by ekirzani incidjani, Notirsk cr us Jit via. The
place of karscraui parscrani in the Kuudr prayer is taken by
ekirzaui imidjaui, the kivarzain of Teikirzi, but I do not know
how far this is a special feature of the Kars prayer. It may
be that the Tartharol have the latter formula. It is remark-
able that the Karsol should omit karscrani parseravi, for it
is the kivarsam of their nodrodchi, Kulinkars.

Several of the X'zf^r^rt/;/! of this pra}'er are those of villages
which no longer exist. The prayer thus preserves a record
of Toda institutions which have entirely disappeared.

These prayers are also interesting as records of a number
of village kivarzavi. It will be noticed that in many cases
there is a considerable degree of resemblance between the
ordinary name and the kivarzavi ; in other cases the words
are wholly different.

In villages on the west side of the Paikara River the
palikartviokJi says, " TeikJidrsk cr us Jit via," may the buffalo
appear to Teikhars, instead of Nbtirzk cr usJit via as the last
clause. Teikhars is merely another name for Kulinkars.
The reason for the modification is probably connected with
the fact that the calf would have to cross the sacred Paikara
River in order to go to Notirzi (Snowdon) on its way to
Kulinkars.

I was unable, as usual, to obtain any information from the
Todas on the significance of the erkumpttJipivii ceremony,
but the prayer offered before the calf is killed seems to make

290 THE TODAS

it clear that the idea underlying the ceremony is that of
promoting the general welfare of the buffaloes. The actual
words of the prayer are directed to bring about an increase
to the various villages of the clan, but there is, I think, no
doubt that in this prayer, all have the buffaloes especially in
mind and that the meaning of the prayer is, " may the
buffaloes of . . . increase!" The sacrifice of the calf would
seem to be of that kind in which one is killed that the rest
may prosper.

There is one feature of the sacrifice which might be held to be
out of harmony with this suggestion — viz., that the sacrificed
calf is a young male, and hence a comparatively worthless
animal. The name of the ceremony means strictly " we kill a
male buffalo," ^ and it is possible that at one time an adult male
was sacrificed, but even then the sacrifice would be of an
animal comparatively little valued by the Todas. As we
shall see, the animals killed at funerals are always female,
but there is an obvious reason for this, as the buffaloes are to
be of use to the dead person in the other world. Formerly
large numbers of buffaloes were killed at funerals, and it is
possible that it was found impracticable to use female
buffaloes also for the erkumpttJipinii sacrifice.

There is another possible reason for the use of male
buffaloes. The flesh of the sacrificed animal is eaten, and it
is possible that the Todas may have preferred to use for this
purpose the less sacred male buffaloes, and not to risk any
possible evil effects which might follow the consumption of
the flesh of the females. It is probable that utilitarian
motives have played the chief part in the choice of a male,
but other more religious motives may have had some influence.

The Teututusthchi Ceremony

This is an annual ceremony in which a fire is lighted at the
foot of a hill by the palol and kaltinokli. The name
teiitutiisthclii or teiitiltusthtiti means " god fire he lights." It

' I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a term for
' buffalo' in general, whether male or female.

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 291

is performed in the month which theTodas call Tai, beginning
with the new moon in October.

The two palol and the kaltmokh of the Nodrs // perform
the ceremony on the first or second Sunday after the new
moon, and make the fire in alternate years at the hills called
Koti and Puthi. The two palol of the Kars and Pan ti set
fire together at the hill Konto on the following Tuesday.
This ceremony is not performed by the palol of either the
Kwodrdoni or the Nidrsi //. In 1902 the Nodrs palol went
to the hill Koti on the second Sunday after the new moon
(October 12th).

The hills of Koti, Puthi, and Konto are said to be chosen
because they are very high, and have the highest tc7i, who
are spoken of as elder brothers.

The palol and kaltmokh set out when they have taken
buttermilk after the morning work, abstaining from other
food till the ceremony is over. They take with them the
nirsi or fire-sticks, some leaves of kakiid, a piece of tJiiii, and
some dried grass from the thatch of the dairy. Each palol
wears both \.\\q. pbdrsJituni and the kiibiiiitiini.

When they reach the foot of the hill they make a heap of
firewood. They then spread the kakud leaves on a stone and
powder the thatch of the dairy on the leaves, and each palol
makes fire with the fire-sticks and lights the powdered thatch.
Then the kaltinokJi says, " Teutiitnsthtkina P" — " Shall I light
the god (or sacred) fire.?" — and both/r7/^/answer '•' TeutiitustJit T
Then the kaltmokh takes the lighted thatch and applies it to
the heap of firewood. As soon as the fire burns well, each
palol isX^QS off his /v7/(^;/;//;/;// and, standing some little distance
from the fire, the two dairymen pray, using the usual prayer
of the ti with the following additions :

AVv pirj via; tcin pi'iv nia ; pom

Young grass flower may ; honey flourish may ; fruit

piirzh ma.

ripen may.

After the prayer the dairymen and their attendant return to
their dairies so as to be in time for the afternoon work.

The object of the ceremony is to make the grass and honey

U 2

292 THE TODAS chap.

plentiful, as the additions to the prayer indicate. The Todas
told me that in ancient times they lived largely on wild fruits,
nuts, and honey, and that then the ceremony was of great
importance. At the present time the Todas in general^seem
to take but little interest in the occasion, but its former
importance is still shown by the fact that the Sunday and
Tuesday on which the ceremony is performed are among the
chief Toda feast days, when the people of every village eat
the special kind of food which they call asJikkartpinii.

Offerings

The ceremonies which have been described are sacrifices or
offerings which occur at regulated intervals. Teiitiitusthc/n'xs
certainly an annual ceremony, and it is probable that
ei'kinuptthpimi was also originally an annual ceremony, though
now it may be performed several times in the year. Even
now, however, there seems to be little doubt that on one
occasion in the year this ceremony is regarded as of special
importance.

The ceremonies which remain to be described are of a
different nature. They are mostly occasions on which
offerings are made to avert or remove misfortune. Some
are distinctly of the nature of sin offerings, but are only made
when an offence which has been committed has brought
some misfortune on the offender. In these cases the object of
the offering seems to be propitiatory and to bring about the
removal of the misfortune.

In other cases the offering may be made with the object of
removing a misfortune which is not due to any fault on the
part of the sufferer.

The simplest kind of offering is usually spoken of as kzvadr
kwadrtJipiuii — i.e., we give kivadr. The word /.'Z£'<^^r probably
means gift, but seems now to be often used in the sense of
' fine.' The kzvadr takes the form of a buffalo. When a
man gives a buffalo in this way it means that he undertakes
not to give or sell the buffalo to anyone and not to kill it at a
funeral. The buffalo is to be allowed to die a natural death,
but so long as it is alive the owner has the full use of the milk

xiH SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 293

given by the animal. The idea of this offering is that the
buffalo is given to the gods, according to some, or to the
Amatol or people of Amnodr, according to others. I also
heard it spoken of as if the buffalo were given to the man's
father or grandfather {pia) — i.e., as if it was not given to the
Amatol in general, but only to the spirit of the giver's father
or grandfather. It is possible that I have confused together
two or more separate things, but so far as I could learn these
cases resembled one another in that the owner was not allowed
to kill or part with the buffalo.

When the man devotes a buffalo in this way he mentions
the buffalo by name, saying that he gives it to the gods or to
his fathers, and as a sign that he has done so he bows down
before an elder and performs the salutation of kaluiclpudithti.

This offering was made at the funeral of a child at which I
was present, when the diviners found that a buffalo about to
be killed was of the wrong kind, and said that Kuriolv,
the father of the child, should give a buffalo. In this case the
diviners said that a special buffalo called Perov was to be
given. Kuriolv made a vow to give this buffalo and per-
formed the kabnelpudithti salutation to Perner, the grand-
father of the dead child. Another example of this offering
will be mentioned at the end of this chapter.

IRNORTITI TO THE Tl

Another kind of offering is to give a buffalo to one of the ti
dairies. This is called irnortiti, but must be distinguished
from another kind of iriidrtiti to be presently described. A
man gives a buffalo to a // when he has committed any
offence against the ti. In one case in which I have a record
of this kind of offering, the cause was the refusal of a man to
become palol after he had promised to undertake the office.
One of the results of my visit to the Todas was a wholesale
sentence from the tcuol that the people were to do ti irnortiti
(see p, 310).

The Tartharol may sometimes give buffaloes to the herds of
a ti when they have not committed any offence against the
dairy. This is done when the buffaloes of the ti have become

294 THE TODAS chap.

very few in number, and this offering is also known as
iriwrtiti, and is given with the same ceremonial as when an
offence has been committed.

The gift of a buffalo to the ti dairy must take place on a
Thursday or Sunday. On the morning of the day the man
making the offering, who is called the irrwrtpol, abstains from
food and goes to the ti mad with a female calf between one
and two years of age. He may be accompanied by other men,
usually those closely related to him. The men go to the out-
skirts of the dairy and wait there till the morning business of
the dairy is concluded, each man carrying a green stick,
either a kwadrikiirs or avelashkikiirs. When the palol has
finished his work he goes towards the men on the outskirts of
the dairy, also carrying a stick of the same kind, and as he
approaches, the other men drive the calf towards him, and
when it reaches the palol, he drives it so that it joins the
buffaloes of his herd. The palol then gives food to the
iniortpol and his companions, who eat it on the spot, where
they remain till after sunset, when they return home. If the
calf given belongs to the /;/////', it becomes one of the //////r of
the //, but if it is of one of the sacred kinds, pasthir, ivursulir,
&c., it joins one of the sacred herds of the ti.

Irnortiti, Tuninortiti and Pilinortiti

We now come to three kinds of offering, with their atten-
dant ceremonial, which are of a much more complex nature.
These are iiniortiti, tuninortiti and pilitidrtiti, in which the
offerings are a buffalo calf, a piece of the cloth called tnni,
and a silver ring respectively. The first two offerings are
made only when one of a certain number of recognised
offences has been committed, and in order to bring about the
removal of some misfortune which has befallen the offender.
Pilinortiti, on the other hand, is usually performed to bring
about the cessation of some ill-fortune which is not due to any
fault on the part of the sufferer, but it may also be done in
expiation of an offence.

One essential feature common to all three offerings is that

XHI SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 295

the primary divisions of the clan called kiid)^ (see p. 542)
here become of importance.

Nearly every Toda clan is divided into two kiidr, and the
offerings in the three ceremonies always pass from one kiidr
to the other. The offering which is given by a man of one
kudr becomes the property of the members of the other kiidr.
At the present time the kudr is of no importance except in
connexion with these ceremonies, and, so far as I could learn,
it never had any other significance. There are a few clans
of recent origin which have no kiidy, and members of these
clans cannot make the offerings. In other clans, one kudr
has become extinct, and so long as no occasion for these
ceremonies should arise, nothing is done to supply the
deficiency. As a general rule, it is only when some trouble
arises which may require one or other of these ceremonies that
a redistribution of the members of the clan is made, and it is
decided that one or more of the /<)//// or smaller sub-divisions
of the clan shall be constituted a new kudr.

The following are the chief offences for which the iriwrtiti
or tuuinortiti ceremonies have to be performed :■ —

(i) Stealing milk, butter, buttermilk, or ghi from the
dairy.

(ii) Going to the dairy after having had intercourse with a
woman in the day-time.

(iii) Quarrelling between people of the same clan on a
feast day.

(iv) Quarrelling in the dairy.

(v) Going to the dairy after visiting the seclusion-hut for
women (see Chap. XIV).

(vi) Going to the dairy after taking food with a man who
has been to the seclusion-hut,

(vii) Going to the dairy after throwing earth at a funeral
(see Chap. XV).

(viii) Going to the dairy after chewing tobacco.

(ix) Buying or selling buffaloes on the madiiol or sacred
day of the village or on the pixlinol, the sacred day of the
dairy (see Chap. XVII).

(x) Driving buffaloes from one place to another on thesq
days.

296 THE TODAS chap.

Going to the buffaloes or touching the buffaloes is an offence
of the same rank as going to the dairy.

The general name for all these offences is palkvdrtvicJii ;
they are all regarded as offences against the dairy.

For the first three of the offences it is customary that the
irndrtiti ceremony shall be performed. For the last seven
tunindrtiti is more usual. For the fourth offence the punish-
ment varies according to the status of the offender. If he is
2l palikartmokh, he usually has to give the tuiii onl\', but if an
ordinary man he may be ordered to give a buffalo. It is a
far smaller punishment to give a piece of cloth worth about
one rupee four annas than to give a buffalo calf, and it would
seem therefore that the first three offences are regarded as
more serious than the last seven. It would seem also that if
a dairyman quarrels in his dairy it is regarded as a less
serious offence than in the case of an ordinary man.

The decision as to which ceremony shall be performed
rests with the tcuol or diviner, but although a diviner usually
follows the rules I have given, it seems that he may order
otherwise, and if he does so I was told that his decision would
be followed. I have a very strong impression, however, that
if a diviner ordered a man to do irndrtiti for one of the more
trivial offences, the offender would take further advice and
consult another teiiol before obeying.

There were several other offences for which it was said by
some that a man might have to perform irndrtiti or tuni-
ndrtiti ; thus, if a dairyman gave up his office on any but one
of the appropriate days of the week he might be ordered to
do irndrtiti, and the same penalty might be incurred if a
man assumed office on a wrong day. Similarly a dairyman
might have to perform one of these ceremonies if he spoke to
a woman in the day-time, and probably if he broke any other
of the laws regulating his conduct or made any serious mis-
takes in carrying out the ritual of his office. One occasion for
irndrtiti was said to arise if anyone crossed the Paikara or
Avalanche rivers on a Tuesday, Friday, or Saturday, but this
is certainly a dead letter at the present time (see p. 418).

There was some difference of opinion about the penalty for
buying, selling, or driving buffaloes on the arpat^^nol, or day

XlII

SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 297

on which the father of a man had died. Accordinj^ to one
account, the proper penalty for this is that the offender should
give a buffalo to his ancestors — i.e., that he should name a
buffalo which he would neither kill at a funeral nor sell to
others.

In one definite case, however, it appeared that driving
buffaloes from one village to another on the arpatrjuol had
been one of the offences for which a man had been ordered
to do irnortiti. In this case, however, other faults had been
committed, and it is possible that if driving buffaloes on the
arpatznol had been the only offence a slighter penalty would
have been inflicted.

The ceremony of irnortiti was performed thirty years ago
after the disappearance of the sacred bells of the Kars kudr-
pali. In this case the diviners were consulted, and they found
that the bells had gone away and would not return. It was
thought, however, that the palikartniokh, Kakarsiolv, might
have committed some offence against the dairy, or have made
some mistake in the performance of his duties, and it was
thought best that he should perform the irnortiti ceremony,
though, so far as I could learn, it was not directly prescribed
by the diviners.

As we shall see, the irnortiti and pi/inlirtiti ceremonies may
have to be performed as expiation for revealing the secret lore
of Toda institutions, but this is an innovation in custom for
which I am afraid I was indirectly responsible.

It does not seem that the penalties with their attendant
ceremonies are inflicted merely because it is known that a
man has committed any of the recognised offences. It is
only when some misfortune befalls a man which obliges him
to have recourse to the diviners that the ceremonies are
performed.

The usual course of events is that a man, his wife,
children, or his buffaloes fall ill, or tlie buffaloes will not
give milk or kick their calves, or the milk in the dairy
will not coagulate properly. Whenever any of these ills
happen the man concludes that for some reason the gods
are angry with him and he goes to the diviners to ascertain
the cause of their displeasure.

298 THE TODAS CH. xiii

The diviners may find that the man's misfortunes are due
to the action of a sorcerer, or that he has committed some
offence against the dairy, possibly some offence which it is
well known he is in the habit of committing. The diviners
not only announce the cause or causes of the misfortune, but
also give information as to the course to be pursued to remove
it. If the diviners decide that an offence has been committed
and that one of the ceremonies should be performed, the
offender goes on the following Sunday to the dairy or dairies
of his village and makes a vow that he will perform the cere-
mony which has been ordered. The following is probably a
typical instance. Ten years ago Kodrner fell ill and one of
his buffaloes died. He and his brother consulted the teiiol,
who said that they had bought things {i.e., given money from
the village) on Mondays and Thursdays, the ntadnol ox sacred
days of Kars and Kuzhu. They had also driven their
buffaloes from Kars to Isharadr on their arpatznol\ there
had been sickness among the buffaloes and they had driven
them to Isharadr without thinking that it was the arpatznol.
The teiiol said they must do irnortiti.^ and on the following
Sunday Kodrner went first to the kiidrpali of Kars (Tarziolv)
and then to the w//rj-//// (Karziolv) and made the following
vow at each : —

/;' kar tiUaind, ptrsk iiltakh en, iniortkiii

Buffalo calf may it be well, illness from be well I, buffiilo will I give,

or " May the buffaloes and calves become well, may I
recover from my illness, I will give a buffalo." ^

From this account it seems clear that the ceremony of
iriwrliti is not a mere punishment for offences committed. If
a man commits any of the recognised offences habitually and
with the knowledge of the whole community, it does not
appear that anything is done. Only when some severe
misfortune befalls the offender does he appeal to the diviners
to learn how he has offended and how he can atone for his
fault. He gives the buffalo with the definite idea of recover-
ing from the illness or removing any other ills which his

^ From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the ceremony would
only be performed if the man's wishes are fulfilled, but, in practice, I think it is clear
that the performance is not conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes.

&■

'.^

-V ^'uSnMI' ft^T^^HEui,

299

THE TODAS ch. xiii

offences have brought upon him. Giving the buffalo is
clearly of the nature of a ' sin offering,' but the offering
is only made when the sin has already had evil
consequences and it is made in order to remove these
consequences. Its object is atonement for an offence com-
mitted. It seemed that a man only had resort to the advice
of the diviners in the case of exceptionally severe misfortunes.
The act of giving the buffalo is attended by ceremonial which
involves considerable expense to himself and great incon-
venience to all the members of his clan. The expenses
and inconvenience are so great that the ceremonies of
iiiiortiti and tuninortiti are rarely performed, and in some
clans it is many years since they have occurred.

There is one case in which the irnortiti ceremony may be
performed for a reason quite different from any of those
given above. Owing to a quarrel which took place many
generations ago, the people of Pedrkars (and probably also
those of Kulhem) may not hold the office o{ palol. They may
become eligible, however, if they perform the iniortiti
ceremony at Kuudr or Kiudr. It would seem as if they can
only hold the office by expiating the offence committed in the
remote past by their ancestors.

The Irnortiti Ceremony

This ceremony takes place at certain prescribed villages,
usually at the chief village of the clan, though when a clan has
several important dairies the ceremony may be performed at
any of them. Thus, members of the Kuudrol may give the
buffalo at Kuudr, Kiudr or Miuni.

At nearly every village there is an appointed spot, usually
marked by a stone or a group of stones, called inioiikajs, at
which the ceremony is to be performed. At Kars there is a
row of stones, shown in Fig. 42. At Nodrs the appointed
spot is a pool of water (Fig. 43) by the side of a gap in the
long wall of that village.

On the day before the new moon following the vow to give
the buffalo, all the women leave the village at which the

30I

THE TODAS chap.

ceremony is to take place, and all the men of the same kudr
as the man who is giving the buffalo must also leave
the village if they should be living there. Their place is
taken by men of the kudr which is to receive the buffalo. If
men of both kudr are living at the village, those of the giving
kudr go and those of the receiving kudr remain ; thus, when
Kodrner, who lives at Kars, made his offering, he and his
brother left and went to live at another village of the clan,
while Parkurs and his brothers, who belong to the other kudr,
remained behind. If there is a ivursuli at the village, the
tvursol remains at his post. If \\\cpalikartinokh is of the same
kudr as the offender, he leaves and a new dairj'man from the
other kudr is appointed. All the men who remain at the
village sleep in the outer room of the dairy — at Kars, in the
outer room of the kudrpali. T\\e pa/ikartinokh does his dairy
work in the inner room as usual and sleeps in the outer room
with the rest.

The people live thus at the village for a month, no women,
no men of the offending kudr and no people of other clans
being allowed to visit them.

The actual ceremony takes place at the end of this month,
on the Sunday following the new moon. On the Saturday
the man, called the irnortpol, who is to make the offering
brings a female calf between one and two years of age to a
wood near the village and makes a rough temporary calf
enclosure {kadr), tying the calf to a tree. If the calf is
troublesome, the man and his companions may sleep in the
wood by the side of the calf, but generally they leave it in the
wood and go to sleep in the village where they have been
living. The calf must have no blemish, its eyes must be clear,
and no part of its ears or tail may be cut,^

On the following morning a boy between ten and fifteen
years of age is chosen, who is called ponkai'tvainiokh, the boy
who observes the festival It is his duty to drive the calf.

All those who are to be present take in their hands green
sticks of the kind called kivadrikurs. All have their right

^ The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the crkiiiiiptthpiiin
ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of cutting the ears of animals
may occur among the Todas, but I have no other notes on the subject.

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 303

arms outside their cloaks {kcvcnai-ut), and must have bathed
in the morning and abstained from food.

When the time for the ceremony comes, the poiikartvaiiNok/i,
who is followed by the imortpol and other men of his division,
drives the calf towards the village. The people in the
village then call out " //v/cVr/ .' // ivj- .' "^ ' Give the buffalo!
Come here ! " and they go to the appointed place and stand on
the dairy side of the inwrtkars, or other spot appointed for
the ceremony, while the calf is driven up towards the stones
or other mark from the side away from the dairy. The
palikartmokh^ naked except for the kuini, and the zviirsol, with
the titiii round his loins, stand with the people of the
receiving kiidr. When the ponkartvaimokh has driven the
calf up to the place, he asks three times, '^ Inwrtkina ?'' —
"Shall I give the buffalo.?" — and \k\& palikartniokh replies
each time, " Inwrt ! " The boy then drives the calf across
the stones or other mark to the place where the buffaloes of
the receiving kudr are standing. According to one account,
the calf is driven direct into the /;/, but it seems almost
certain that this is wrong, though it may be that it is the
practice of some clans. The calf then becomes the property
of the kudr whose representatives have been living at the
village. At Nodrs the calf is driven through the gap in the
wall and across the pool of water in the direction of the
conical dairy.

All those present, both the man who has given the calf
and his companions and those who have received the calf,
bow down to the ground, resting their foreheads on the
ends of their cloaks (as in Fig. 44), and utter a formula
different for each clan. At Kars it runs : —

Sivdmi, Teikirzi, Tdrziolv, Kdrziolv, Kdrzu ultdmd ; fr
kark ultdmd ; h-mrtvuspimi} ultdmd.

Then all present go to the dairy or dairies and bow down at
the threshold. At Kars they go to Tarziolv (the kudrpali),
to Karziolv (the ivursuli)^ and to Karzu (the buffalo pen) and

^ Or irnbrtpiispinii, " buftalo giving have we come." The whole formula runs,
" Swami, Teikirzi, \hQ kitdrpali, ihe wursicli, the buffalo pen, may it be well;
may it be well with the buffaloes and calves ; buffalo giving have we come, may
it be well."

304

THE TODAS

CHAP.

bow down at the threshold of each, and then all partake
of a feast. The food has been prepared by the dairy-
man, and includes the special kind called ashkkartpimi,
which is eaten outside the dairy. Only the men of the clan
who have taken part in the ceremony may be present at
this feast.

After the feast all the men belonging to the kudr of the
irnortpol must again leave the village, but the only one of

FIG. 44. — THE 'NERSATITl' SALUTATION.

their number who is subject to any special restrictions is the
boy who has acted as ponkartvahnokJi, who must avoid
women and must sleep in the dairy of some village until the
end of the whole business. He is spoken of as being in the
condition called poii and derives his name from this.

The wiirsol and the palikartviokJi of the village at which
the ceremony has taken place must stay there for another
month, but the men of the kudr which has received the calf
may stay there or not as they please. No women and no

xni SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 305

people other than men of the same hidr may visit the village
during this time.

At the end of the month the people who have been
occup)'ing the village rub the dairy or dairies thoroughly
with buffalo-dung {palikaratiti, dairy he purifies). All the
people of the village then return and another feast takes
place, in which the food is rice boiled in milk. Then the
usual inhabitants of the village return to their houses, and if
any men of the receiving kiidr have come from another
village, they return and life resumes its normal course.

The ceremony of inwrtiti may thus involve the removal of
the usual inhabitants from a village for about two months,
and the giving of two feasts, while the man who has offended
also loses a calf. The Todas probably think little of the
inconvenience of removal, though probably they are more
troubled by it now than in former times, especially when
they have to leave a village like Kars, which is, under normal
circumstances, always inhabited at the present time. It
seems that the inconvenience, together with the expense of
the feasts, is sufficient to render the ceremony a very unusual
incident in the lives of the Todas.

TuninOrtiti

The smaller importance of this ceremony as compared with
irnortiti is shown in several ways. The ceremony may be
performed at any village at which there is a dairy, and it is
not necessary for the people of the receiving kudr to stay at
the village for a month before the ceremony is performed.

The prescribed day is Sunday, and on the previous day all
the people of the same kudr as the giver of the ////// leave the
village, and the men of the other division come and sleep in
the dairy as before the irnortiti ceremony. The man who
gives the tiini is called the tuninbrtpol, and he procures the
garment from a Badaga, paying for it about i rupee 4 annas.

On the Sunday morning the tuninortpol comes with some
companions, all having abstained from food. The. palikartniokh,
who must be of the same kudr as the other men at the village,
goes to the front of the dairy and one of the men calls out,

3o6 THE TODAS CHAP.

" Tuninortpol bon T' — "Cloth giving man, come!" The
Uuiinortpol, who is standing at an appointed spot not far off,
goes to the dairy, lays the tuni at its threshold, and bows down,
touching the cloth with his forehead. While he is doing this
the. p(ilika?'t7nok/i prays in the inner room of the dairy and the
men staying at the village pray in the outer room. Then the
tiinindrtpol enters the dairy and is given buttermilk and food
by \.\\e palikartmokh, after which he stays in a wood near the
dairy all day and returns to the village where he is living after
night-fall. The people of the receiving kudr stay at the
village for a month, at the end of which they have a feast and
then all return to their own villages.

PiLINORTITI

In this ceremony a man gives a silver ring. The offering
is differentiated from those already described in that it may
be given to bring about the removal of misfortunes which are
not due to any offence committed by the man. In some
cases, however, the ceremony may be undertaken as an
atonement for an offence. Kodrner, my guide, had to give
a ring to the dairy at Kiudr in the general distribution of
penalties which followed my visit.

The custom of pilinortiti is limited to certain villages or
clans. According to some accounts it is only followed at
the villages of Kiudr and Kanodrs, noted for the special
sanctity of their dairies. According to others the ceremony
is performed by the Karsol at the dairy of Kuzhu, and at
Nidrsi I was shown a small stone, almost completely buried in
the ground, which was called the piliiidrtkars, and this indicates
that the ceremony was also at one time performed at this
village. The ceremony is certainly of especial importance at
Kiudr, and the following description is of the procedure at
this place.

If a man has no children, or if he becomes ill, or if his
buffaloes give no milk, he may make a vow to do pilinortiti-
If he is a member of the Kuudrol, the people of the kiidr to
which he does not belong go to the dairy. The offerer of the
ring sleeps the night before in the dairy of his village and goes

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 307

in the morning with one companion to Kiudr, taking care
that no one sees him by the way. Both must go without
food.

On reaching Kiudr the two men go to the stream called
Keikudr ^ which flows between the dairy and the dwelling-huts,
and after washing hands and face in the stream they wait
there. The people of the other I'udr who are in the dairy
light a lamp and place it between the two rooms, and then
one goes to the door of the dairy and calls out three times
" Pilinortpol bon ! " The men at the stream are not within sight,
but they hear the summons and come to the front of the dairy.
The men in the dairy lay the t!i;ii of the dairyman at the
threshold and the pilinortpol places the ring on the cloth and
bows down, touching the cloth with his forehead, and prays as
follows : —

hiei!»i(i,

/ drill (hi I (1 ;

atch

kar

md.

atch

May

it be well,

may it be well :

; little

calf

give

may,

little

ntokh

; td

iiid ; /car

kiildth,

kar

kiilcili

son

give

may ; calf

not refuse

milk,

calf

take milk

give

111(1,

kar

iiesdth.

neseiti

in a ;

opath

iltm

may,

calf

not kick away,

stand

give

may ;

once

m'eal

at hi

fiinerd

kwar arki

iiiadl ;

drk .

md;

it is

twelve

years vow

will;

may there

no di

sease ;

niidri

drk md ;

kazjtii

drk md

may

there be

no trouble ; may there be no kazun

may th

ere be

(irk

md.

no T

amil.

The free rendering of this prayer was said to be as
follows : —

" May it be well ; may my buffaloes have calves ; may
I have children ; may my calves have milk, and may they
not be kicked away by their mothers ; as surely as I am
shortly to take food, do I make my vow for ever and
ever; may I and my buffaloes be free from disease; may
no evil befall me ; may there be no kazun (see p. 403) to
kill me ; may no Tamil or other outsiders come to disturb
me."

The last clause was said by Samuel to be interpreted :

^ This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220).

X 2

3o8 THE TODAS chap.

" Let me not get into trouble with the government," but it is
probably much older than this interpretation would indicate,
and refers to the former dislike of the Todas to any inter-
course with people other than the Badagas and Kotas.
"Twelve years" is a common expression for an indefinitely
long time, and may be translated " for ever." The practice of
combining positive and negative sentences as in this prayer is
one which seems to be not uncommon in the Toda language.
It will be noticed that several of the clauses are identical
with those of the prayer ordinarily used in the dairy.

When the piliiwrtpol has finished his prayer he rises, and
the paliknrtinokli takes up the tuni and the ring and puts
them in the dairy. Then the pilin'drtpol and his companions
go into the outer room of the dairy and take food prepared
by the dairyman, after which they go to a wood near Kiudr
and stay there till after nightfall, when they make their way
home, taking care not to be seen by anyone.

If the ring is given by one of the Kuudrol it becomes the
property of the men of the other kudr, but as its value is
very small, only from four annas to two rupees, it is not
divided, but is usually taken by the man of the kudr who
takes the chief part in the ceremony.

The ceremony as described above resembles those of
iniortiti and timinortiti, in that the offering is given by a
man of one division of the clan to the members of the other
division.

Pilhwrtiti may also be undertaken by a man as an atone-
ment for wrong-doing, and in the only case of the kind of
which I know, the wrong-doer, although he belonged to the
Kars clan of the Tartharol, had to make the offering to
Kiudr. In this case there was no question of the ring passing
from one kudr to another, and it probably became the
property of the man connected with Kiudr who took the
chief part in conducting the ceremony.

Various unfortunate events which occurred during my visit
to the Todas illustrate very well the working of the regula-
tions which have been described in this chapter. One of
these misfortunes befell Kutadri, who went with me to visit
the Kundahs, the headquarters of the Pan clan. Mr.

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 309

Mackenzie, with whom I was staying, had shot a sambhar,
and Kutadri joined others in making a hearty meal on the
flesh of the animal. The next day he felt far from well, and
searching in his mind for the cause of his sufferings, his
suspicions did not fall on the sambhar, but wavered between
sorcery of the Kurumbas and the anger of the gods of the
locality, because he had shown me certain sacred features of
the land. He was unable to continue to act as my guide,
rendering my visit to the Kundahs largely fruitless, and on
his return home he frightened himself into serious illness.

Teitnir, who had told me many things, but, above all, had
dared to show me the erkuinpttJipimi sacrifice, lost his wife a
{(i.\^ days after this ceremony. She had given birth to a
dead child, and in spite of obviously serious fever, she had
gone through a trying ceremony connected with removal to
the seclusion-hut, and had walked a long way to this hut.
Two days later she died.

Kaners, who had been my chief informant on the procedure
of the ti dairy, awoke one morning to find the dairy of his
village burnt. No human agency seemed possible, and no
doubt was entertained that it was another manifestation of
the displeasure of the gods.

Numerous councils were held, and the diviners were con-
sulted, on this occasion Midjkudr and Tadrners. They found
that Kutadri's misfortunes were due to his having revealed to
me secrets about Pan, although, as a matter of fact, his illness
had prevented his telling me anything of importance. It
was decided that he was to give a buffalo to the Pan ti.

The death of Teitnir's wife was found to have two causes.^
The first was that Teitnir had shown me the erkiimptthpimi
ceremony ; the second was that he had gone with his wife
to Lake View, the house of the Zenana mission, and
had stayed there for several months, Teitnir having done
this in order to avoid losing his wife according to the
tercrstJii custom (see Chap. XXII). F'or the first offence
Teitnir was to do irnoriiti to his clan, the Kuudrol, and for
the second offence he was to give a buffalo to the Amatol,

^ According to a later finding of the teiiol, the death of Tersveli was due to
sorcery (see p. 261).

THE TODAS chap.

his pia, or grandfather, being especially singled out among
them. The latter penalty was paid before I left the hills.
Teitnir devoted a sacred buffalo {pasthir) to his grandfather,
and as a sign that he had done so, he did kabnelpnditJiti to
Ivievan (52), one of the chief men of his family. The giving
of the buffalo was followed by a feast.

The teiiol were also consulted on account of the burning of
the dairy belonging to the village of Kaners. They decided
that the loss of the dairy was due to spontaneous combustion,
"had burnt of itself," because Kaners had revealed to me the
secrets of the ti, and, as he had told me chiefly the procedure
of the Nodrs //, he was sentenced to do irnortiti to this
institution.

Kodrner, who had been my general assistant, was directed
to perform pilindrtiti to Kiudr, and the teiiol also said that
all the Todas were to do irnortiti to the ti dairies because
the elders had not intervened and put an end to the revelations
which the people had been making to me.

Unfortunately these decisions of the teuol were only given
out very shortly before I left the hills. Indeed, the divination
appeared to be still going on when I left, probably in order to
obtain further light on the troubles. I had therefore no
opportunity of witnessing the various ceremonies which were
to result from my -visit. I hoped that Samuel might have
been able to see some of them, but the only proceedings of
which he was able to give me any account took place on
January 5th, nearly a month after my departure, when all the
Todas assembled at the ti mad of Modr, where the buffaloes
of the Nodrs ti were standing, and prayed to the // to pardon
them for the sins they had committed in revealing its
secrets. After praying, they took food in the //// of the
dairy, and did not return home till the evening. I was not
told of the existence of any such ceremony of atonement by
prayer only, and I strongly suspect it was an innovation
adopted in order to avoid the expense of the general irnortiti
to the // which the diviners had prescribed.

Several of the offerings which were thus ordered by the
teiwl seem clearly to have been of the nature of punishment.
Kodrner was to do pilinortiti because he had helped me, and

XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 311

the Todas in general were to give buffaloes to the // dairies.
When I was first told about these offerings, I was inclined to
regard them in general as punishments and to treat them as
if they were social regulations. With further knowledge it
seemed clear that they were distinctly of a religious nature,
and were really sin offerings designed to propitiate the gods
and bring about the removal of misfortunes which had come
upon the offenders. I have therefore described these offerings
in the same chapter as the ceremony which is clearly a
sacrifice.

The variety of the irnortiti ceremony in which a buffalo
is given to the ti dairy is that which approaches most
nearly to a sacrifice ; the offered animal is not killed, but in
going to the sacred herd of the //, it may clearly be regarded
as devoted to the service of the gods. The ceremony of
pilinortiti to the sacred dairy of Kiudr is again an example
of an offering to a higher power in those cases in which the
ring is given by a man of another clan so that the mechanism
of the kndr does not come into play.

These clear examples of offerings to gods or sacred places
are, however, very closely related to the other cases in which
offerings simply pass from one division of the clan to another.
It seems that we have in these offerings a good example of
something which is midway between a social regulation of the
nature of punishment and a definitely religious rite of pro-
pitiation of higher powers.

There are two chief possibilities. The idea of offering to a
higher power may be primary, and the ceremonies of irnortiti,
&c., in which the property merely passes from one division of
the clan to the other may be secondary modifications to keep
property within the clan. On the other hand, the mechanism
of the ktidr may be primary, and irnortiti to the // dairy and
pilinortiti to Kiudr may be religious developments of what
was originally a social regulation.

I have no information which enables me to say that one of
the two possibilities is more probable than the other. The
solution probabl}' depends on the much larger question,
whether the Todas are people whose religious system has
developed out of the state of many primitive people where

THE TODAS cii. xiii

social regulations exist without anything which can clearly
be called a religious sanction, or whether they are a people
whose religious system has degenerated from one higher than
that they now possess.

If the former supposition is correct, it is probable that the
religious sanction has been added to the system of social
punishment, which seems to be all which clearly exists in the
offerings when these are kept within the clan. If the latter
supposition is correct, it seems more likely that the whole
mechanism of the kudr \s a device by which offerings which
should be made to a higher power may remain the property
of the clan.

The fact that the giving of the buffalo or other offering is
accompanied by prayer and the various restrictions of a more
or less religious nature which accompany the ceremonial
show that at the present time the ceremony has in all cases
a very definitely religious character, but it is quite possible to
regard these features in two ways, either as accretions to a
system of social punishment or as vestiges of what was once
a purely religious sacrifice in which the offerings were given
to the gods.

CHAPTER XIV

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES

The ceremonies connected with childbirth begin before
the birth of the child. These ceremonies are only performed
for the first child or when the woman obtains a new husband,
so that they may, from one point of view, be regarded as
marriage ceremonies. Nevertheless, I prefer to consider them
here, and to leave the ceremonies more strictly connected
with marriage till a later chapter. These latter ceremonies
are far less elaborate than those to be described in this
chapter, and may be more fitly considered in connexion
with the social regulation of marriage.

At or about the fifth month of pregnancy, a ceremony
is performed which is called tir patitth kaitiitittJipiini, " village
left, hand we burnt," or more shortly, I'li'vatpimi, "village we
leave," or kaitiitittJipiini. The ceremony is named from its
two essential features ; the woman leaves the village and lives
secluded in a hut and her wrists are burnt.

When it is known that the ceremony is to take place, a
special hut, called puzhars (Fig. 45), is built in a prescribed
place at some little distance from the village, or if this building
already exists, it is put into good order. The word puzhars
means " mud-house " or " earth-house," which would seem to
point to a time when a temporary hut of mud was used, but
at the present time it is built of wood, though it is of much
simpler and rougher construction than the ordinary house.

The distance of the puzhars from the huts in which the
people live depends on the degree of sacredness of the village.
According to Breeks, the distance is greatest in those villages

3'4

THE TODAS

CHAP.

which have a dairy of the conical kind, but it seems that there
is no real difference between these villages and any other
etudniad. In some cases when the dairy has a high degree of
sanctity, the pushars may be at an adjacent village ; thus, a
pregnant woman of Kiudr goes into seclusion at Molkush,

FIG. 45. — THE ' PUZHARS AT MOLKUSH.

about a quarter of a mile away, and at this village the
seclusion-hut (Fig. 45) is about a hundred yards from the
house in which the people live.

I may mention here that the objection to the presence of a
pregnant woman in one of the more sacred villages may ex-
tend to a time when she is not in the seclusion-hut. When I

XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 315

visited Kiudr for the purpose of testing the people of the
village for colour-blindness, Sintagars, who was pregnant and
was living at Molkush, was not allowed to come to the hut to
be tested like the rest, but sat on the mound shown in the
foreground of Fig. 7, about thirty yards away.

The features of the hand-burning ceremony as performed
by the Tartharol differ considerably from those for a Teivali
woman, and I will begin with a description of the former.

On the day of the new moon, the woman goes to the
puzliars. The husband (or in his absence his brother or other
near male relative) cuts six sticks of the kind called
kwadrikiirs and sets them up so as to represent a dairy with two
rooms, which is called piilpali. He then cuts four bamboo-
reeds called zc^(/r, about eighteen inches long, which represent
dairy vessels ; two of them are cdW^d patatpic7t, and the other two
ertatpiin. He fills these with water taken neither from the
pali nipa nor from the ars nipa, for if he touched the water
of either of the streams, they would be defiled and their water
could not be used. He therefore fetches the water from a
stream at some distance from the village.

The husband brings the reeds half filled with water and
places those called patatpun in the inner room of the piilpali.
He takes the other two — the ertatpitn — to a two-year-old
female calf {pbl), and pours out the water from one reed on
the left side of the middle of the back {Hv) of the calf, and
catches the water in the other. He then gives two leaves
{kakuders) to the woman, who makes a leaf vessel, into which
he pours three times from the ertatpiin the water which has
flowed from the back of the calf. The woman raises the leaf
vessel to her forehead and then drinks, and the man puts the
two ertatpuu into the outer room of the piilpali} The woman
then bows down with her forehead to the threshold of the
piilpali, and the man takes up the sticks forming the imitation
dairy and the four reeds and throws all away.

^ It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room and the
ertatpiin in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be placed in the
inner room, though in different places. The procedure of this ceremony seems,
therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than of the ordinary dairy. It suggests
that we have here a relic of a time when every dairy had at least two rooms, one
for the things of the patat/nar and another for the things of the erta,tinar.

3i6 THE TODAS chap.

The woman has brought with her a new earthenware pot
called vidtkndrik, into which she puts food (rice or grain) and
water, and places it on a small oven made on the spot with
stones. When the food is cooked, the woman takes two leaves
called pelkkodstJnmdiers ^ i.e., leaves used in the ordination of
the palikartuiokh, and portions out the food on the leaves.
She then brings two pieces of wood called pai^skiiti (Eleagnus
latifolia), puts them in the ground and covers them with a
blanket. The two leaf-plates with the food are now placed
on the two pieces of wood, one on each, and the woman
asks Pirn podia, Pird podia ? {podia = have you come ?) My
informants could tell me nothing about Pirn or Piri, except
that the former was supposed to be male and the latter
female.

The woman throws the parskiiti into the bushes, this
procedure being called tapi kilrs vutpimi, " bushes stick throw
we," and then makes a little roll of threads which is called
pasJiti, puts it in the fire and burns herself with the roll in four
places, two on each hand, once on the prominence formed by
the carpo-metacarpal joint of the thumb, and once on the
prominence formed by the styloid process of the radius. The
burning is sometimes done for her by the woman who is to
stay in the puzhars with her ^ during her period of seclusion.
When the ceremony is over, the woman goes into the hut with
her companion and stays there for nearly a month, till three or
four days before the next new moon. While in the seclusion-
hut, the woman is visited by relatives and friends, who do not,
however, come near the hut, but stand some way off and say
kaitiitudpatia ? (" Have you had hand-burning ? ") They leave
a present of rice for the woman and go to the people of the
village, by whom they are entertained.

When the woman comes out of the piizJiars at the end of
the month, there is a ceremony called martJik maj atpiini,
" To the village buttermilk we pour." Early in the morning of
the appointed day a man of the Melgars clan comes to the
village and milks one of the ordinary buffaloes (putiir) into
the vessel called kabanacJiok. The buffalo must not have

' I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but this appeared to
be a mistake.

XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 317

been milked by any one else since the time it last calved.
The Melgars man places the milk in front of the hut
where the woman usually lives, and then goes away, and
the milk is taken by the people of the village. In the
evening, after the day's work is over and the buffaloes are
shut up for the night, a woman is chosen who has had no
contact with the secluded woman, and she takes the milk
drawn by the Melgars man to the puzhars, together with the
leaves of the kind called parsers. She pours out the milk
three times into these leaves and gives to the pregnant
woman to drink. The latter has previously bathed and put
on a new mantle, and after drinking she returns to the
ordinary hut and may resume her household work.

The milking is done by a Melgars man for all the Tarthar
clans except that of Kwodrdoni, where the buffalo is milked
by a man of that clan. I do not know why this clan forms
an exception to the general rule, but Kwodrdoni is one of
the most remote Toda villages, and it is possible ^ that the
difficulty of getting a Melgars man to come to them has led
the people to do this part of the ceremony themselves.

For fifteen days after leaving the seclusion-hut, the woman
must drink buttermilk procured from a Melgars dairy, and
must take food called peritbr'^ viz., grain or rice which has
been cooked in Melgars buttermilk. At the end of the
fifteen days she gives up taking the peritbr, but continues to
drink Melgars buttermilk for another fifteen days.

For a woman of the Teivaliol, the ceremony of tirvatpimi
is much more simple. No piilpali is made, and the husband
fetches two pieces of reed only, which are called ertatpun.
They are half filled with water, which is poured from one
over the back of a calf into the other as in the Tarthar
ceremony, and the woman drinks in the same way, but this is
immediately followed by the hand-burning, and the rite with
the two sticks and the invocation of Pirn and Piri is entirely
omitted.

1 The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwodrdoni are not allowed to
intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between these clans
which is the cause of the exception.

'^ This may possibly be a corruption ol perithtor.

3i8 THE TODAS CHAP.

The Teivali ceremony on coming out of the pu.zhars takes
place in the early morning. A man (not the husband)
fetches water from the ars nipa in a brass vessel called achok.
He takes the vessel to a pregnant buffalo and tries to milk
the buffalo over the vessel of water. Although no milk comes,
the attempt is supposed to convert the water in the vessel
into milk. The woman then leaves the seclusion-hut and is
given two leaves {parsers), of which she makes a leaf cup,
and the man pours the water which is supposed to be milk
into the cup three times, and the woman drinks each time after
raising the cup to her forehead. The woman and her compan-
ion then go to another special hut, called altars, and stay there
for a week, or if there is in the village a house of the kind
called vierkalars (see p. 29), the woman may go to the hinder
part of this house instead of to the aliars, but in this case all
the household things have to be removed from the nierkalars.

At the end of the week in the aliars or nierkalars, there
follows the ceremony called viarthk maj atpiini. Early in the
morning the palikartuiokJi brings penmaj {i.e., butter and
buttermilk) in an earthenware pot and two firebrands {tiitkuli)
to the front of the hut, puts the brands on the ground, lays the
pot on them for a time, and then puts the pot on the raised
platform in front of the hut. He then goes away, and a
woman brings a brass vessel {terg) and transfers the butter
and buttermilk to the terg, and gives it to the woman, who
drinks and goes to the ordinary hut.

While the woman is in the aliars or nierkalars, she is not
confined to the dwelling as when in the puzhars, but may go
about. She must not, however, do any household work, nor
go to any other village, nor to the ordinary huts of her own
village. If in the hinder part of the vierkalars, she must not
go to the fore part of the house.

Thus the ritual of the Tartharol differs greatly from that of
the Teivaliol in these ceremonies. The rite of making an
artificial dairy is entirely omitted by the Teivaliol, and, as
we shall see later, it is also omitted in a similar ceremony
performed after childbirth, though the pieces of reed used to
pour water over the calf are named after dairy vessels in both
cases. I could obtain no explanation of the difference of

XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 319

procedure, nor of the omission of the invocation of Pirn and
Firi by the Teivali division. It is possible that this latter
ceremony has been borrowed, but if so, there is no obvious
reason why it should have been borrowed by one division,
and not by the other.

In the ceremonies accompaning the return to ordinary life,
it is perhaps natural that the Melgars man should only take
part in the proceedings of his own division. The other chief
difference in the procedure of the two divisions is that the
return takes place in two stages among the Teivaliol, while
the Tarthar woman goes directly from the piizhars to the
ordinary hut. I was told that the difference was connected
with the fact that the Tarthar women drank milk, whilst the
Teivali women did not, but I could not discover why this
should lead to a difference of procedure.

The PuRSiJTPiiMi Ceremony

About the seventh month of pregnancy a ceremony Is
performed, which is called pursiitpiini, " bow (and arrow)
we touch." This ceremony begins on the evening before
the day of the new moon. The pregnant woman goes into
a wood about a furlong from the village at which she is living-
She is accompanied by her husband, or if she has several, by
the husband who is to give the bow and arrow. The husband
cuts a triangular niche in a tree,^ of which the Toda name is
kers. The niche is large enough to contain a lamp, and
is made a few feet above the ground, so that it is about
on a level with the eyes of the woman when she is sitting on
the ground. Ghi is then put in an earthenware lamp, which
is lighted and placed in the niche. Some sort of arrange-
ment is made on the tree to provide a covering under which
the woman is later to sit, but I could not satisfy myself
exactly how this is done. Husband and wife then go
to find the wood called p24v^ and the grass called nark? A
bow {purs) is made from the wood by stripping off a piece
of bark and stretching it across the bent stick so as to

' Eugenia Arnottiana. - Sopliom glaiica.

^ Andropogon schananthits.

THE TODAS chap.

form the string of the bow.^ The grass is put in the little
artificial bow so as to resemble an arrow.

The husband and wife return to the tree with the bow and
arrow, and the relatives of the pair come to the spot. The
father of the woman promises a young female calf, the off-
spring of a given buffalo, which he names, saying after the
the name/^/ todein, or " calf I have given " ; thus, Kemars phi
todeiii would mean, " I have given a calf, the daughter of
Kemars." - Then husband and wife salute certain people by
bowing before them and raising their feet to the forehead
(Jcalnielpiidlthti). The wife salutes in this way all her male
relatives and those of her husband older than herself — i.e., she
salutes those whom she would salute in this way under normal
circumstances (see Chap. XXI). The husband salutes all the
male^ relatives of his wife, irrespective of their being older or
younger than himself.

The wife then sits down beneath the tree in front of the
lamp, and the husband gives her the imitation bow and arrow.
In doing so he says the kzvarzain of his village followed by
the words " Teikirsi Tirsk, pursvat .'" — i.e., " To Teikirzi and
Tirshti, hold the bow and arrow ! " The wife replies, "purs
iveni ? " — " What is the name of the bow and arrow ? " — and
the husband then gives the name of the bow and arrow, which
is different for each clan. The question and answer are each
time repeated so that they are said three times. The formulae
repeated on this occasion differ for each clan in the kzvarzam
of the village and in the name of the bow. For the Kuudrol
the latter was piirsgdniv, so that a Kuudr man would first
say, "■ Atthkar Teikirzi Tirsk pursvat," and in answer to his
wife's question he would answer, " Pursganror The only clan
which does not say the kzvarzain of the village is that of
Nodrs, where only the names of the gods are mentioned.

I only obtained the special names of the bow from
three clans — ^those of Kuudr, Kars and Taradr. That of

' See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the same as that
used in the pursiltpimi ceremony.

- The buffalo given in this way is called pitlkwadr, or bow and arrow gift.

3 My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not also
salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that he does so.

XIV lUR'lH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 321

Kuudr has already been given ; the name of the Kars bow is
pulkiukhni and that of Taradr pursudsk. When the husband
gives the bow and arrow to liis wife, she raises it to her
forehead and then, liolding it in her right hand, turns to gaze
at the lamp in the tree. She looks for an hour or until the
lamp goes out, and then all present ^ go to the village for food,
except the husband and wife. The man makes a fireplace,
lights a fire and cooks jaggery and rice in a new pot,
using only ghi, and not butter, to mix the rice, and while he is
doing this his wife ties up certain kinds of food in a cloth
and puts the bundle under the tree. This food includes rice,
ragi, barley, wheat, the grain (?) called kijsi (see p. 266), some
jaggery and salt. Some pieces of honeycomb are also placed
on leaves, which are then thrown away. When the food
cooked by the man is ready both husband and wife eat
together.

Later the relatives return from the village and all pass the
night in the wood, the relatives keeping at some distance from
the married pair. At daybreak on the following day, the
day of the new moon, all return to the village and feast,
food being given to all visitors.

Several of those who have described this ceremony have
included in the description an account of " tying the talir ^
So far as I could ascertain nothing of the kind is done.
I inquired into the point many times and all agreed that it
formed no part of the Toda ceremony and that its equivalent
was the giving of the bow and arrow. More than one
man spoke of the piLvsutpivii ceremony as " tying the tali^'
but the latter expression is merely the equivalent of " marriage
ceremony," and the very man who used this expression denied
vehemently that tying the tali or anything else round

' According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the people leave
the spot about six o'clock in the evening. The time is determined by the opening
of the flowers of .-Enothera tetraptera, which is called by the Todas dr mani pilv,
or six o'clock flower. This flower is a garden escape, so that this special practice
must be recent, but it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day
by means of flowers may be an old Toda custom.

- Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that the bow and
arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they definitely take the place
of the (a/L

THE TODAS chap.

the neck of the woman formed any part of the Toda
ceremony.

It seemed, however, that after pursiitpimi the woman
is allowed to resume her ornaments, which she has been
prohibited from wearing up to this time, and it is possible
that this resumption of her ornaments may have been mistaken
for " tying the tali!' It seemed clear, however, that the
ornaments were not put on by the husband, nor did the
resumption of the ornaments partake in any way of a
ceremonial character.

As I hoped to have a chance of witnessing this ceremony
during my visit, I did not thresh out the details oi pursiitpimi
as thoroughly as those of most other ceremonies and my
account is not as complete as I could wish.

The ceremony oi pursiitpimi is of the greatest importance
from the social point of view and, as we shall see later, the
fatherhood of the child depends entirely upon it. The
man who gives the bow and arrow is the father of the
child for all social purposes, and is regarded as such even
if he has had nothing to do with the woman before the
ceremony.

The ceremony must always be performed during the first
pregnancy of a woman and it takes place in any succeeding
pregnancy only when it is desired for any reason to alter the
fatherhood of the children. One of the most serious scandals
in Toda society is the birth of a child when the mother has
not been through this ceremony.

Both the pregnancy ceremonies are performed at the first
funeral of an unmarried or barren woman. In the case of an
unmarried girl the bow and arrow are given at \.\\& pursiitpimi
ceremony by a matdmni of the deceased — i.e., by a relative
whom the deceased girl might herself have married. The
hand-burning of the urvatpimi ceremony is usually performed
by a woman of the same clan as the deceased.

Since the ceremonies are only performed at the first
pregnancy, or when it is desired to change the fatherhood
of a child, it seems clear that they closely resemble marriage
ceremonies. They would seem to be either marriage cere-
monies which have been postponed till shortly before the

XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 323

birth of the first child/ or, what is more probable, pregnancy
ceremonies resembling those customary in India, which have
acquired social significance and have come to resemble
marriage ceremonies. But the numerous ceremonies which
are performed during pregnancy by the Hindus take place
during every pregnancy and are, therefore, sharply differen-
tiated from the Toda rites.

Childbirth

\\"hen the woman returns from the seclusion-hut after the
urvatpimi ceremony she lives in her usual home with the rest
of the family and does her usual work, and she is delivered
there. It seemed that any one might be present, and that
there was no special ceremony connected with deliv-ery.

During delivery, the woman kneels with her head resting
on the breast of a man, usually her husband, who clasps his
hands behind her neck. She is tended by a woman, usually
by one noted for skill in these matters. If there is much
delay, all men and women present lay their hands on the
head of the woman and say :

" Swdmi viaz v/innd ; swdmi pildikan termd."

If this is not efficacious a man brings water in a vessel and
prays, stirring the water with a piece of grass of the kind
called kakar. When the prayer is finished, the man sprinkles
the water over the woman.

The cord (pekf{) is cut with a knife, being held down with
a stick while it is being cut.

The afterbirth is called naj ox peMkMri. If there is delay
in its delivery, a medicine called najinad is given which is
procured from the Badagas. The afterbirth is buried on the
day on which the woman goes to the seclusion-hut, a few days

' This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by the Badagas,
among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered a wife till about the
seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord is put round her neck by the
husband and the legal marriage becomes complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV.,
p. 167.)

V 2

524 THE TO DAS chap.

after delivery. If the child is still-born its body is buried at
the same time.

A caul is named kzvadri (umbrella), but no importance is
attached to it. nor is it kept.

Seclusion after Childbirth

Two or three days after childbirth the mother and child go
to the seclusion-hut, or pnzhars, the same structure being used
as after the hand-burning ceremony. Various rites are per-
formed, both when going to and leaving the seclusion-hut,
and these have many points in common with those which
take place before and after the hand-burning. As in that
case, the procedure for the Tartharol differs considerably
from that of the Teivaliol.

The general name for the ceremony of going to the pns/iars
is polk potha nir utpiini — "to the calf back (or hind quarters)
water we pour," from one of the chief features of the proceed-
ings. The ceremony takes place either in the early morning
or in the evening.

The woman who is to be secluded, whether she be Tarthar
or Teivali, rubs ashes on her head and face (pMhi adipimi,
ashes we rub), and comes out of the ordinary hut in which
she has been living since the delivery. She holds over
her head a branch of the ' Nilgiri holly,' ^ which has
spreading leaves so that it resembles an umbrella ; this leafy
umbrella is called tbrikwadr, and the act is called tbrikivadr
patipimi, " we hold the umbrella." The head is also covered with
\.\\Qputkuli. From the moment she leaves the hut the woman
is very careful to keep her face turned away from the sun, not
on account of its noxious influence, but in order to avoid the
star or other body called Keirt, which is supposed to be near
the sun. The child is carried in front of the mother by
another woman, who also holds a tbrikivadr to shelter the
infant from the evil influence of Keirt. Among the Tartharol
a small artificial dairy is made, exactly as in the urvatphni
ceremony, and four reeds are cut to represent dairy vessels.

^ Called by the Todas A';-/ or /();7'w/// (AVr/'dVvV ;/fy^(?/<7/.f/.v) ; its leaves are used
in the ordination of the knsrvalikarlDiokh.

XIV

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES

As the woman walks towards the place where the pulpali has
been erected, another woman lays on the ground before her a
leaf of kakud on which she puts some threads taken from a
inadtuni — i.e., the garment worn by the zviirsol. These threads
are called tiinikar} and they are taken up by the mother and
put in the string round her waist on the right side.'- Water

KIG. 46. — TERSVELI SITTING AT THE DOOR OF THE ' PUZHARS ' AT
KARIA WITH HER FACE TURNED FROM THE SUN.

is then poured by the husband from the imitation patatpua
over the hind quarters {pot/ia) of a calf, so that it falls
into the ertatpun just as in the un'atpinii ceremony.
Before the woman drinks this water, three drops of it are
put into the mouth of the child and a four-anna piece
{panni) into its hand. The mother then drinks three times

' Possibly this means '' calf of ///;//. '"

- It will be noticed that the woman puts llie fragments uf tiiiii in licr waist-
string on tlio ric;ht side, while the various dairymen who wnar fr/u/ii pu! it on
the left side.

326 THE TOUAS chap.

and bows down at the threshold of the imitation dairy, after
which she goes into the seclusion-hut. During the whole of
the proceedings she is careful not to turn her face towards
the sun.

Among the Teivaliol there is no imitation dairy and, as in
the urvatpinii ceremony, only two reeds are used as ertatpmi.
A fire is made on an improvised fireplace of three stones, and
lighted by means of thatch brought from the hut,^ and food
is put on a fragment of an earthenware vessel and placed over
the fire.

After the woman has drunk of the water which has been
poured over the back of the calf, she breaks the earthenware
fragment over the fire, saying, Nauiavku, " to Namav," this
rite being called Nainavtiir kwiidrtpinii, " to Namav we give."
The woman then goes to the seclusion-hut, being assisted by
her husband, who now acquires the impurity which is called
icJichil, and any one else who touches the woman after this
ceremony also becomes icJicJiil.

I saw the ceremony of going to the purjJiars on two
occasions, the woman each time belonging to the Teivaliol.
The most striking feature of each occasion was the obvious
and intense dread of Keirt. In one case, soon after leaving
the hut, the woman, Sintagars, called out for another umbrella
as she feared that the tbrikivadr was not sufficient to shelter
her from Keirt, and during the rest of the proceedings she
held over herself both the leafy umbrella and one of the
ordinary kind.

I was told that all the chief incidents of the ceremony — the
rubbing on of ashes, the holding of the leaf umbrella, the
pouring of water over the calf and the giving to Namav — were
all designed to avert the evil influence of Keirt, which they
call Keirtpiidrtvuti (see p. 269).

After the woman has gone to the seclusion-hut she is
visited b}' rclati\es and friends, who stand at a distance, just
as they did after the hand-burning ceremony. The}- bring rice
with them as a present and call out

Marsviit '^ivii mikh inokli, {o\ kugli] itdpatia •

Confined life icmaining son (or dauglitcr) had you ?

I am dnutitfvd wliellu-f Uii> i>; essential.

XIV IWKTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 327

" Have you had a son (or daughter) and are yet alive ? " The
visitors then go to the huts of the village and are enter-
tained.

The woinan and child stay in the seclusion-hut, accompanied
by the husband and by a woman who is usually the assistant
at the birth. If the child is not the first, the mother remains
in seclusion till a few days before the next new moon, this
kind of seclusion being called ndtersper. If the child is
the first-born, the stay in the seclusion-hut is longer and is
called kadrthersper. In this case the woman stays in the hut
till a month has elapsed after the new moon following the
birth. Thus Sintagars went into seclusion on Sunday,
October 19th, and came out on Thursday, November 27th,
1902, exactly four weeks after the new moon of October
31st.

The proceedings on leaving the seclusion-hut are like those
which take place after the seclusion following the iirvatpimi
ceremony, but with a few additional rites.

Among the Tartharol there is only one ceremony, called
martJik viaj atphni, in which a buffalo is milked on the
morning of the day by a Melgars man. Before the woman
drinks the milk in the evening, another woman lays threads of
tuni on leaves of kakiid, and puts them on the ground
before the mother, who puts them in the right side of
her waist-string as when going to the seclusion hut. After
returning to the hut the woman drinks Melgars buttermilk
and eats food cooked in Melgars buttermilk in exactly the
same way as after the hand-burning ceremony.

Among the Teivaliol the return to ordinary life takes place
in two stages, as after the hand-burning ceremony. The
woman first goes to the aliars^ or to the hinder part of the
nierkalars, after drinking water, which has been supposed
to be turned into milk by pretended milking from a pregnant
buffalo. I saw this ceremony on one occasion (Fig. 47) when
the pretended milking was done by a small boy, Pongudr (52),
and the supposed milk was poured into the leaves and given
to the mother by a woman who had not been present in the
seclusion-hut with her. The person who pretends to milk the
pregnant buffalo becomes icJichil by doing so, and the reason

328

THE TODAS

CHAP.

why a young boy was chosen for this office was that the
adult members of the family might escape the disabihties
attendant on this condition. On this occasion especial care
was taken that the mother should sit facing the sun during
the ceremony. She at first sat down with her face turned
away from the sun, and she was made to turn round, so that

I'lG. 47.— SINTAGARS DRINKING AT THE ' MARTHK MAJ ATPIMI ' CEREMONY.
THE BOY, PONGUDR, IS SITTING BEHIND HER.

she directly faced it. This was the exact opposite of the
procedure followed when going to the seclusion-hut.

After being in the altars or merkalars for a week there
follows the ceremony of marthk inaj atpiiiii, which is the same
as that after the urvatpinii cercmon>', with the addition that
a representation of a hut is made with five or six sticks of

XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 329

the kind called kwadrikurs. A boy goes within the imita-
tion hut with a brass vessel {achok), and coming out gives
this to the woman, who bows down {tiersatiti) with her child
at the threshold of the imitation hut. She then takes butter
and buttermilk which have been placed by the palikartniokh
on fire-brands (see p. 318). After taking the mixture the
woman goes to the dwelling-hut and resumes her ordinary
duties.

It is the custom for everyone present on this occasion to
give the child a four-anna piece (pajtin), and near relatives
may often give more. A small loincloth {tadrp) provided with
a pocket called terigs is put round the child, and into this
pocket the money is put, this action receiving the name of
terigs katpinii, or " we tie the terigs" I did not hear of this
pocket in any other ceremonies, and, so far as I know, it is
only made in the tixdrp used on this occasion, or if a constant
feature of the tadrp, it has no other ceremonial use. So far
as I am aware, the representation of a house is only used by
the Teivaliol, while the imitation dairy made on going to the
seclusion-hut after hand-burning and childbirth is only made
by the Tartharol.

It is tempting to suppose that the water poured in these
ceremonies from an imitation dairy vessel over the back of a
calf is regarded as milk, and if this is so, the drinking of milk,
real or fictitious, would be the essential feature of all these
ceremonies. Further, the conjecture is natural that the drinking
is designed to promote the formation and flow of milk in the
woman. It is perhaps in favour of this that in the ceremony
after childbirth, when this motive would be especially im-
portant, the water is poured over the hind-quarters of the
calf and not over the middle of its back, as in the earlier
ceremony. But if the promotion of lactation is the leading
motive of the ceremonies, it is difficult to see why a buffalo
in full milk should not have been chosen instead of a two-
}'ear-old calf

It is possible that there is some reason why an adult buffalo
should not be used on such an occasion, and that a calf is
used as a substitute, and, on the whole, the view that some
features of the ceremonies had their origin in the motive

330 THE TODAS _ chap.

suggested is the most probable one ; but this can only be con-
jecture, for it is, I think, quite clear that the ceremonies have
now become purely ritual, and are performed with no other
reason than that they are prescribed by custom.

The use of an artificial dairy among the Tartharol, however,
has almost certainly a deeper meaning. It is a striking fact
that a pregnant woman and one soon after childbirth should
have relations with a dairy, even if only artificial, when in
ordinary life they have nothing to do with it or its ceremonial.
Still more remarkable is the fact that a Tarthar woman after
childbirth puts round her waist threads from the garment
worn only by dairymen, a garment which has a distinctly
sacred character. If this were done only in the case of a
male child, it might be supposed that the idea is one of
initiation into the life connected with the dairy, but the
artificial dairy after the hand-burning ceremony is made
when the sex of the child is unknown, and, so far as my
information goes, the use of the dairy and the threads from
the ttmi occurs after the birth of either a boy or girl. It is
possible that the ceremonial observances are relics of a time
when women had more to do with the dairy and its ritual
than they have at present ; or it may be that contact with
the sacred objects, real or fictitious, is held to neutralise in
some way the dangerous nature of pregnant and parturient
women.

There is some reason to believe that the material of which
the /;//// is made is the same as that of the ancient clothing
of the Todas, the cloth called tin. As we shall see later,
the an is still used in the funeral ceremonies, and it is
possible that the threads of tuni are used in these cere-
monies as relics of the ancient clothing of the Todas,
and that they are obtained from the madtuni because
it is the most convenient way of obtaining the ancient
material. If this had been the motive, however, I think the
word iin would almost certainly have been used, as it still is
in the funeral ceremonies. Nevertheless, this remains as a
possible alternative explanation of the use of a sacred dairy
garment b}- a woman after childbirth.

A further mysterious feature of these ceremonies is that

BIRTH AiND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES

the two rites which seem to bring women into special relation
with the dairy are limited to the Tartharol. If these rites be
regarded as relics of a time when women had more to do
with dairy operations than at present, the possibility follows
that this former function of women was limited to one division
of the Todas.

I could obtain no explanation of the meaning of the word
•pitlpali, used for the imitation dairy made in the Tarthar
ceremonies. Piili means tamarind, and in a ceremony of the
Nairs of Malabar called pulikati, performed in the ninth
month of pregnancy, the woman drinks tamarind juice.^ It
is possible that the two ceremonies have a common origin,
the only indication of which in the Toda ceremony lingers
in the name of ' tamarind dairy.' It is, however, possible
that the dairy is so called because it is made on the out-
skirts of the village, though I do not know definitely that
the word piil would be used for outskirts in this special
sense.

Uncovering the Child's Face

While in the seclusion-hut with its mother and for some
time after, the child has its face covered, and no one
except the mother is allowed to see it. At the end of the
third month - the face of the child is uncovered, and this
ceremony is called inokh niiUdr terithti, " child outside he
opens," or, more shortly, iinttar tcrthpimi. If the child is a
bo}^ he is taken by his father early in the morning to the
front of the dairy, and both father and child bow down at the
threshold of the dairy {pavnersatiti), the child being put down
by his father so that his forehead touches the threshold. The
child is then taken to the place where the buffaloes are
standing, and there the face is uncovered, the child being-
held so that he looks towards the sun when the covering is
removed.

If the child is a girl, she is taken by her mother to the
Diajvatvaiidni, the place where the women go to receive

' Fawcett, Bull. Mcuiras Museum, vul. iii. p 242.

- Accorrling to diic acrount I he ceremnny takes place on the fortietli day after
birth.

332 THE TODAS chap.

buttermilk from the dairyman, and there the mother uncovers
the child's face.

I was not told that the covering of the face is designed
to protect the child from the influence of the evil eye, but this
is the probable motive. The object of the ceremony is
probably to minimise the danger incurred when the covering
is removed by putting the child, if a boy, into relation with the
three sacred objects, the dairy, the herd of buffaloes, and the'
sun. If a girl, the child is taken to the spot nearest to the
dairy where women are allowed to go.

Naming the Child

The child is named after its face has been uncovered. The
ceremony is called/^;- vasthpinii, " name we give,'" and it may
take place immediately after the ceremony of uncovering the
face, or a few days later. In the former case, the child, if a
boy, is taken by his father from the place where the buffaloes
are standing to the front of the house, and there the father
shaves the middle part of the head of the child. Then the
boy's maternal uncle {inun) gives the name, and promises a
calf, saying, pbl iid todein, " calf one I have given," followed by
the name of the child,^ and raises each foot to the head of the
boy and touches his forehead, the salutation on this occasion
being called kalkartiti Three grains of barley are put into
the mouth of the boy and three into his back-hair, and then
the grains are thrown away.

There was some doubt as to the relative by whom a girl is
named. It seemed clear that the name is given by a woman,
and I was told definitely by some that it is given by the
father's sister {inumi) of the child. The wife of the vmii
would also be the mnini of the child, and it is possible that this
relative may give the name. No calf is given to a girl, this
being only done when boys are named.

After the naming, the parents of the child may give a feast
if they are rich, but this .seems to be now exceptional. After
receiving its name, the child is given food for the first time,
having been suckled up to this day, but my notes do not

' For the iialuix' uf ilic name sec Cliapter .X.W'I.

XIV VARVU AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 333

make it clear whether the child is weaned at this time or con-
tinues to be suckled.

When the child is shaved, a bone of a bird called tnatpiiL
and a stone procured from the bazaar called kansntimaiii are
put round its wrist. The bone is cut into small pieces and
strung alternately with pieces of the stone so as to form
a kind of bangle. It was said that the child would become
ill if this charm were not used, and the name of the stone
(/7?« = eye) shows that it is intended to avert the evil eye.

The Tersamptplmi Ceremony

This is a ceremony closely connected with the naming
of a child, but only performed after the second funeral
{inarvaiiwlked.}-) of a Tarthar man. It seemed probable that
at one time the name was actually given during the tersauipt-
pimi ceremony, but as the marvainolkedr of Tartharol now
occur only at considerable intervals, it has become the custom
to bestow the name in connexion with the ceremony of
uncovering the face.

The ceremony of tersainptpimi is performed on the day
after the funeral, this day being called karvnol, and as in the
ceremony of naming, the chief part is taken by the child's
maternal uncle. The uncle comes to the village where
the child is living, bringing a stake of wood of the wild rose ^
called kadakuidn. He splits the piece of wood into two pieces,
each of which is called ketkark, and putting the hair of
the child between the two ketkark, he cuts off a lock. If
the child is of the Tarthar division, the hair is cut with a piece
of sharpened iron called kanab'^ while the hair of a Teivali
child is cut with an ordinary knife {turi), but both kaiiab and
turi on this occasion receive the special name of tersampki.
After cutting the lock of hair, the uncle puts it on one side
together with the ketkark and the tersampki, and if the boy
has not already been named, the name is now given by the
uncle and a calf promised.

Before this ceremony, the bangle of bone and stone, put

' Rosa Lesiheiiaultiaiia, - Lit. 'eye arrow.'

534 THE TODAS chap.

round the wrist of the child when it was shav^ed, is taken off
and replaced by a piece of creeper called peival} After the
ceremony "CclQ peival \s removed.

There was some doubt as to what was done with the lock
of hair. Mr. Natesa Sastri states - that the hair is carefully
preserved, but my informants did not confirm this, and it
seemed as if they did not even adopt the precaution of hiding
the hair, which is generally practised (see p. 268).

The Ear-piercing Ceremony

The ceremony of piercing the ears is called kevi Mtiti, and
may be done at any time from infancy up to even twenty
years of age. The ceremony is often delayed until it can be
performed for several members of a family at the same time
in order to avoid the considerable expense connected with
it. The ceremony must be done on a Sunday or Wednesday,
and there must be no kedr in the clan, i.e., it must not be
performed if the funeral ceremonies of a member of the clan
are still unfinished.

On the day appointed for the ceremony many guests
assemble at the village, and the boys whose ears are to be
pierced are dressed in their best clothing. The piercing is
performed by two men, one for each ear. One is the mother's
brother {niun) of the boy, while the other is a man of the
division to which the boy does not belong — a Teivali man if
the boy is one of the Tartharol and vice versa.

The piercing is done with a piece of a small ring, so fine
that it is like a needle. The ring used in this way may be
of silver or gold, the latter only being used by the richer
members of the community.

Each boy then salutes {kalmelpudithti) all those present
older than himself, both male and female. Each man as he
raises his foot to the head of the boy saj-s : —

Tdtienmd, l6rmdmd, pathk md, peda rnd,

May it be well, may it be well, may he prosper, may he prosper,

(r atiHr bl md, dr mokh pai md.

buffaloes 100 may he rule, six sons may he have.

' Probably here /c/ = ilemon (sec p. iSo). - Loc. cit.

MV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 335

Each man also gives four annas to the boy and each chief
Toda may give one rupee.

The salutation of their elders seems to be conditional on
this gift of money. One of the most recent cases in which
the ceremon\- has been performed was when the ears of six
of the sons of Tikievan of Kuudr and his brothers (56) were
pierced. On this occasion Tikievan refused to take any money
from those present, and the boys only saluted those men who
had celebrated the occasion by giving buffaloes to their father.

As the kahnelpiiditliti salutation was omitted, the words
given above as usually said by each person were on this
occasion said collectively by all present while the six boys
bowed down their heads to the ground. The ears of these
boys were pierced by Teikudr {(^1), the first cousin of Sulnir,
the mother of the boys, but regarded according to the Toda
system as elder brother of the mother.

The representative of the Tartharol who pierced the other
ear was Pidrvan (9), probably chosen because he was one of
the oldest and most influential of the Todas who lived at
Pakhalkudr, not far from Peivors, the home of the boys.

After the ceremony all those present receive two balls of
the food called asJikkartpimi, even a young child receiving
his two balls of food. Each person then makes a hole in his
food, into which ghi is poured, and all eat, washing their hands
afterwards in water brought from the ars nipa.

Only the ears of boys are pierced, and a boy may not enter
upon the more sacred offices of the dairy till this ceremony
has been performed. Among the Teivaliol, he cannot h&-
comQ palol, zuursol, or kaltuiokJi, but he may ho. palikartiiiok/i.
Among the Tartharol, a boy cannot hQcon\Q. palikartmokh at
any kind of dairy till the ear-piercing ceremony has taken place.

In the case of the ceremony for the sons of Tikievan I

inquired into the actual expenses of the day. These were as

follows : —

grain 17 rupees

jaggery 10 ,,

rice 7 ,,

io| kudi of ghi . . 21 ,,
tobacco and salt . . 2 ,,

amounting to 57 rupees.

336 THE TODAS CH. xiv

On the other hand, six buffaloes were given to Tikievan ;
two by the Badaga Monegar of Tuneri ; one each from Perner
and Tebner (68), whose daughter Sinmokh had married
PiHagar, one of the bo}'s. The other two buffaloes were
given by Teikudr, the uncle of the boys who had taken part in
the ear-piercing.

Several of these buffaloes were either given in return for
buffaloes which Tikievan had previously given, or Tikievan
would be expected to give buffaloes in return when any suit-
able occasion arose in the families of the donors.

CHAPTER XV

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

The funeral ceremonies of a Toda may be prolonged over
many months. Soon after death the body is burnt and the
general name for the ceremony on this occasion is etvai-
iio/kedr, the first day funeral (literally, " first which day
funeral "). After an interval which ma}' vary greatly in
length, a second ceremony is performed connected with
certain relics of the deceased which have been preserved
from the first occasion. The rites on this occasion are more
elaborate than at the etvainolkedr. The Toda name for
this second funeral ceremon}' is marvainolkedr, the second
day funeral, or " again which day funeral." The final scene,
in which the relics are burnt and the ashes buried, takes place
before daybreak on the morning following the marvainolkedr,
and this part of the ceremony is known as azaranikedr, the
name being derived from the asaram, or circle of stones
within which the final cremation takes place.

The funeral ceremonies are open to all and visitors are
often invited by the Todas. In consequence, the funeral
rites are better known, and have been more frequently
described than any other features of Toda ceremonial. Like
nearly every institution of the Todas, however, they have
become known to Europeans under their Badaga names. The
first funeral is called by the Badagas hase kedu, the fresh or
green funeral, and the term ' green funeral ' has not only
become the generally recognised name among the European
inhabitants of the Nilgiri Hills, but has been widely

338 THE TO DAS chap.

adopted in anthropological literature. The .second funeral
is called by the Badagas bara kedii, the ' dr\' funeral,'
and thi.s term also has been generally adopted. I never
heard these terms used by the Todas themselves, who always
spoke of the etvaiiiolkcdr and the inarvainolkedr, though
it seemed that the first funeral might sometimes be called
karchokedr, which probabl}' means fresh or green funeral.

The funeral ceremonies have undergone some modifica-
tion in recent times owing to the intervention of the Govern-
ment. Formerly it was the custom to slaughter many
buffaloes at every funeral. This impoverished the people and
was prohibited by the Government about forty years ago, and
since that time the number of buffaloes killed at each cere-
mony has been limited to two for each person. This has
had most influence on the second funeral ceremonies, which,
largely owing to this prohibition, are now much less elaborate
and prolonged than in former times.

The funeral ceremonies are held at certain appointed places
called kertiibdr, different for each clan. Sometimes these
places are at, or close to, villages where the people are now
living ; sometimes they are at places which were formerly
inhabited ; while in other cases, again, there is no evidence
that the funeral places have ever been inhabited. In every
case, whether inhabited or not, the place where a funeral is
held is called a mad, the same name as is used for a village.

Each clan has at least two funeral places, one for males and
the other for females, and in several cases a clan has more
than one funeral place for each sex. Some clans have
different places for the two funeral ceremonies, and the
Piedrol, who have one outlying branch of their clan at Kavidi
in the Wainad, have special funeral places for the first funeral
of members of this branch, the second funeral, or niarvamolkedr,
being held at the chief funeral place of the clan. Others, again,
have a special place for boys who have not passed through
the ear-piercing ceremony.

In general, a funeral hut (see Fig. 48) is specially built for
the reception of the dead body, this hut being usually erected
within a stone circle found at the funeral place. At the funeral
of a male, this hut is called kertnhdrpali or neilpali. It is

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

339

left standing; after the funeral and nia)- be used on a second
occasion if it has not fallen into too great disorder.

Fi\-e clans of the Tartharol possess special dairies, each with
three rooms which are used as funeral huts. These buildings
are habitually or occasionally used as dairies; but when a
man of the clan dies his body is laid in the outermost of the
three rooms, either on the dav of the funeral or for two or

4S.— FUNERAL HUT ROUND WHICH WOMEN ARE LAMENTING. SEVERAL
I'AIRS ARE PRESSLNG THEIR FOREHEADS TOGETHER. THE HUT IS NOT
WITHIN A STONE CIRCLE, SHOWING THAT THE FUNERAL IS NOT BEING
HELD AT AN OLD FUNERAL PLACE.

three days before it. While a dead body is \ying in the dairj-,
women are allowed to enter the outermost room just as the}'
may go into any other funeral hut, but they may not pass
beyond. Men are allowed to enter the middle room, but the
innermost room is only entered by the dair}-man, who carries
on his dairy work as usual.

Z 2

340 THE TOD AS CHAP.

The five villages at which these three-roomed dairies now
exist are Nodrs, Taradrkirsi ( Karsj, Keradr, Tim (Pan), and
Akirsikodri (Nidrsi;. At Taradr a temporary funeral hut with
three rooms is constructed within a circle of stones near the vil-
lage. In the outermost room of this hut the corpse is placed,
and women may only enter this room, while men may enter
both outer and middle rooms as in the three-roomed dairies.
In the innermost room \\\q. palikartmokh of the village places
a vessel of the kind called ;////, and he onl}- is allowed to enter
this room.

This temporary building is almost certainly the representa-
tive of a three-roomed dair\' which at one time existed at this
village; and it is probable that at other male Tarthar funeral
places the funeral hut should be made with three rooms,
though at present this is not done.

In every case the funeral hut which receives the body of a
man is called pali, or dairy, and it is probable that at one
time among the Tartharol it was the universal custom to
place the body of a man in a dairy before the last rites. It
is possible that the stone circle within which the funeral hut
is built is the representative of the wall surrounding a dairy
which formerly existed on the spot. Among the Teivaliol
the funeral hut is also called pali^ but there is no instance
among them of an actual dairy being used to receive the
dead.

At the funeral place of women a hut is specially built for
the reception of the body, but it is always burnt down after
each funeral. This hut is called ars, or house, and has a
different name for each ceremony, being called nersars for the
first funeral, and knrsars for the second. Each kind of hut
is constructed within a circle of stones, and the name seems
to indicate that at one time the body of a woman was placed
in the house of the village. Here again the stone circle
may possibly be the representative of an actual house which
once existed at the funeral place.

If, for any reason, the funeral of a person is not being held
at the proper place, the funeral hut is not constructed within
the circle of stones ; thus at the funeral of a girl, Sinerani (see
p. 392), the hut was placed by the side of the stone circle

XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 341

because her funeral was being held at the kertnbdf of her
father and not at that of her husband.

At every funeral place there should be a second circle of
stones forming a tu, or buffalo-pen. These pens are now rarely,
if ever, used, and are a relic of the time when the ceremonies
of the niarvainolkedr were prolonged over two days, the
buffaloes being caught and penned on the first day, and killed
on the second. A third ring of stones is the arjaram, at the
opening of whicli the ashes are buried at the final scene of
the funeral rites.

There are specially appointed days for the funeral
ceremonies. These days differ to some extent for different
clans and for the two sexes. Sunday, Tuesday, and
Thursday are the most general days for the funerals of
males, only two clans having Saturday as a funeral day
for men. For females Thursday and Saturday are most
frequently chosen, two clans only holding the funerals
of women on Tuesdays. In no case could I find that funerals
are performed on Monda)', \Vednesda\', or Frida}-. These
days are, on the other hand, the most usual days set apart as
madnol or palinol} and villages which ha\c their madnol or
pali)iol on Sunday or Tuesday do not appear to have their
funerals on these days. The general rule is that a funeral
must not take place on a madnol or palinol. In several
cases I was told that if the maiii, or sacred bell, were used,
the funeral must be on one da}^ of the week ; thus for
the Karsol, it must take place on Sunday ; for the
Kwodrdoni people, on Tuesdaj-. These obligatory days of
the funeral ceremonies often involve the necessity of keeping
the corpse for several days.

I did not make special inquiries into ceremonies of the
deathbed, but Marshall states (p. 171) that a man who is
not expected to recover is dressed in the ornaments and
jewellery of his house, which he will wear till he dies or
recovers ; and Marshall mentions an instance of a man who
had revived from what was thought to be his deathbed
who paraded about, wearing the finer}- with which he had

' The madnol and the palinol arc sacred days on whicli certain activities are
prohibited (see Chap. XVII).

342 THE TODAS chap.

been bedecked. In this case, it was said that he would
be permitted to carry the ornaments till his death. Marshall
also states that the relatives give the dying man milk to drink
when on the point of death.

After death the body should be wrapped in a dark cloth
called till, which is of the same material as the ////// worn
by the palol and other dairymen, and, like the //////, is
procured from the Badagas of Jakaneri. It is doubtful,
however, whether this custom of enwrapping the body in
the an is now kept up with any regularity. Outside the
(in should be an ornamented mantle {pnknnipntkuli) and
then a mantle of the ordinary kind.

The body of a woman is kept in the hut in which she
has died till the day of the funeral, and, with special excep-
tions, this is also done with the bodies of men.

When a man dies at the village of Nodrs, his body is taken
into the three roomed tarvali and placed on the right-hand
bed {jneitihi) of the outermost room. While the body is
l}-ing here, the building is still used as a dairy, but women
are allowed to enter the outermost room except when the
palikartmckli is actually engaged in the business of the dair)'.
It is only when it is being used as a funeral hut that women
are ever allowed to enter a dair}-, and then they may only sit
on the left-hand bed — the kitihi.

On the day appointed for the etvaiiiolkcdr, the body is
carried to the funeral place. In some cases certain ceremonies
are performed at the village at which the death has taken
place ; thus, at Kars, the body of a man is first laid in front
of the kudrpali and then on one of the two eminences called
imiidrikars (see Fig. 21), which stand near the dairy, and
from this it is taken to the other imudrikars, and after lying
here for a while it is borne to the special funeral \'illage of
Taradrkirsi. At Kuzhu, another village of the Karsol, the
body is taken from the hut and laid by the side of the stone
called men kars ; then it is taken to a stone called iinndrikars
in front of the kudrpali, and laid with the head at the stone
and the feet towards the dair}'. A buffalo of the ordinarj'
kind (pntiir) is then milked ; the milk is put into a vessel
and from this poured into a leaf cup of kakud lca\es, and

FUNERAL CEREMONIES 343

from this cup milk is poured three times into the mouth of
the dead man.

In other villages at which there is no imtidrikars, the
body is laid in front of the dairy and fed with milk in
the same way.

The body is borne from the village to the funeral place
on a wooden bier, called indnpedrkudr (\\ood bier). It is taken
by a specially appointed route, and in some cases certain
ceremonies are performed by the way. Thus, when the
body of a man is taken from Kars to Taradrkirsi, earth is
thrown at two places. We shall see shortly that one of the
most important features of the funeral of a man is that earth
is dug at the entrance of a buffalo pen at the funeral place
and thrown on the corpse and into the pen. On the way to
Taradrkirsi this is also done at two places, which are probably
the situations of the old buffalo pens of villages which have
now disappeared. I did not hear of any similar practices for
any other clan, but Kars is probably not exceptional in this
respect.

Before the body arrives at the funeral place the people will
have begun to assemble, and when the funeral procession
reaches its destination all those present go one by one to the
corpse, bow down by the side of the bier, and touch the body
with their foreheads. Those older than the deceased and
those related in certain ways (see Chap. XXI) bow down at
the head of the corpse. Those younger and those related
in certain other ways bow down at the foot. When all those
present have saluted, the body is placed in the funeral hut,
or in the dairy if the funeral is being held at one of the places
where funeral dairies still e.vist, and late-comers enter the
hut or dairy to perform their salutations. As soon as the
body is placed in the hut or dairy, the female relatives and
friends of the dead person collect round the hut and lament
together in the characteristic Torla manner, arranging them-
selves in pairs and pressing their foreheads together while
they wail and weep (Fig. 48).

While this is going on the men are busied in making
preparations for the cremation. A place is cleared in a wood
near the funeral place— the inethkndi — and here a pyre is

344 THE TOD AS chap.

built of wood, some of which has been brought by the funeral
party, while the rest is found near the burning ground. The
wood used on this occasion must be of the kind called kers^
and the pyre is built of an oblong shape, rising about three
feet above the ground.

The first of the funeral ceremonies is different for the two
sexes. At the funeral of a male the ceremony o{ pitzJmtpimi^
" earth we throw, " or kedrpuzhutpivii, " funeral earth we throw,"
is performed, while the corresponding ceremony for a woman
is to place certain leaves in the armlet on the right arm of
the corpse.

The PuzHUTPiiMi Ceremony

In the puzlmtpivii ceremony a man digs up a little earth
in front of the entrance to the buffalo pen. The digger must
belong to the Tartharol, if the dead man is one of the Teiva-
liol, and vice versa \ thus, at the funeral of Pursevan (53)"^
of Kuudr, the earth was dug by Kedjeri (6) of Nodrs. In this
case the Tartharol were told to send someone to dig, and they
selected Kedjeri.

At the funeral of a Tarthar man the earth is first thrown
by the ivursol, who must be, on this occasion, one of the
Teivaliol. A Melgars ii'iirsol may not perform this office.
After the ivursol has thrown earth, it is thrown by certain
relatives of the deceased who are present. At a Teivali
funeral only the relatives perform this ceremon\-, no one
corresponding to the luursol taking part.

Before the people begin to throw earth, one of the dead
man's division asks " PuzJiutkina ?'' — " Shall I throw earth? ''
and a man of the other division replies, " /*?/.37/«^ .^ " — "Throw
earth ! " At the funeral of Pursevan a Teivali man asked the
Tartharol in this wa}-, and the Tartharol responded. At this
funeral earth -was thrown by the following : Punat\-an ^53), a
\-ounger brother of the dead man ; Kuriolv and Piliar (52),
P()teners (54) ; Targners, Pungusivan and Tevo, the sons of the

' Eugenia Aynottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at the
pitrsiitpimi ceremony.

- This was a marvaiiiolkedr, l)iit the rules fur the earth-throwing are the same
at the first funeral.

xy FUNERAL CEREMONIES 345

dead man, and Pol, the son of Punatvan. In this case all
who threw earth were not only Kuudrol — i.e., of the same
clan as the dead man — but were also of the same family, so
that their relation to one another can be traced in the
L;enealogies. Kuriolv, Piliar and Poteners would all have
called Pursevan ^^ aia" or father, and were first cousins once
removed according to our system of kinship. I do not know
whether the earth throwing is usually limited to the nearer rela-
tives in the same clan. The family to which Pursevan
belonged was unusually numerous, and it is probable that in
most cases other families of the clan are called upon to
take a part.

At a funeral seen by Mr. Walhouse ^ the earth was thrown
into a circle made of rough stones laid upon the grass with
an opening on one side, and Mr. Thurston - records a similar
case in which the earth was thrown into a circle of stones
about a yard and a half in diameter, which had been con-
structed for the occasion. This is probably done when the
funeral is held at a place where there is no tii, and it is
possible that these funerals were not being held at regular
funeral places of the clan, and that the circles of stones were
intended to represent buffalo pens. At the funeral seen by
Mr. Walhouse the ' priest ' handed a bag to the nearest
relatives, who tied it to the stick with which they turned
up the earth.

Each man, as he throws, kneels down, facing the opening of
the pen, and then bows down so that he touches the earth with
his forehead, many saying " Swaini " as they do this. Three
handfuLs of earth are thrown into the pen, and then three
handfuls are thrown backwards on the corpse, the man stand-
ing up as soon as he has done this. Each man covers his head
with his cloak before he throws, as shown in Figs. 49 and 50/^

' /lid. Ailliq., 1S74, vol. iii. , |i. 274.

- Bull., 1 90 1, iv.. p. 12.

•' These photographs were oljlnined from .Messrs. Wide and Klein, and I do
n<jt know the place or nature of the funeral which they illustrate, but there is no
indication of a pen in the picture ; they probably represent throwing earth at the
entrance of a former pen. There is .«uch a place at Taradrkirsi, the male funeral
place of the Kars clan. Here earth is thrown l)y the side of a wood where tlu-
forest has grown over tlie site of an old ///.

346

THE TO DAS

Fig. 50 shows the special action employed in throwing back-
wards, the hand being turned inward.

The earth-throwing ceremony is one of several funeral
rites, in which men of one division take part in funerals
belonging to the other division. Thus, at a Tarthar funeral

IIG. 49. — THE ' PUZHUTPIMI CEREMONY. IN THE CENTRE IS THE CORl'SE.
THE FOREMOST MAN ON THE LEFT IS KNEELING DOWN PREPARATORY TO
THROWING EARTH.

the earth is dug by one of the Teivaliol ; the Tartharol then
ask for permission to throw the earth, and the permission (or
order) is given by the Tei\-aliol — i.e., those who have dug
the earth have to give the word tliat the earth ma\- be
thrown.

PX^NERAL CEREMOxNIES

347

The Tiveri tuk Ceremony

At the funeral of a woman no earth is thrown, but a
ceremony is performed which is said to correspond to it. A
woman goes in search of the leaves of the tiveri plant,^ the
leaves being called tiveri tiir. The woman who plucks the
leaves must be the niotviltJi (daughter-in-law) of the dead

50. — I III-. ■ n/lll IIMMI (_ hKl'..MU.\ \ . I1IK<>\\I\(

ON THE CORl'SE.

i:aki)i i;\ik\vari)s

woman, but if it is a child who is dead the leaves are plucked
by the mother-in-law or potential mother-in-law. If a dead
woman has no daughter-in-law, it was said that her daughter
might pluck the leaves, but at the funeral of Kiuneimi (3), a
childless woman, the leaves were sought and plucked by
Naburveli, the wife of Mushkers (28), who would have called
the husband of Kiuneimi " brother," being of the same family
and generation, although only his second cousin according to

' Atylosia CanJollei.

348 THE TODAS

our system of kinship. In this case, therefore, the leaves
were plucked by a sister-in-law, or, more strictly, by the
wife of the 'brother' of the dead woman's husband. In
this case both Kiuneimi and Naburveli were daughters of
Nodrs men, but this was probably only a coincidence.

At the funeral of Kiuneimi, Naburveli was accompanied by
a man and by another woman, but it was quite clear that
they would on no account be allowed to touch the leaves,
which must be plucked by the daughter-in-law or other
relative who is performing the ceremony. When found, the
tiveri leaves are put by the woman in the armlet on the right
arm of the dead woman. Then the men present say to the
woman : —

'■'■ Parthnl iitchka, tiveri iur parc/i piidthka T''

In the armlet is it put, tiveri leaves plucking have you come ?

and the woman replies : —

" Tiveri ti'ir parch pttdthpinii, partliul utchpiini,

Tiveri leaves plucking we have come, in the armlet we have put,

h- paiz ! "

the buffalo catch !

The woman thus announces that this ceremony has been
completed, and that they may proceed to the next event of
the funeral rites, that of catching the buffalo.

The tiveri tin- ceremony of a woman's funeral was said to
correspond to the earth-throwing ceremony of a man's funeral,
but this correspondence may only mean that each is the first of
the actual funeral ceremonies. Since, howe\er, a woman belongs
to the clan of her husband, the leaves are always put into the
armlet by a woman of the same clan as the deceased. In
this respect the ceremony resembles that of earth-throwing,
but my informants laid stress on the fact that the ceremon}'
should be performed by a ntotvilth or other rclative-in-
law, and no reference was made to the fact that the}-
would be of the same clan. This makes it probable
that there is no real correspondence between the two cere-
monies.

X.V FTXERAL C?:REM0XIES 349

THK SLAl'dHTKR ol- TIIK Bl'FFALOES.

The next stage in tlie proceedings is the catching" and
kilUng of the buffalo or buffaloes. At the present time the
Todas are only permitted by the Government to kill two of
these animals, and if the family of the dead person is poor
only one m.ay be killed. At the funeral of a man it is
customary that one of the animals killed shall be an ordinary
buffalo ( piitiir) and the other a sacred buffalo ; one of the
pastJiir in the case of the Teivaliol, and usually one of the
wursulir in the case of the Tartharol. At least one sacred
buffalo must be killed at one or other funeral ceremony for
every man, but this may be done either at the etvainol- or the
marvamolkedr. Sacred buffaloes are only killed at the
funerals of men, never at those of women.

When it was the custom to slaughter more than two
buffaloes, there was often a rule that these should be of
certain kinds ; thus, at Nodrs, it was once the custom to kill
seven buffaloes at a man's funeral — viz., two wursulir, two
putiir, and one each of the following kinds : nashperthir,
pi)ieipir, and persasir.

If the family possess no sacred buffalo, they must procure
one b}' e.Kchange, and it is customary to give two ordinary
buffaloes for one of the sacred kind.

There is a definite spot appointed for the slaughter of each
kind of buffalo. The ordinary buffalo is usually killed near
the funeral hut, and sometimes there is a stone marking the
spot at which the animal is to die. The ivursulir are killed
at a place usuall}' marked b)^ a stone called teiks. In cases
where there is no stone the spot is marked by a wooden post
(see Fig. 51), which has the same name, and I was told that
it should be made of teak.^

In some cases there are other appointed stones or un-
marked spots where buffaloes of other kinds are slaughtered ;
thus, at Nodrs there are seven stones, at each of which a

' If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make it probable
that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a wooden post and that the
use of a stone is secondary.

THE TODAS

buffalo used to be killed, and the people of Pan have two
stones called teiks, one for each division of the clan.

The catching of the buffalo is one of the most exciting
incidents of a Toda funeral. When only one or two buffaloes
are to be killed it is usual to take about four buffaloes from
the village of the dead person to the neighbourhood of the
funeral place. When the preliminary ceremonies are over, all
those who are attending the funeral move towards the place

1 U,. 51. IHh UuuIjLN -lElKs' Ai IXIKITJ.

at which the buffaloes are standing, while several of their
number are chosen to catch the appointed animal or animals.
At the same time, the buffaloes, which are usually standing in
some hollow so that they cannot be seen from the funeral place,
are driven towards the people. As soon as they appear the ap-
pointed men drop their cloaks and race to meet the buffaloes.
The buffaloes are driven on from behind in a more vigorous
manner tha'n that to which they are accustomed, are more or
less infuriated, and often rush wildly about in their efforts to

\v FUxNERAL CEREMONIES 351

avoid the racing Todas, one of whom succeeds in catching
the appointed animal, seizing it by the horns, and then
hangs round its neck with one hand and seizes the
cartilage of the nose with the other, -\nother of the men
seizes a horn and also hangs round the neck of the animal, and
both men put their whole weight on the neck of the buffalo
and bear it to the ground. Often they are carried many
\ards before they succeed in getting the infuriated animal
under control, and when catching the horns they are some-
times severely gored, though this rarely happens now, and I
could hear of no case in which there had been fatal con-
sequences.

The men who are appointed to catch the buffalo belong to
the Tartharol at a Teivali funeral and to the Teivaliol at a
Tarthar funeral. They are usually chosen from among
the }-ounger and more agile of the community, but at an
important funeral the older and more experienced men may
undertake the duty. The catching of the buffalo is critically
watched, and some men have acquired great reputations for
the adroitness with which they perform the feat.

I have some reason to think that it is the custom to catch
the buffaloes at different places at the funerals of males
and females (see p. 393), but my information on this point is
not satisfactory.

The captured buffalo has next to be led to the spot
appointed for its slaughter. The people of both divisions
drive the animal, beating it with sticks, while the course taken
by the animal is directed by the two men hanging on its
horns and round its neck. The buffalo is beaten much more
vigorously than ever happens on ordinary occasions, and
it has seemed to many who have watched a Toda funeral that
this vigorous beating must have some significance, and the
idea of vicarious punishment is naturally suggested. I could
obtain no information from the people on this point, and
I am doubtful whether the beating means more than that,
under the exceptional conditions, the animal requires much
more vigorous driving than usual. Ordinarily the buffalo
follows out its daily routine with little interference ; it
goes to its usual pasture, and, as I have seen myself, it

THE TODAS CH. xV

may return to the dair}' of its own accord at the proper
time.

At one funeral at which I was present the buffalo was so
alarmed or so infuriated by the proceedings that it lay down
and absolutely refused to move, and the efforts of all present
were insufficient to drag the animal to the slaughtering
place. This incident will be described more fully later,
but I mention it here to show that it may often be difficult
to driv'C the buffalo, and that the unaccustomed vigour with
which the animal is beaten may have a natural and not a
ceremonial reason.

Before the buffalo is killed two things have still to be done.
A bell or its substitute has to be hung on the neck of the
buffalo, and butter rubbed on its back, head and horns.

If one of the zvursulir is to be killed there is hung on its
neck the sacred bell called inani, while the ordinary buffalo or
putiir is given only the kzvuugg or household bell. A iiiani
may also be used for the varieties of sacred buffalo called
nasJiperthir, persasir, &c. Probably at one time there was
a jnatii for each kind, but some of the sacred bells have been
lost, and it is only in some clans that a bell can now be used.
Those clans which have no mani do not use an ordinary bell,
but they tie the sacred buffalo to the teiks by means of a
piece of the creeper called kakhudri, about two yards in length.
This is the case with all the Teivaliol except the people
of Piedr and with the Melgarsol among the Tartharol. The
kakJnidri is said to be used in place of the mani.

The details as to the use of the mani differ somewhat in
different clans. The Nodrs people have two mani, called Kodj
and Kagur, which are now kept at Odr. When a Nodrs man
dies these bells are fetched from Odr by the ivursol and
one is hung on the neck of one of the niersgursir and the
other on the neck of one of the nasliperthir} After the
etvainolkedr these bells are kept outside the conical dairy at
Nodrs in a special hole in a stone called karsalb. The people
of Kars similarly take their mani to Taradrkirsi for the

' Owing to the fact that the Nodrs people do not kill both of these kinds of
buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only bring one of the two
bells from Odr.

353

A A

354 THE TODAS chap.

first funeral and keep it there till the funeral ceremonies are
completed.

Among the Teivaliol the Piedrol are the only clan to
possess a inani, which is called Kerani. It is kept in a
wood or shola near the funeral place and lies in an earthen-
ware pot buried in the ground. At the funeral of a Piedr
man the bell is hung on the neck of a buffalo belonging to
the kudeipii'- (the special name for the pasthir of this clan).
It is dug up by the Teivali palikartpol and given by him to a
Nodrs man, who ties it on the neck of the buffalo. The
Nodrs man chosen for this office must bathe on the morning
of this day and must go without food till after the funeral.

Just before the buffalo is killed butter is smeared on the back
of the animal, on the horns and on the part of the head
between the horns. This should be done by a man of the
same clan as the dead person.

The killing of the buffalo is called irkipti. It is done by
striking the animal on the head with the back of an axe
{jnastli). The animal is usually killed by one blow, though in
some cases more are necessary. The wiirsulir are killed by
the wursol and the ordinary buffaloes by men of the same
division as the deceased, but of a different clan. Certain
clans appear to have a prescriptive right to kill the buffalo ;
thus, among the Teivaliol, a Kuudr man kills at the funerals
of members of all other clans, while at the funeral of a Kuudr
man a member of one of the other clans performs this function.
Among the Tartharol, the members of the Nodrs and Kars
clans appear to occupy the most privileged position, but the
relations are more complicated than among the Teivaliol.
At a Kars funeral the ordinary buffalo is killed by a man of
Nodrs, Taradr or Pan. At a funeral of a member of any of these
three clans, a Kars man kills. At funerals in other clans, the
buffalo is usually killed by men either of Kars or Nodrs, but
in the case of a Kwodrdoni funeral, it seemed that the killing
might also be done by a man of Pam or Nidrsi. Each
buffalo is killed at the appointed stone or post, and the teiks
at which the wursiilir are killed is at some distance from the
funeral hut, and a woman is not allowed to approach the spot
lest she should see the sacred bell. '

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

355

Though there is no definite landmark for the kilh'ng of the
piitiir, each buffalo is killed at an appointed spot ; thus, at the
funeral of Sinerani (see p. 392), the buffalo at tlie etvainolkedr
was killed on the left-hand side of the funeral hut.

As soon as the buffalo is felled, the corpse is brought up
and placed by the head of the dying animal (Fig. 53). At the
funeral of a man, the covering of the body is unfolded and the
right hand of the dead man is made to clasp one of the horns.
At the funeral of a woman, the body is laid with its feet by the

FIG, 53. — THE CORPSE BY THE HEAD OF THE DYING BUFFALO.

mouth of the buffalo.^ At the funeral of a Pan man, Kwoten's
ring is placed on the finger of the deceased before his hand is
made to clasp the horn. Then the men present come to the
buffalo and salute it by bowing down and placing their
foreheads on the horns and on the head between the horns.

The people then group themselves round the buffalo and
corpse and cry together by placing forehead to forehead so
that their tears and cries mingle. In the case of the sacred

' Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed within the
mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this.

A A 2

!56 THE TODAS

buffalo, wearing the inani, this circle is composed of men only.
The lament ^ usually consists in calling first the name of the
buffalo and then speaking of the dead person, not by his name,
but by the term expressing the bond of kinship between the
lamenter and the dead. Thus at a funeral at which the
buffalo killed was called Pundrs, one man would cry :

" Pimdrsia, en patch aia ivaneisia, en potch aia
O Pundrs, O my father.

I could not ascertain the meaning of ivanersia, except
that its latter part is the word for buffalo with the vocative
termination ' ia.'

For a son, a man would cry after the name of the buffalo,
" en viokh ilpa " ; for an elder brother, " en potcJi anna " ; and
similarly for other relatives. For a wife a man would cry
" iza kughia,^' and for a husband a woman cries " iza mokhia "
{iza is merely exclamatory).

It might appear from the form of lamentation that the
buffalo itself was regarded as the father, son, &c., of the
lamenter, and I could not satisfy myself as to what the
people really had in their minds when they were lamenting
in this way. It has been supposed that the lamentation is
for the slaughtered buffalo, and I am unable positively to say
that this is not the case. It is probable that the people grieve
for the departure of one of their much-loved buffaloes, but I
do not think that there is any decisive evidence that they
are lamenting for the buffalo rather than for the dead person.

Within the group of mourners there is much going hither
and thither. After two people have mourned together for a
while they separate, and each seeks a new partner with whom
to lament. When separating, the salutation of kalnielpndithti
often takes place, and, as in general, it is the younger of each
pair who bows down his head and raises each foot of the other
so that it touches his forehead. It seemed to be the duty of
everyone to salute certain of the older men in this way ; and
round these men there would be a continual coming and
going, each person saluting by placing his head beneath the
feet of the elder. At times the band of mourners would

' Mure elaborate laments are given on pp. 385-8.

357

53S

THE TODAS

CHAP.

form a confused mass of struggling people, some crying
forehead to forehead, others saluting head to foot, while others
would be struggling through the mass to seek partners with
whom to mourn (Fig. 55).

The Cloth-giving Ceremony

During or after the lamentation a ceremony is performed
which is known as kac/iiitthti^ {kach, cloth, i'lttJiti or iititi, he

FIG. 55 — THE MOUR.NERb ROUND THE BODY.

puts). The essential feature of this ceremony is that a cloth
is given by a near relative of the dead person to those who
have married into his family, and the cloth is placed on the
dead body by the wives of those to whom it is given. This
ceremony takes place at the funerals of both sexes and for
members of all clans. It is an inconspicuous ceremony, and
with one exception - has escaped the observation of all those
who have previously witnessed and recorded the procedure of

^ This ceremony is also called kachputchpimi.
- Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. aSth, 1S94.

xy FUNERAL CEREMONIES 359

Toda funerals. It takes place in the middle of a crowd, who
gather round the corpse possibly while the lamentation is still
going on or while other ceremonies are in progress. In the
first funeral I witnessed the ceremony took place while dancing
was going on, and I missed it entirely, though I was told
afterwards that it had taken place as usual, and was able to
obtain the names of the chief actors.

In the ceremony oi kacJiiittJiti, a man belonging to the clan
of the deceased gives a cloth to one of his paiol, or brothers-
in-law. The latter gives the cloth to his wife or wife's sister,
or to some woman whom he would be allowed to marry, and
the woman places the cloth on the corpse. The man who
originally gave the cloth then takes it from the body and
gives it to another /c?/^/, and the ceremony is repeated till the
cloth has been given to all \.\\q paiol present.

The man who gives the cloth should belong to the same
clan as the dead person. At the funeral of a male, the proper
person is the father of the deceased, if he is alive, or some other
elder of the clan. At the funeral of a woman, a man of the
clan of the woman's husband is chosen. Thus, at the funeral
of Kiuneimi (3 and 28), a widow of Kanodrs, the cloth was
given by Neratkutan (28), who was of the same family as the
husbands of the dead woman and the eldest representative of
their generation. At the funeral of Sinerani (52), the cloth
was given by Tebkudr (68), who was the younger brother of
the father of Keinba, the husband of the dead child.

The men called paiol, to whom the cloth is given, seem to
include all those who have married women of the same clan
as the giver of the cloth. Thus, at the funeral of Kiuneimi
the cloth was given to Pepob (44) of Melgars, and to Nelkush
and Tevo (3) of Nodrs, who had all married women of
Kanodrs.

At the funeral of Sinerani, the cloth was given to Kuriolv
(52), who was the father of the dead child, not, however, for
this reason, but because he was the husband of Sintharap,
Tebkudr's sister. At this funeral the only other man to whom
the cloth was given was Piliag (52), who received it in the
place of his brother, Piliar (52), who was not present. The
latter, like Kuriolv, was the brother-in-law of Tebkudr (68).

26o THE TODAS chap.

If there is no/rt/<?/ present the cloth maybe given to dimatchuni}
and this may also happen even when paiol are present.
Thus at one funeral at which I was present, the marvainol-
kedr of Pursevan (53), the cloth was given by Piliar (52)
to Teikudr (63), his matcJuini. Piliar was the son of
Mutevan and Teikudr was the son of Kavani, the sister of
Mutevan.

If neither paiol nor matcJmni be present, it was said that
the cloth might be given to a brother, i.e., a man of the same
clan, but this probably never happens and the statement is
possibly an error.

The man who receives the cloth hands it to his wife,
if she is present ; if she is not present, he may put it on the
corpse himself, and I saw this done more than once. On one
occasion a man gave it to a woman who was not his wife, but
in this case he was acting as a substitute for the husband of
the woman.

This ceremony is one in which a man of the same clan
as the deceased person gives a cloth to a man who has married
into his family. The latter hands on the cloth to his wife,
who was, before her marriage, of the same clan as the giver of
the cloth, and it is this woman who places the cloth on the
dead body.

The father of each woman who places the cloth on the
body receives a fee of one rupee called kachkars, or cloth-
rupee, but the sum is not paid till the woman has attended
twenty funerals. An account is kept and twenty rupees are
paid when the number is completed. The money is paid by
the husband of the woman.

In the ceremony of kachilil/iti, the men who have married
into the family of the dead person have to perform this
ceremony and have to pay a fee to the family of the dead
person. As we shall see later, the chief mourner at a funeral
should receive a buffalo from each of his sons-in-law, and we
see here that this tribute is supplemented by an addition to
the account kept of the times the cloth is given. The cloth-
giving ceremony involves a payment to the family of the dead

' Tlie luatdiiini o{ a person is the child of his motiier's broUiL-r, or of his father's
sister (see Chapter XXI).

XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 361

man of certain fees from those members of other clans who
have married into the family.

The cloth used is a red loincloth of a kind which is never
worn by the Todas, but, so far as I could ascertain, it is only
an ordinary cloth procured in the bazaar.

The Cremation

After the kacJiilttliti ceremony the body is replaced on the
wooden bier and borne to the inetJikudi, where the funeral
pyre has been erected within the wood, usually at no great
distance from the funeral hut.

The bier is laid by the side of the pyre, and the dead person
is then supplied with the various necessaries for the other
world. Many of the things are placed in the large pocket, or
knds/i, between the two folds of the cloak in which the body
is enclosed.

The things supplied are chiefly food, ornaments, and money.
The food includes grain, rice, jaggery, limes, and honey. Some
of the food is put directly into the kiidsh, while some of the
grain, rice, and honey are mixed together and put in a metal
bowl. Tobacco, coconuts, ghi, or articles of food from the
bazaar may be added.

A number of square boxes made of rattan and called
pettei^ are also placed on the bier. They are procured from
Mitur in the Wainad, and are often called mitiirpettei or
uiitudpettei. Jaggery and other things are put into each of
the boxes, and they are covered with cloth, tied with thread,
and adorned with cowries.

The ornaments placed on the corpse included rings for the
fingers, armlets, necklaces, and earrings.

The money is collected from all present and put in rolls
into long purses, called tinkani. Most of the money used
for this occasion is old with Arabic inscriptions and is
known by the Todas as irajkars, the more recent coinage
being called englisJikars. In one collection of coins which

' At the azarainkedr (see p. 381) these boxes are only burnt at a woman's
funeral, their place at a man's funeral being taken by bamboo vessels called ivak.
This is probably also true of the etvainolkedr.

362 THE TODAS chap.

I was allowed to inspect many bore the date 1780, and
among the more recent coins were included two Japanese
yen. The rolls of coins are placed within the cloak, often
near the feet of the dead person.

Meanwhile the pyre has been lighted. At the funeral
of a man this must be done by means of fire made by
friction. I have not recorded whether the fire is made by
any special relative of the deceased or other special person.
At the funeral of a woman, the fire is started by means
of a lighted rag which has been soaked in ghi. The rag
is lighted by a man, who at present uses matches for the pur-
pose. Though lighted by a man the fire is applied to the
funeral pyre by a woman, usually of the same clan as the
dead person. The pyre is lighted on the top, where small
pieces of wood have been placed, and butter is poured on the
fire which gradually spreads downwards. The progress of
the fire is very slow, and at every funeral at which I was
present the fire was far from strong when the body was
placed upon it.

At the funeral of a male, imitation buffalo horns of wood
1! {tebkittey or petkutcr, see Fig. 35) are placed on the fire and
burnt. This was also done at the funeral of the girl Sinerani,
but it seemed clear that this was unorthodox and was done
by Kuriolv, the father of the dead girl, on account of his great
sorrow at her death.

The body on the bier is now taken up and swung three
tim.cs over the fire, while a small wooden framework
resembling a miniature bier is held under the larger bier.
As the body is swung over the fire in this way the bearers
say : —

"■^ Kedr tiitth tazdr mud iirk ttlkitth tiWii."

Funeral fire over three times lifted must.

These words seem to be connected with the small wooden
framework held under the body, for this is called /////// tdzdr
tnkitth kfirs, or " fire over lifted (or lifting) stick."

The bier is then replaced on the ground and nearly all
the objects of value are removed from the bier or from
the pocket of the cloak. In one case I observed that the
bangles were taken from the arms, all the rings except one

XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 363

were taken from the fingers, and the coins were removed
and redistributed to those who had given them. The people
told me that when the body was swung over the fire, the
dead person went to Amnodr with all the ornaments and
objects then on the bier, and that the removal of the things
afterwards would not deprive the dead person of their use
in the next world.

It would seem as if this ceremony of swinging the body
over the fire was directly connected with the removal of the
objects of value. The swinging over the fire would be
symbolic of its destruction by fire, and this symbolic burning-
has the great advantage that the objects of value are not
consumed and are available for use another time.

This is probably the real explanation of the ceremony, but
it is not the explanation given by the Todas themselves.
They say that long ago, about 400 years, a man supposed to
be dead was put on the funeral pyre, and, revived by the heat,
he was found to be alive and was able to walk away from the
funeral place. In consequence of this the rule was made that
the body shall always be swung three times over the fire
before it is finally placed thereon. I could not discover
the significance of the small wooden framework held under
the body. Its appearance suggests that it is a miniature
bier.

The objects of value having been removed, the body is
now burnt. Formerly it was put on the pyre face down-
wards, and in the accounts of funerals given by Marshall ^ and
Walhouse - thirty years ago, this was done, but it is no longer
the custom, and in recent funerals attended by Mr. Thurston
and myself the body was put on the fire with the face
upwards. I was told that Teikirzi ordained that the body
should be consumed face downwards, and it was believed that
if this were not done, the dead person would have to make
the journey to Amnodr backwards. This seems to imply
that the world of Amnodr is below this world and that the
dead person should be burnt in such a way that his face is set
towards his future abode.

^ Loc. ciL, p. 176.

- Iiid. Antii/., 1874. iii. 274.

364

THE TODAS

CHAP.

At some time during the day, Kotas will have arrived,
some to act as musicians (Fig. 56), others to take the flesh of
the slaughtered buffaloes. The musicians play on their instru-
ments, which may include a clarionet, a drum, tambourine,
and brass horn, though usually I saw only the clarionet and
drum. The musicians become especially active while the
body is consuming. The other Kotas, who carry sharp
sticks on which to carry away the flesh, begin to cut up the

FIG. 56. — KOTAS PLAYING MUSIC AT A TODA FUNERAL.

buffaloes as soon as the people have left the neighbourhood
of the funeral hut. On more than one occasion I noticed
Tamil women sitting not far from the funeral scene, and was
told that they had come to buy some of the flesh from the
Kotas, and I believe that it is not unknown for the flesh to
find its way to the bazaar at Ootacamund.

Before the body is finally placed on the fire, a lock of hair
is cut from the head to serve as one of the relics for the
second funeral. It is cut by a near relative of the dead
person ; in the case of Sinerani, it was cut off by her boy-

XV. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 365

husband. According to Breeks/ one of the nails should also
be removed, but I could not hear of this being done at the
present time, and similarly I heard nothing of the practice of
keeping the knee-cap bone, which is said by Hough - to have
been preserved. When the burning is over, a piece of the
skull is sought from among the ashes, and this, together with
the hair, is put within two pieces of bark and wrapped in a
cloak to be kept for the marvamolkedr.

The remainder of the ashes are left on the burning-ground
till they are dispersed by wind and rain.

Some Special Funeral Ceremonies

In the previous account certain ceremonies which ma}- be
performed by special individuals have been omitted. In
general, at the funeral of a man, the part of chief mourner
and director of the ceremonies is taken by a brother or son of
the deceased. At the funeral of a woman the husband takes
the chief place.

While the mourning is going on, a ceremony will have been
performed if the dead person should be a man or woman
whose spouse is still alive. The husband of a dead woman
goes to one of his paiol, most commonly to his father-in-law,
if he is living, and \he paiol draws up the cloak of the widower
so that it covers his head. The man who has his head
covered in this way is called mad dr initcJi nidvai, " head on
covered who stands" (see Fig. 61). The widower keeps his
head covered in this way as a sign of mourning and does not
take off the cloak till the end of the second funeral. When
\hQ paiol has arranged the cloak of the mourner, the two men
cry together with forehead to forehead.

Similarly the wife of a dead man has her cloak drawn over
her head as a sign of mourning, and this is done for her by
her own father or someone of his clan who takes his place.
This ceremony is performed by a relative of the woman,
whether it is husband or wife who is dead.

It is the duty of the widower or widow to mix the grain
and honey which is put into a bowl on the bier.

' 1'. 21. - Letters on the Neilgheiiies, 1829, p. 81.

366 THE TODAS chap.

Other special ceremonies fall to the lot of the mokhthodvaiol
or sedvaitazmokJi of the dead person if there should be such-
The niokJuhodvaiol of a woman is the recognised lover whom
she may have in addition to her husband or husbands. The
sedvaitazniokh is the name of the woman in this Toda institu-
tion. The mokhthodvaiol of a dead woman goes to the funeral
wearing his ring on the ring finger of the left hand. Before
the buffalo is caught he pays the kabnelpudithti salutation to
the father of the woman ; bows down before him and raises
each foot to his head. He then puts into the pocket of the
cloak of the woman some limes, three handfuls {jnudteir) of
patcherski and one large piece of jaggery. He also puts a
piece of the dark cloth called an into the pocket of the cloak,
this act being called an kudshk it puditJiti. The mokhthodvaiol
asks the husband of the woman three times "«« kudsh
idukina?" (" Shall I put a)t into the kudshl ") and the hus-
band answers each time " idu ! " In putting the various
things into the pocket, the mokhthodvaiol has to use his left
hand throughout.

When a man dies his sedvaitazmokJi, if there be one, goes
to the funeral ceremony wearing a ring on the ring finger of
her left hand, and similarly puts limes, grain, jaggery, and a
piece oi iin into the pocket of the dead man's mantle. Before
doing this the brothers of the dead man do kalmelpudithti to
the father of the woman, and this was said to be done in order
to obtain permission from him for his daughter to put things
into the cloak.

At the funeral of a girl, or of a childless woman, there are
performed the ceremonies of iirvatpiuii and pursiitpiiiii which
are usually performed during pregnancy. In life the nrvatpiuii,
or hand-burning ceremony, is performed before that oi pur-
siitpiiiii, but after death the order may be reversed. These
ceremonies are most frequently performed at the funerals of
children, and a full description may be reserved till a later
section (see p. 391).

In the case of an adult the ceremony is only performed if
it has not been performed in life. If a woman dies in the
later months of pregnancy after these ceremonies have taken
place, they would not be performed at the funeral.

XV . FUNERAL CEREMONIES 367

If an unmarried boy dies, a girl who should be the matcJutni
of the dead boy, is chosen to act as his wife. It seemed
that the girl might be of any age, but she must be unmarried,
and therefore must nearly always be young. One of the
elder brothers of the dead boy performs the salutation of
kalmelpuditJUi to the girl's father, or if there are no brothers
this will be done by the boy's father. The head of the girl
is then covered with her mantle by her father and the girl
puts food into the pocket of the mantle of the dead boy.
Thus, there is no pursiitpinii ceremony in the case of an
unmarried boy, but a girl is chosen to act as his widow would
have done if he had been married.

At the funeral of a Teivali or Melgars male who has not
held any dairy office, a piece of tudr bark is placed in the
right hand of the deceased by a man of the Tartharol. Every
male of the Teivaliol or Melgarsol who has been a dairyman
of any grade will have been purified with tudr bark during
the ordination ceremonies, and the piece of bark is only given
after death to those who have not been so purified.

The Interval between the two Funerals

As soon as the bod}' is consumed at the etvainolkedr, the
people go home, the near relatives taking with them the
relics of the deceased. These relics are enclosed in two
pieces of bark called pitudri, taken from the tree called
niiitnidn. I was once told that tJtdr bark was used, but this
is unlikely. The relics and bark are covered with plain
cloth, and the whole is enclosed in a mantle of the kind
ordinarily w^orn.

The relics, which are known as the kedr, are not taken to
the chief village {ctudt)iad) of the clan, but to other villages,
usually to a definitely appointed village for each clan. If the
clan should only have one village, or if the appointed village
should be inconveniently distant, a small hut may be especially
built in which to keep the relics till the second funeral. The
near relatives of the dead person may not go to the chief
village in the interval between the first and second funerals.
If they are living at the chief village at the time of the death.

368 THE TODAS CHAP.

they must leave it and live elsewhere till the second funeral is
over.

The term kedr is not only applied to the relics of the dead
person, but also to the period between the two funerals, or
rather the people say, " There is kedi' in his family," or " So
and so, or such and such a clan, has kedr',' so that the same
word is used for the funeral, for the body of a dead person,
for the relics, and for the condition of persons or clans while
funeral ceremonies are uncompleted.

All those who go near the corpse at a Teivali funeral
become icJicJiiloividii, usually abbreviated to ic/ic/iil, and the
same is true of anyone who goes to a Teivali village where
the relics are being kept. The whole family in which the
death has occurred is spoken of as being icJicIiil. If anyone
wishes to attend a funeral and yet avoid becoming ichchil, he
must sit at some distance and take no part in the funeral
proceedings. At several funerals I have seen people sitting
apart from the rest in order that they might not incur the
disabilities associated with the condition of ichcJiil, the chief of
which is that it is forbidden to approach or salute a palol.

A person who has incurred icJicliil remains so till the next
new moon. Those in the family of the dead person remain
icJidiil till the new moon after the viarvainolkedr, owing to the
fact that between the two funerals they probably either live
at or visit the village where the relics are kept.

The condition of icJicJiil arising from attendance at a funeral
is regarded as of the same nature as that incurred by a visit
to the seclusion-hut after childbirth.

Both Teivaliol and Tartharol may become icJichil at a
funeral of one of the Teivaliol, but there is no ichchil due
to attendance at a Tarthar funeral. All those who throw
earth at a Tarthar funeral, however, are called pnzJiut, and
incur the same disability as those who are ichchil — i.e., they
may not approach or salute sl palol.

Melgars people incur the same disabilities as other Tar-
tharol, and it is probably for them that the restrictions are of
most importance, for they lose their special privileges as
moral while they are in the condition of ichchil or piiahut.

During the condition called ' kedr,' all the men of the

XV. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 369

clan in which the death has occurred must tie their hair
in a knot in front, as is shown in the case of the second
man in Fig. 61. This methoci of wearing the hair is called
mad tittvai, or " liead (or hair) who rolls." When the people of
a clan are in this condition they must not hold any of the
feasts in which the food called asJikkartJipimi is used, but they
may attend as guests at feasts held in the villages of other
clans.

A person who is keeping the funeral ceremonies should not
traverse the path by which the //' buffaloes go from one
grazing ground to another. The ostensible reason why the
buffaloes of the Nodrs ti did not journey to Anto at their
usual time in 1902 (see p. 131) was that Teitnir, whose wife
had died, had passed over the road. The // buffaloes, also,
may not pass a place where the relics of a dead person
are being kept between the two funerals. In 1902 the relics
of the dead wife of Teitnir were removed from the village of
Karia in order that they should not be in the way of the
buffaloes. On this occasion the relics were followed by a
procession of people and Teitnir gave a feast. This was said
to be very unorthodox, and on cross-examination it was
found that the procession and the feast were not connected
with one another, the latter being part of another ceremony
which was being performed on the same day.^

There are special regulations for widowers and widows — i.e.,
for those who have their heads covered at the etvainolkedr.
While they wear the mantle over the head they must never
put out their hand or arm from above the mantle, but always
from below. When they salute by raising the hand to the
forehead {kaimukhti), they must do so by putting out their
hand below the cloak, and in eating and all other acts they
must do the same. When the mantle is over the head, it is
probably most convenient to put the hand out of the mantle
from below rather than from above, but it was quite clear that
it was now regarded as wrong to do the latter.

' This experience gave me a very strilcing object-lesson, showing how easy it is
to make mistakes in anthropological investigation. The first account given to me
seemed to make it absolutely clear that the removal of the relics was made the
occasion of a feast.

B B

370 THE TODAS chap.

When a man crosses the Paikara or Avalanche rivers he
must usually do so kevcininit, with his right arm outside his
mantle, but if he has the mantle over his head as a sign of
mourning he merely protrudes his right hand, so that it can
be seen below the mantle. Similarly, the throwing of water
done by matchuni (see p. 501), when they cross these rivers
on certain days, is not done by people of a family in which
there has been a death — i.e., not between the two funerals — but
they only chew the grass, which is the preliminary act of
the ceremony.

The mourner who has his head covered has certain restric-
tions in regard to his food. A widower is not allowed to eat
rice nor drink milk, and on every return of the day of the
week on which his wife died he takes no food in the morning
and only has his evening meal. The same holds good for
a widow. This fasting on each weekly return of the day
of death suggests that some rite is, or used to be, performed
on this day, but I did not obtain an account of any such
ceremony. The day of the week on which a man dies is
always observed by his children, and is called a?'patsiioL

The wursol who attends to kill the sacred buffalo loses his
office by so doing, and becomes 2. perol. Similarly, if 2. palol-,
wursol, or kaltniokli wish to attend the funeral of a relative, he
can only do so by giving up his office, and this is a common
cause of change in the various dairies. The dairyman who
has thus given up his office often resumes it when the funeral
ceremonies are completed, and if he expresses his intention
of returning, the temporary occupant is often said to be
doing the work for the other.

Between the two funerals it is the duty of every Toda who
was not present at the etvainolkedr to salute the remains.
When anyone visits the village where the remains are kept
for this purpose the cloth containing the relics is brought out
and the visitor bows down and touches the cloth with his
forehead, just as is done with the body at the funeral. When
I visited the village at which the kedr of Olidjeimi was being
kept my Toda guide took the opportunity of performing his
duty to the remains, and I w^as able to witness the reverent
way in which the duty is performed. While I was on the

xy FUNERAL CEREMONIES 371

hills, Tersveli, the wife of Teitnir, died while Sintagars was in
the seclusion-hut after the birth of her first child, and on the
morning on which Sintagars went from the puzJiars to the
aliars (see p. 327), she visited Karia to salute the kedr of
Tersveli. Her first act after her period of seclusion was to
show her respect to the remains of her dead relative. If an)-
one is too ill or feeble to visit the village the remains may be
taken to them for salutation.

B B 2

CHAPTER XVI

FUNERAL CEREMONIES— i-OJlt/ fined

The Marvainolkedr

The second funeral may be held little more than a month
after the etvainolkedi% or there may be an interval of a year
or more, and in the case of a child both funeral ceremonies
may be performed on one day. In the old days the
marvainolkedr was a great occasion. The proceedings lasted
for two whole days, and vv^ere prolonged till daybreak of the
third. Many buffaloes were slaughtered ; they were caught
on the first day, when they were shut up in the circular pen
and bells put on their necks. On the second day they
were taken from the pen to the slaughtering place, and
various ceremonies took place in connexion with and after
their deaths. This kind of funeral was called tuiitthkedr,
meaning "the putting in buffalo-pen funeral." In the old
days this putting into the pen was sometimes omitted,
especially in the case of poor or unimportant people, and the
catching and killing of the buffaloes were both carried out on
one day, and this kind of funeral was known as niarppitkedr.
At the present time the Todas only have the niarppitkedr,
owing to the restrictions on the number of buffaloes killed.
The Todas seem now to believe that the Government have
actuall}' prohibited them from putting tlie buffaloes into the
pen at the funerals, but I could not find that this was the
case.

It is now the custom, and seems long to have been so, to
hold the marvainolkedr of several people at the same time.
The Government allows two buffaloes to be killed for each

CH. XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 373

person, and if two or more funerals are held simultaneously
it gives an appearance of the olden times. So far as I could
ascertain, however, the funerals of two or more people only
take place together when they belong to the same clan.

In some cases, however, the funeral places of two or more
clans are very near one another. In such a case there might
be a certain amount of combination of the different
ceremonies, but some of the rites would be carried out at
different spots for each clan. Something of this kind
appears to have happened at the funeral ceremonies re-
corded by Mr. Thurston (^Bull. i., p. 176). Similarly the
viarvainolkedr of a man or woman of the same clan may be
held simultaneously owing to the fact that the funeral places
for the two sexes are usually close to one another. The
buffaloes would, however, be killed at different places, and
the remains would not be burnt and buried at the same
azaraui.

Owing to the custom of having the inarvainolkedr of
several people simultaneously, it has often been supposed
that the Todas have a kind of anniversary ceremony for all
those who have died during the year, but there is no doubt
that this is wrong. There was a large viarvainolkedr soon
after I left the hills (in January, 1903), but it was a ceremony
for two women only, Narskuti (63 and 56), and Tersveli {6}^
and 52), both belonging to the Kuudrol, and it was held at
Kurkalmut, the proper funeral place for the women of Kuudr.
It is quite possible that owing to the restrictions on the
slaughter of buffaloes it may become more and more the
custom to hold several viarvainolkedr simultaneously, and
that this custom may develop into an anniversary ceremon}'.
This could only come about, however, by throwing over the
custom that the funerals of each clan should be held at a
definitely appointed place, and there is no doubt that this has
not yet happened.

At the second funeral ceremony the relics are placed in a
special hut, and at a man's funeral the hut has the same name
as at the etvainolkedr, and apparently it may sometimes
happen that the same hut is used at both ceremonies. The
second funeral is not always held, however, at the same place

374 THE TODAS chap.

as the first, and the interval between the two ceremonies may-
be so great that it may have become necessary to rebuild the
hut. At the only marvainolkedy at which I was present a
new hut had been built for the occasion.

The hut at the second funeral of a woman differs in name
from that of the first funeral, being called kursars instead of
nersars. After the second funeral the kiii'sars is burnt down,
but my notes do not make it clear whether the nei'sars is
always burnt down after the first funeral, or whether it may
not sometimes be kept for the second ceremony. The differ-
ence of name, however, makes this improbable.

If the marvamolkedr of two or more people are held
simultaneously, a hut is built for the remains of each ; thus,
at the ceremony in January, 1903, there were two huts, one
for Narskuti and the other for Tersveli.

The relics, now called the narskcdr, are brought to the
funeral place on a bier made of bamboo, and called kail-
pcdrkiidr instead of indnpcdrkiidr (wood bier) as at the first
funeral. The narskedr is wrapped in an embroidered mantle
(puknruputkidt) and placed in the hut, and then all the women
of the dead person's division who are present cry together,
forehead to forehead, in the usual manner. The chief things
to be burnt with the remains are also placed within the hut.

At a funeral witnessed by Mr. Thurston the relics were
taken from a hole cut at the base of a tree, and the hair was
unwrapped from off the skull, burnt in an iron ladle, and
anointed with clarified butter before being placed in its
cloth. This was probably a ceremony which should have
been performed on the following morning at the azaranikedr
(see p. 379).

As on the former occasion, a man's funeral begins with the
ceremony of earth-throwing, which is carried out in the same
way as at the etvainolkedr. The )iarskedr is laid at the entrance
of the buffalo pen, and earth is thrown into the pen and on
the remains in the manner already described. There is nothing
corresponding to the tiveri tur ceremony of the woman's first
funeral.

At the present time the driving, catching, and killing of the
buffaloes are carried out in very much the same way as at the

xyi FUNERAL CEREMONIES 375

etvainolkedr. At the funerals of Teivaliol the buffaloes are
caught by Tartharol and killed by Teivaliol of a clan different
to that of the deceased. At the funerals of the Tartharol the
buffaloes are caught by Teivaliol, and killed by the iviirsol ox
by a Tarthar man of a different clan, according as they are of
the sacred or ordinary kind.

As the buffalo dies, the narskedr is brought up and laid by
the head of the animal, and the lamenting and saluting take
place around the buffalo and the remains, exactly as at the
first funeral.

Sometimes a ceremony occurs immediate!}' before the
buffalo is caught. A man takes a ring of the creeper called
kaklindri and throws it at one of the driven buffaloes. It
should fall on the horns or neck of one of the buffaloes, but
it does not matter whether on a buffalo which is to be killed-
or on another.

This throwing of the creeper, which is called kakJindri crs-
pinii, or kudri erspiuii} " we throw the creeper," is done by
the wiirsol at a Tarthar funeral, while at the funeral of the
Teivaliol it is done b}- a palikartmokJi of the same clan as
the deceased. This ceremony used not to be performed at
those funerals which lasted two days, when the buffaloes were
shut into a pen on one da}' and killed on the next, but it
should always be performed when the funeral ceremonies are
limited to one day. It seems possible that the circular ring
of creeper may be intended to represent the act of putting
the animals in the circular pen, but the Todas could give me
no information on this point. It seemed clear that it is only
done at those funerals in which the buffaloes are not put into
the pen.

The Kootiti Ceremony

Among the Tartharol, with the exception of the people of
Melgars, a ceremony is performed at the funeral of a male
which is called kootiti. In this ceremony blood is used which
in the present day is drawn from one of the slaughtered
buffaloes, but formerly a special buffalo was killed for this
purpose.

I Ki'idri is the generic wqrd for creeper.

376 THE TODAS chap.

According to the old custom the buffaloes were killed about
four o'clock in the afternoon. About an hour later another
buffalo of the ordinary kind was brought to the funeral place
and killed by striking it on the head with a stone, and not
with the back of an axe, as in the case of the other buffaloes.
It might be killed by any Tarthar man, and then the ivursol
made a cut in the right side of the animal at the part called
kegainpkwtidr (over the ribs near the forelegs). The blood
which ran from the wound was received into a cup made of
tiidr leaves, and powdered tiidr bark was mixed with the
blood in the cup. It is to this part of the ceremony that the
name kobtiti (" blood he takes ") is properly applied. At the
present time the blood is drawn from one of the buffaloes
killed in the ordinary course of the ceremony. However the
blood may be obtained, the next step is to bring a female
buffalo calf less than one year old. The mantle with which
the remains have been covered is taken off, and is worn by a
Teivali man who has adorned himself with many ornaments,
including those ordinarily worn by women, such as the chain
{tagars), necklace {kciveli), earrings {kevtJiveli), and bracelet
{piilthi). He also holds a long pole called tadri. The
remains, which are now covered with a loincloth {tadrp) only,
are carried by two women to the place where the calf is
standing.

The ivursol and Teivali man then walk to the calf, the
former throwing before and behind him as he walks the
mixed blood and tudr bark from the cup. When the ivursol
comes to the calf he throws down the leaf cup, and the
Teivali man then hangs on the neck of the calf a bell of
the kind called tukulir matu, and, taking a bow and arrow
in his hand, he says three times to the Tartharol, "purs
adikina ? " — " Shall I touch with the bow ? " Each time
the Tartharol reply, "Purs ad!" The Teivali man then
touches the remains with the bow and arrow. He puts down
the tadri on the ground, and the calf is driven away from the
spot on which it had been standing. As soon as it begins to*
move all present, Tartharol and Teivaliol, cry out, " ua ! ua f"
and fall down and touch the earth with their foreheads.
The bell is then removed from the calf, which is not killed,

XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 377

but is allowed to go free. The bell {tnkiilir ma?n) is kept by
the Kotas or Badagas till it is required by the Todas for
another funeral.

The assumption of the cloak covering the remains by the
Tcivali man is called arturverutiii, and the throwing of the
mixed blood and bark by the zvursol is called kedrknrcJiiti —
i.e., funeral (or remains) purifying. Either at this stage or
later the blood and tudr bark are rubbed on the piece of
skull and hair which form the narskedr.

One of the most important features of this kobtiti ceremony
is that the sacred tudr bark is used The ceremony is not
performed at the funerals of the Teivaliol or of the Melgarsol,
because they may use tudr in the ordination ceremonies for
the offices o{ palol, lunrsol, or kaltniokJi.

The object of the ceremony appears to be that members of
those clans who have no chance of being purified with tudr
during life shall be purified with this substance before they
go finally to xAmnodr. A Teivali or Melgars man, however,
has only used tudr if he has been ordained to one of the three
offices above mentioned. If the dead man has not been
through an ordination ceremony, however, the purification
does not take place at his second funeral, but a Tarthar man
puts a piece of tudr bark into his right hand at the first
funeral (see p. 367).

In the account which Breeks gives of this ceremony he
states that certain formulae are said, including '' Karma odi
poua" " May the sin run away." I could not confirm this,
and I do not believe that karma is a Toda word. It is
probable that the use of these or other formulae is an innova-
tion.

The Badagas of the Nilgiris let loose a calf at a funeral to
bear the sins of the deceased.^ It is possible that the calf in
this Toda ceremony may have the same significance. If so,
the practice has not improbably been borrowed, and the fact
that the bell which is hung on the neck of the calf is kept
by Kotas or Badagas suggests that the whole incident may
have been borrowed by the Todas from one or other of these
races.

^ See Thurston, Bull., ii. p, 4.

378 THE TODAS chap.

After the buffalo is killed dancing takes place at the funeral
of a male. The men only dance and they may begin soon
after the killing of the buffalo, while other ceremonies are
still in progress. In the dancing the same tall pole {tadri or
tadrsi) is used as is carried by the Teivali man who wears the
cloak of the narskedr. It is a tall pole which, it was said, might
sometimes be as much as 39 feet in length. I only saw a
tadri at one funeral, when it was much smaller. It is decorated
with rings of cowries, which are called nirpul, the ornaments
in general being called tadri astcravi (see Fig. 6^).

The pole is procured from Malabar through the Kurumbas.
It is used at the funeral of males only of both the Teivaliol
and Tartharol, and is burnt at the end of the azarainkedr.

In the only dance which I had the opportunity of seeing
the men danced within the circular wall surrounding the
funeral hut. In this case the floor of the enclosure was below
the general level of the ground. The men formed a circle
and danced round in slow step ; one man said the name
of the slaughtered buffalo — in this case, Purkirsi — and another
repeated this name ; then the first man said " hau ! Jiau ! "
which was repeated by the second man.

After a time one of the men took the tadri and they danced
round in a similar way, taking the pole with them as they
danced {i.e., they did not dance round the pole).

After the dancing is over, food is distributed to all the
people present and most return to their homes, while the
remainder wait at the funeral place till the following morning,
when are held the final ceremonies, which are known as the
azaranikedr.

The Azaramkedr

This is the name applied to the ceremonies connected with
the final burning of the remains and burial of the ashes.
After food has been distributed at the marvainolkedr, many
of those attending the funeral return home. The remainder
stay at the spot during the evening, those nearly related
to the deceased lamenting in the usual fashion almost con-
tinuously. At a funeral attended by Samuel, the people took

XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 379

the setting of Kadsht and the appearance of Keirt ^ as the
indications that the final ceremonies were to begin, and this
was about two o'clock on the following morning.

At every funeral place used for the inarvaijiolkcdr, there is
a circle of stones, smaller than that in which the hut is built,
with an opening which in some cases faces the east. This
circle of stones is the azaram, and before the ceremonies
begin, a man digs a hole by the opening in its side. The
various objects to be burnt with the remains are now brought
from the hut in which they had been placed on the previous
da}', and are laid outside the azaram and the narskedr is laid
by their side. As the remains are removed from the hut, the
wailing becomes louder and the people cry bitterly. Outside
the stone circle a fire is made of the wood called kidiiidn^-
upon which clarified butter is poured. This fire, which is
known as the puntiit, is lighted by a man of the same clan as
the deceased. At the funeral of a male, there is burnt on this
fire the dairy vessel called ertatpuii which had belonged to
the dead man, and the imitation buffalo horns called petkiiter,
about ten in number for a man and five for a boy. At the
funeral of a woman, I think that a viajpatitthpim is burnt,
viz., a vessel used for fetching buttermilk from the dairy, but
I am not certain of this.

There now follows the ceremony called iiarsatipiiiii, i.e.,
" the nars we rub," in which the leading part is taken by
a person of the same sex as the deceased. I only have a full
record of this ceremony at a woman's funeral, and in this case
a woman took the relics out of their covering, and threw away
the pieces of bark in which they had been enclosed. She
rubbed butter on the pieces of skull and the hair, put the hair
between two pieces of skull, tied them together with thread,
and replaced them in the ornamented cloak (ypukiirupiitkuli).
She then bowed down and touched the remains with her fore-
head, and then this salutation was performed by all those
present.

At a funeral seen by Mr. Thurston,^ this ceremony was
performed on the previous day at the inarvainolkedr, and in

^ See Chap. XXV, - Proljably Oka robust a.

"' Bull., i. 176.

38o THE TODAS chap.

this case the hair was burnt in an iron ladle before the clarified
butter was applied.

This ceremony oi narsatipimi'x's, performed by the daughter-
in-law of a woman, or by the mother-in-law of a girl or woman
who has no daughter-in-law. At the funeral of Narskuti
(56 and 63) it was performed by Piliurs, the wife of Tiiliners
(56), the son of the dead woman. At the funeral of Tersveli
(52 and 63), a much younger woman, who had no daughter-
in-law, the relics were anointed by Muteimi (52 and 69), the
mother of Teitnir, Tersveli's husband. I have no record of
the person who performs this ceremony at the funeral of a
man.

The next step in the proceedings is to light a fire within
the circle of stones, this fire being called the azaranitut.
Firewood is put within the azarmn and the narskedr in
its covering is placed on the wood. If the azaranikedr is being
held for two or more people simultaneously, the remains of all
are put on the wood together.^ In the pockets of the mantles
forming the coverings are placed grain, jaggery, and coins.
The azaraiiitut is then lighted by taking three firebrands
in succession from the puntiit. The firebrands are placed on
the firewood and on the remains by the daughter-in-law or
mother-in-law of a female as in the last ceremony.- Then all
the people take up the burning wood from the puntiit and
place it within the azaram over the remains. The various
objects previously brought from the funeral hut are now
placed on the fire and burnt, and the special food known as
asJikkarthpinii may be thrown into the fire. Then all the
people cry together, forehead to forehead.

The following are the objects burnt with the remains on the
azaraintiit, at the funeral of a male : —

{a) In the pocket of the cloak, jaggery, the husked grain
called patc/ierski, husked barley {kodferski), and rupees in two

' As I have already pointed out, this would only happen if the people were of
the same clan and sex.

'^ My notes do not make it absolutely clear who lights the fire at the funeral of
a male. The puntiit is lighted by a man of the same clan, and this is probably
also the case with the azaramtiit. Owing to the fact that a woman becomes a
member of her husband's clan, the daughter-in-law who lights the fire at a
woman's funeral will also be of the same clan as the deceased,

FUNERAL CEREMONIES 381

bags, one called tinkani, made by the Todas themselves, and
the other called katsJiiram, procured from Hindus.

(/;) Sticks of the following kinds of wood : pars, karneizi
tavat, kali, toarsniitc/i, kar.

{li) A tadri, or long pole used in the dance and in the
kootiti ceremony of the previous day.

{/) Several ivak, bamboo vessels filled with grain, butter,
ghi, honey, &c., usuall}^ ten in number for adults and fiv^e for'
children.

(/) A tek, a basket made by the Kotas in which barley or
poppy heads are put.

{g) A bow {pi(rs) and three arrows (ab) (Fig. Gy).
(//) A kafkati, or knife, called on ordinary occasions
kiidiva/.

(i) A inasth, the axe used to kill the buffaloes on the
previous day, called on this occasion trkipniastJi.

(/) A miturkzvadr, the palm-leaf umbrella, so called
because procured from Mitur in the Wainad.

ijc) A kiidsJimiirii, a special kind of sieve made by the Kotas
and not used in ordinary life.

At the funeral of a woman boxes called pettei or mitiirpettei
are burnt instead of the wak. These are small boxes made
of rattan, covered with cloth and adorned ^\•ith cowries.
There are also burnt the three objects especially connected
with women, the pounder {zvask~), sieve {nutni), and broom
{kip), but the pounder is only burnt after the following
ceremony has taken place.

As soon as the things have been placed on the fire, there
follows the ceremony ^ called irsankdti. At the funeral of
a male, the matchiini, or cousin, of the dead man puts on
the woman's ornaments known as tagars, keiveli, ^.nd pulthi,
and stands at the opening in the circle of stones with his
right arm outside his cloak {kevenarut). He is joined there
by the man who has lighted the fire, and they cry together,
both standing at the entrance of the azarani, where they

' There was some question as to whether the ceremony did nol begin as soon as
the fire was lighted.

382 THE TODAS chap.

remain till the fire is extinguished. Owing to the fact that
the fire is lighted by a man of the same clan as the deceased,
the two men who cry together will also be iiiatchuni —
thus, at the funeral of Karspisti (12), the fire was lighted
by his half-brother Karzo. Pakhwar (16), who performed
the irsankati ceremony, was the matdmni of both Karzo
and Karspisti, being the son of the brother of Tedjveli,
the mother of Karzo and stepmother of Karspisti.

At the funeral of a female, the woman who stands at
the entrance should also be a matcJuini of the deceased. She
is decorated with ornaments, in this case proper to her own
sex, and she stands at the entrance of the azaram holding
the pounder. She is joined by a woman closely related
to the deceased and the two women cry together. After
crying together for a while, they go round the circle and
then put the pounder on the fire, after which they take
off their ornaments.

At the funeral of Narskuti (56 and 63), Mutkadrk (56 and
72) stood in front of the circle holding the pounder, and
was joined by Munat, the daughter of the dead woman.

At the funeral of Tersveli (52 and 63), Edjog (56) stood
at the entrance ; she was the matcJmni of the dead woman,
being the daughter of Tiiliners, the brother of Tersveli's
mother. She was joined by Teimidz (52), the sister of
the dead woman's husbands.

The fire is now extinguished by pouring on water
{kcdr tilt drs kudrcJii). Some of the food put into the
pocket of the putkuli and in the various vessels may now
be taken out ^ and given to the Kotas, who up to this
time have been playing the special funeral tunes called
sagerthkwelv.

The ashes are now swept into the hole which had been
dug at the opening in the stone circle. They are covered with
earth dug from elsewhere and the spot is covered with a
stone.

At the funeral of a male, a man of the same clan as the
deceased then brings a bell {kiuungg) and goes round the

' This would seem to indicate that when the fire is extinguished, the objects
l)urnt with the relics are far from being consumed by the fire.

XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES

burial-place three times ringing the bell, while another man
goes with him holding him by the waist. The man who rings
the bell then takes a new pot, ordinarily used for carrying
water, and, raising it over his head, brings it down and breaks
it on the stone covering the ashes. He bows down and touches
the stone with his forehead, gets up, and goes away to the funeral
hut without looking back toward the azaram. All the others
present bow down to the stone in the same way and go away
from the spot without looking back. The ceremony of bell-
ringing and stone-saluting is called kzvjoigg tfiki kars nersatiti,
" bell lift, stone he salutes."

At the funeral of a woman, the bell is rung and the pot
broken by her husband or by one of his brothers if he be dead.
If it is the husband, he will have been wearing the cloak over
his head ^ up to this time, and he takes it off just before he
bows down to salute the stone. At the funeral of her husband,
a widow will similarly remove the cloak from her head before
she salutes the stone.

After saluting at the azarani, all go to the funeral hut,
where they take food, having fasted during the night. Each
person cuts a lock of hair from the head as a sign of mourn-
ing and then all return home.

At the funeral of a woman, the funeral hut is burnt before
the people leave, this being called ars pon atipinii, " house up
we send." It is the duty of the woman who first lighted the
azarai)itilt to set fire to the hut.

The foregoing account of the second funeral ceremonies is
that of the proceedings at the present time. When the
inarvai)iolkcdr was prolonged over two days, the proceedings
of the first day opened with the capture of the buffaloes,
which were put in the pen, and then followed a scene in
which the Todas entered the pen, flourishing heavy clubs.
Ihe animals were belaboured and driven round and round
the pen, and at intervals several men would catch and
hold down a buffalo. According to some accounts the
bells were hung round the necks of the buffaloes during
this performance, but at a funeral witnessed by Mr.
Walhouse- this was not done, and he believed that tlie
' Seep. 365. - Ind. Antiq., 1874, vol. iii. p 35

thp: todas chap.

object of the fray was that the men might exhibit their
agiHty and skill. There is little doubt, however, that, the bells
were put on the buffaloes at some time on this day. The
remainder of the first day was occupied with dancing, singing,
and feasting. On the second day, the proceedings began
again in the middle of the day with more dances and with a
repetition of the driving and catching within the pen. In the
afternoon, after the earth-throwing ceremony, the buffaloes,
now wearied and subdued, were dragged from the pen and
killed, and then followed the ceremonies which have already
been described.

At the funeral witnessed by Mr. Walhouse, part of the
second day was occupied by the proceedings of a diviner,
and divination seems to be a frequent feature of funerals,
having been also seen both by Mr. Thurston and myself
In the latter case, the occasion of the divination arose
directly out of the proceedings, but it is probable that the
gatherings are used as opportunities of consulting the gods
on other matters. A funeral may also be used as an occasion
for settling disputes, especially those which concern the
people especially connected with the funeral.

Funeral Laments

At some stage in both funeral ceremonies laments for the
dead may be sung or said which consist of sentences praising
the virtues of the deceased and recounting incidents of his or
her life. To these sentences the same term kivarzam is
applied which is used for the words and clauses of the
prayers. I am not certain at what stage of the proceedings
the recital of these laments takes place, but it is certainly
after the killing of the buffaloes, probably in many cases
during the general wailing round the buffalo and the remains.
At the second funeral of a male, however, I believe that the
lament is recited during the dancing.

I did not succeed in obtaining an\' examples during my
visit, but soon after my departure Samuel sent me two
laments, one composed by Teitnir (52) and uttered by him
at the second funeral ceremony for his wife Tersveli. The

XVI.

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

3«S

other was also composed by Teitnir for the first funeral
ceremony of Pidrvan (9) of Kars.

The Toda name for these laments is kunedsikin or kiuiedsti,
and certain men have great reputations as composers both for
funerals and on other occasions, and Teitnir was one of these.
The following is the lament for Tersveli : —

ha
O

kugh
woman

tza
O

atia,
you were born,

pi'tv elet

flower (a bush)

fatath kiid

proper wife found

/;■ notei

buffiilo looked

notei patiathenk,

looked I married,

pcii'oth
renowned

ktitei, atcith

woman, not born Isefore

perpia, pi'iv irsiinitch ia

you were born, flower lime oh !

ia, kavath kitd katelliik,

oh! proper husband (?) found you married,

patiathenk, tevukhk

I married, {kzvarzam of Fiedr) to

kadrthenk, dtthkark niirs

I gave, {kwarzain of Kuudr) to beautiful

kiiteia intin kiitenatkiik, kokiji

niirs
beautiful

niokh
woman

built

house

we built.

imitation bracelets

kilter
imitation bufialo horns

kis narsiath{lk

made we played,

ar viokh puchiathitk,

six children we would produce,

odethAk, orppasan (?) oithik

we would enjoy, liberal you were,

oithik, ironi ed

you were, we will live that

kis
made

ar
six

narsiathuk,
we played,

buffalo

pitdrkwadr
umljrella tree

pen

ners
shade

ed peithuk,

that we went,

pusiathiik tiidin

we beat, fine

kadrt thi'ik, kutei ath

we gave, built

peithuk, 0

we went, seven

peithuk pedrk

we went, Tamil to

ithothuk, piikhom

we thought, we will go together

kalav tr kadathuk, pita tadvi

strong buffalo we bought,

at hi ed kadrtethuk, udi

it is that we gave, have

kotei peithuk, keirtith

bungalow we went, runni

katcheri
courts (law)

mtiri
complaints

peithitk,
we went,

itnthiik,
we spoke.

t, ?

pole

athi

it is

that

keir

aters

reservoir

kapel

seven

ships

pash

words

spoke

' This is also the usual vocative termination.

^ Kakoji is the Kota name for a toe-ring worn on the second toe of the right
foot by Kota women (see Breeks, p. 123). A similar word is used for bracelets of
vine made by the Todas as a game.

C C

386 THE TODAS chap.

pudth kisthuk pudth it piidth kistkiVz,

prize we won (made), prize spoke prize we won,

tikudrem ed thiik, kaii iidjeni

we will not be shaken that we said, eye we will not fear

ed thiik, niun aiicnt ed thiik, en it

that we said, face ? that we said, me here

pHchvinia, en it piskvinia, puis kan nir

keep you went, me here leave you went, right eye water

pirevtnen, purs niefuvl kurseivinen, pafnenk kandiien,

I shed, right nostril I smart, I bewailed I could not find,

pesoduthenk kandnen, enk ltd swdini aivtnen}

I called out I could not find, to me one god I have.

The free translation of this is as follows :—

" O woman of wonderful birth, renowned were you born,

0 flower, lime, O flower, tree. Having found a proper
husband you married ; having found a proper wife I married.

1 gave my best buffalo to Piedr for you. I took you as
a beauty to Kuudr. A house we built, bracelets and buffalo
horns we made in sport. I thought we should have had
many children and many buffaloes should we have enjoyed.
Liberal you were and refreshing like the shade of the
umbrella tree. We thought that we should live long. We
went together as we willed. We bought strong buffaloes
and we prevailed over injustice. Peacefully we paid our
fine. We lent to those that had not. We went to see the
bungalows and the reservoir. Many courts we visited and
ships also. We laid complaints before the native magistrate ;
we made bets and we won. We said that we would not be
shaken and would fear the eye of no one. We thought to
live together, but you have left me alone, you have forsaken
me. My right eye sheds tears, my right nostril smarts with
sorrow. I bewailed but could not find you. I called out for
you and could not find you. There is one God for me."

This translation is based partly on the literal meanings of
the kzi'ar.':a!n, partly on explanations and renderings given to
Samuel by Teitnir. The dead wife was a Piedr woman and
the husband a Kuudr man. The mention of injustice refers

^ In some cases Samuel could not give the literal meanings, and has only given
the general sense of the kwarzain.

XVI

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

387

to trouble which arose when other men wished to take his
wife from Teitnir. The visits to bungalows, &c., probably
refers to a time when Teitnir and his wife lived in Ootaca-
mund under the protection of the Zenana Mission. The
ships must be purely imaginary on Teitnir's part, unless he is
referring to boats on the lake at Ootacamund. The numbers
six and seven are those generally used for ' many ' under
ordinary conditions, and there is a clause towards the end
which probably refers to the evil eye. Teitnir was under, or
pretended to be under, missionary influence, and his reference
to " one God " at the end is certainly due to this.

The following is the lament composed by Teitnir for
Pidrvan : —

Epitkers
Kiva7-zaiii of i/iaiir

ia!
oh !

elipukers
kwarzam of i/iaiir

oh !

redth
rattan

tr
buftlilo

keivcli
necklace

ana
elephant

iiiirs
l)eautiful

think,
they said,

iza
O

ia!
(jh !

nifdr
neck

metu
foot

Pekh

ia !
oh !

ial
oh !

kiideik

irk
buffalo to

kalblkiitn
old man to (?)

kdra 0

chief

pudrvantol ^
peace-loving man

oia I til

oh ! pen

atithik,
you were born,

faneitliik
you held,

editetliik
y<ni told,

kodtk
in the midst

ia!
oh!

Vllt

carried

peivoth
renowned

kiiiim
plate

kapasth kal
trousers leg

arshan niudr

European walk

kan dkitheiik,

eye I kept,

ed til ink

that they said

viii-
1 village

kavatkih-a !
strong man oh !

tali ia !

la I
oh !

ia !
oh !

peivalei niuk
? ?

kiMukatitli kih/r
car horn

ia ! e tain civ

sambhar

tedshk
ring

ia !
oh !

ed
that

savej-
money fine

7Jtok/i ud

girl one

pcithik,
you went.

posts

jid
one

hkithik,
you imposed,

hlk
to man

pirer
Iniffalo

oh !

kalochikiun
old woman to (?)

indtvidshti indtvan,
, kwarzam of Kars clan,

kada, p{i>Tiinkara !

chief, conqueror oh !

Kavanadi pali
Kavanadi dairy

atdth
not born before

put
carried

pert it hi k,
you were born,

ter
buffalo fine

kisethik,
you made,

7ibdik
to the neck

piia
?

ltd
one

lid
one

kiitni
council

oik
man to

maiir
barren l)uffaloes

peithik
you went.

^ A play on Pidrvan's name.

C C 2

THE TODAS chap.

pudr odichi peithik, pan ertevithtk,

chosen number beat you went, chosen number you ran before,

kal ot odithik peiveli pikidik ninth nd kalvi

leg dance you danced ? ? your one new things

kisethik, ninth ud kek kisethfk, id kan

you made, your one invention you made, to-day eye

w//J« dvini, Kars kazun ^dstha ? parsners

face I saw, Kars kazun has u come? kzvarzam of kazun

podstha? niethkudis inai kooisivini azaratrs kargh

has it come ? burning-place at ashes heaped, azarain at grass

patevini.^
grew up.

The first part of this lament begins with the kzvarzam of
the maiir, or barren buffalo, slaughtered at the funeral. It
is not quite clear which of the clauses at the beginning refer
to the buffalo and which to the man. I do not know the
meaning of the second clause. The free rendering of the
third and fourth was said to be, " Your horns crept so well ;
your horns crept well to the front." The general sense of
the other clauses was said to be as follows : " O, your leg like
trousers, your horns like a car, your foot is like that of an
elephant, you walk with a step like a European soldier, your
appearance is like that of a sambhar. I saw you were the most
beautiful buffalo of all." It seems probable that the lament
so far refers altogether to the buffalo. Then follows, " They
said that you would be the parent of the dead, but now you are
dead yourself" ; or, " When old people are yet alive, why are
young ones taken ? " Then follows the kivarsam of the Kars
clan, and the rest obviously refers to Pidrvan himself: " O
chief of many villages, conqueror, peace-loving and yet strong
man. You were like Kavanadi, who carried the posts of the
buffalo-pen.^ O man of wonderful birth, renowned you were
born ; you held councils ; you fined some by money and some
by buffaloes ; you settled who should marry the women. In

' As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot guarantee
that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used elsewhere in the
book ; this is especially the case with the sign ' th,' which, in agreement with
the practice customary in South India, was used by Samuel for the lingual ' t,' and
sometimes for a sound for which I have used the letter d.

^ For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII.

XVI

FUNERAL CEREMONIES 389

the midst of barren buffaloes you went ; you caught the
throats of the buffaloes ; you ran first and caught the
buffaloes before the chosen men ; well you danced and
shouted finely ; you invented new things. To-day for the
last time I saw your face. Has the angel of death come to
you? I see nothing but ashes in your burning-place. In
your azarani place I see nothing but grass growing."

Purification Ceremonies

Certain further ceremonies are performed about the time of
the first new moon after the iiiarvainolkedr.

At one or both of the funerals of a Tarthar man a sacred
buffalo will have been killed by the zuursol and the sacred
bell {i)iaiii) will have been used. By his acts at the funeral
the xvursol loses his office, and by its use on the same occasion
the niani is defiled. On the day before the new moon following
the funeral all the things in the dairy of the ivnrsol are thrown
away. Either a new dairyman is appointed and goes through
the usual rites, or the old ivnrsol is re-appointed and has to
repeat his ordination ceremonies. This is done on the Sunday
after the new moon, which is the proper day for the ordina-
tion of a ec7cn-f/, exactly the same ceremonies being performed
as those described in Chapter VII. The old ivnrsol puts
the niani in the dairy stream {^pali nipa), and if he is not
re-appointed, his duties then cease. The new ivnrsol, or the
old ivnrsol who has undergone new ordination ceremonies,
takes the mani from the stream and purifies it by rubbing it
all over with pounded tudr bark and water. He then takes
the bell to the dairy, which is now empty, finds a new stick on
which to hang it, and puts both stick and bell in their proper
place on i\\Qpatatniar. Then the new dairy vessels are purified
and put in their places in the usual manner.

This purification of the dairy is not done by the Teivaliol,
and seems to be only necessary when the mani and the dairy-
man who looks after it have been defiled by the funeral
ceremonies. In the case of the Nodrsol, the mani between
the two funeral ceremonies is kept at Nodrs, and is taken
back to Odr on the Sunday after the new moon following the

390 THE TODAS chap.

second funeral, and it is at Odr that the purification takes
place.

Similarly the Kars uiaiii is returned from Taradrkirsi to
Kars on this day. I was told that the pepkaricJia ceremony
of making new pep is performed after the funeral of a man
among the Tartharol, and it seems as if this new appointment
of a dairyman and this use and purification of new dairy
vessels are regarded as a form of the pepkaricha ceremony.

Another ceremony which takes place after the marvainolkedr
is designed to purify the places used during the funeral
rites and especially the azaram. This ceremony is called
kertnodrkarcJipimi, " funeral place we purify," or mutnolnodr-
vust/ipiini, " new moon day place (or ceremony) we keep."
On the day of the new moon following the second funeral two
men of the same clan as the deceased take a buffalo in the
early morning from the pen to a spot about half a mile
from the village. They wait there till about eleven o'clock,
and then kill the buffalo by striking it on the head with a
stone. They draw blood from one side of the animal and
mix the blood with earth in a basket. The Teivaliol and
Melgarsol add tudr bark to the earth and blood. The
mixture is then taken to the funeral places and scattered over
the spots where the buffalo was caught and killed, where the
dead body or the narskedr had lain at the two funerals, at the
methkiidi and the azaram. If the places for the ctvainol- and
marvainol-kedr are different and far distant from one another,
the spots used at the former may be omitted, but the most
important place which must always be purified in this way is
the azaram. In any case this place is the last to be purified,
and the men then throw away the basket and go straight
back to their village, where they bathe and take food, having
fasted till this time.

This ceremony is only performed after the funerals of males.
The buffalo killed is called the nodrvitsthpir. The Teivaliol
and Melgarsol use a male buffalo calf for the purpose ; the
Tartharol, other than the Melgarsol, use an adult female
buffalo.

No use is made of the flesh of the animal ; the body is left
where it falls and is not given to the Kotas.

XVI. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 391

After a funeral, the members of the Tarthar clans, except the
Melgarsol, shave their heads, but this is not done either by the
Melgarsol or Teivalioi. I did not inquire fully into this matter,
and do not know what regulations there are in connexion with
the practice, or whether it is regarded as purificatory.

The Funerals of Children

The body of a still-born child is buried at the same time
as, and together with, the afterbirth, without any ceremonial.
In one case which occurred during my visit, this was done by
the woman who assisted at the delivery. The body was buried
in the early morning on the day on which the mother under-
went the ceremonies attending removal to the seclusion-hut.

If a child less than two years of age dies, both funerals are
held on one day. The etvai)io/kcdr \.?i\<es place in the morning,
the uiarvainolkcdr\\\ the afternoon ; a buffalo is killed at each,
and the azarauikcdr is held on the following morning as usual.
If the child is very young, less than a month old, a male
buffalo only may be killed, but if the father chooses, two
buffaloes may be killed as at the funeral of an adult.

Thus, the child of Piliag and Sintagars (52) died while the
mother was in the seclusion-hut, and two ordinary buffaloes
were killed. On this occasion, the two funerals were held on
the same day as that on which the child died, owing to the
death having taken place on one of the appointed days for a
funeral of the clan. When the youngest child of Podners (47)
died, only one male buffalo was killed for both ceremonies.

When a male child dies who has not cut his teeth nor been
through the ear-piercing ceremony, the funeral is not held at
the usual funeral place for males, but at another. Thus the
Karsol do not take the body of such a child to Taradrkirsi
but to a place called Punpali.

When I attended the funeral of a girl named Sinerani
(52), the daughter of Kuriolv of Kuudr, both ceremonies
were performed on the same day, and a number of in-
cidents occurred which were very interesting as illustra-
tions of many of the practices which have been described
throughout this chapter. The child was about two years

392 THE TODAS chap.

old and had not yet been betrothed, but as soon as she
was dead it was arranged that she should marry her matcJmni,
Keinba (68), a little boy about four years of age, the son of
her mother's brother, and this boy occupied a prorhinent posi-
tion among those taking part in the funeral rites. Owing to
the marriage of the dead child to this boy, the dead child
would come to be one of his clan, the Keadrol, and there
seemed to be no doubt that, according to strict custom, the
funeral should have been held at the funeral place of this clan.
Kuriolv, however, arranged that the funeral should take place
at Kurkalmut, the funeral place for women of the Kuudrol,
but as the girl did not properly belong to this clan the funeral
hut was not erected within the circle of stones at this place,
but outside it.

The beginning of the funeral ceremonies was delayed for
some time because the little boy, Keinba (Fig. 57), had to be
taken by his father, Perpakh, in search of the wood and grass
out of which to make the bow and arrow to be used in the
pursiiipinii cQVQvaony, and they had to go far to find the proper
plants for the manufacture of the mimic weapon.

After this delay the ceremonial took its natural course till
the buffalo which had been caught by the Taradr men was
being taken to the place appointed for its slaughter by the
side of the funeral hut. The people had great difficulty in
making the buffalo move, and at last it lay down on a boggy
piece of ground, and the efforts of all failed to make it go
further. The diviners, Midjkudr and Mongudrvan, were then
called upon to ascertain the cause of the obstinacy of the
buffalo, and then followed the performance which I have
already described (see p. 252).

The reasons given by Midjkudr were not very clear, and
there seemed to be a good deal of doubt as to what he had
really said, but the following appeared to be the chief reasons
given : —

The buffalo, Kursi, which had delayed the proceedings, was
the property of Kuriolv and was descended from a buffalo
which had belonged to Teitchi, Kuriolv's grandfather. Since
this buffalo was thus family property, it should go to the sons,
and ought not to be killed for a daughter, and especially for

XVI

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

393

one who now belonged to another clan. Kuriolv ought to
have used a buffalo which he had acquired in his own life-
time. Midjkudi- went on to say that Kuriolv, having done
wrong, must pay compensation to the dead, and told him to
give the buffalo named Perov. As a sign that he would do

FIG. 57.— KEINBA AND PERPAKH ; THE FORMER IS HOLDING
IN HIS HAND THE IMITATION BOW AND ARROW AND
HAS HIS CLOAK OVER HIS HEAD.

so, Kuriolv performed the kabnelpudithti salutation to Perner,
the grandfather of Keinba and also, through Sintharap, of

the dead girl.

Another reason given was that the buffalo had been caught
at the wrong place — viz., at the place where it ought to be

394 THE TODAS chap.

caught at the funeral of a male. I only heard of this reason
a few days later, and I do not know whether it was one of
the reasons given by Midjkudr or whether it was a later
surmise. A third reason was that Perner and Tebner, his
brother, had been on bad terms ; and to put this right
Tebner, the younger, performed the kalnielpuditJiti salutation
to Perner.

The next special feature of the ceremony took place after
the buffalo had been killed and before the kacJiiittJiti cere-
mony. Keinba knelt down before Kuriolv and Piliag and
the two men touched the head of the boy with their feet, thus
accepting him as the husband of Sinerani. Then followed
the pursiitpimi ceremony. The mantle covering the dead
child was opened, her right hand unclenched, and Keinba
placed the little bow and arrow in the hand, and the fingers
of the dead child were closed over the bow so that they held
it as they would have done in life. Then the bow was taken
out of the hand, placed on the breast of the child, and the
mantle was again folded over her. Teitnir, the half-brother
of Kuriolv, who had now become \\\e paiol o{ Keinba, came
up and covered the head of the boy with his pulkitli as a sign
that he was a widow^er, and then Teitnir and Keinba put their
foreheads together and cried. After crying together for a
while, Teitnir touched Keinba's head with his foot. Then
Sintharap, the mother of Sinerani, gave grain and jaggery
and limes to Keinba, who put them in the pocket of the
mantle of the dead child. Sintharap and Keinba then cried
together, and Sintharap touched Keinba's head with her
foot.

After the cloth-giving ceremony, the body was taken to the
burning place, and Keinba mixed honey and grain in a metal
bowl ; when Keinba began to stir the grain and honey he
put his right arm out from above his cloak as usual, but was
speedily corrected and made to put out his hand from below
the cloak in the manner proper for a widower.

The wrists of the girl were burnt as in the iirvatpiDii cere-
mony, the burning being done by Silkidz (53), the wife of a
younger brother of Perpakh, Keinba's father, and, before her

XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 395

marriage, like Sinerani, one of the Kuudrol. Silkidz also
lighted the pyre.

In spite of the results of his previous infringement of
funeral law, Kuriolv made a further departure from orthodox
custom in burning on the pyre imitation buffalo horns, which
should only be burnt at the funerals of males. Then after
being swung over the flames as usual, the body was placed
on the pyre.

Less than half an hour later, and long before the body could
have been consumed, the marvainolkedr began, and passed
off without any special incident. Another buffalo was caught
and killed and laid by the side of a mantle containing hair
which had been cut from the head of the dead child by
Kcinba. The mantle should also have contained a piece of
skull, but the body had not been sufficiently consumed to
procure this, and so the hair alone was held to be sufficient.

Later a distribution of grain took place, and those who were
to take no part in the azaranikcdr on the following morning
went to their homes.

At another funeral of an unmarried girl, Olidzeimi (21), the
ceremony oi pursiitpimi was performed by the boy Pulgudr
(38), who had been married in infancy to the girl. He was
her niatchnni, being the son of Teijer, the sister of Parkeidi,
Olidzeimi's father. On this occasion Pulgudr said to his
father-in-law, Parkeidi, three XXmc-,, " piirsadikina ?'' — "Shall
I touch (with the) bow?" and Parkeidi replied each time,
" Pursadl " — " Touch with the bf)W ! " Then Pulgudr put the
bow and arrow into the hand of the dead girl, and Parkeidi
covered Pulgudr's head with the cloak, and the boy put grain,
jaggery, and limes into the pocket of the cloak of Olidzeimi.
At the funeral of Sinerani, Keinba did not say the proper
formula, probably because he was too young.

Funeral Contribution.s

In the old days, when a large number of buffaloes were
slaughtered at the funerals, and especially at the marvainolkedr,
it was the rule that every niaiuiiok/i, or sister's son, should

396 THE TODAS chap.

supply a buffalo, while in the case of a child it seemed that
buffaloes were sometimes given by the niun, or mother's
brother.

Buffaloes were also given by the husbands of the daughters
of a man, whether they were the manmokh of the man
or not. They might be given by other relatives, but it seemed
that the gift was especially a duty of the iiimiviokh and paiol.
The iJwkJitJiodvaiol of a woman should also contribute a
buffalo for her second funeral.

At the present time the limitation of the number of
buffaloes which may be slaughtered has removed the
necessity for these gifts, but it still remains the custom for
one of the buffaloes to be supplied by the niannwkJi or some
corresponding relative, or, at any rate, it seems to be usual for
one buffalo to be supplied by relatives of a man on the male
side, and the other by relatives on the female side ; thus, at
the funeral of Sinerani (52) one buffalo was given by Kuriolv,
the father of the dead child, and the other by Perner (68),
the father of the child's mother, and also the grandfather
of her husband.

Contributions in money may be made by any relative, and all
those who have married into the family of the deceased, even
if only boys, should contribute eight annas or a rupee towards
the general expenses, this custom being called tinkanik panni
■fitpiuii. The mokhtJiodvaiol of a woman should contribute
at least five rupees to the expenses of the second funeral.

The ceremony of kadiiitthti (see p. 358) also involves a
payment from his sons-in-law to a man of the same clan as
the dead man. The money is not paid, however, till the
woman who places the cloths on the body has attended
twenty funerals and is, therefore, probably not paid at all
in many cases, but it may be regarded as tribute from
those who have married into a family at each death in the
family.

The contributions of buffaloes and money from a man to
the relatives of his wife are called /^^r/.

Contributions of food are received from various relatives,
who also contribute certain of the objects used for the

XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 397

adornment of the body. Each relative gives a waist-
string called pennar, made of black and white thread, which
is put round the body of the corpse. That given by a
iiianDiokh is exceptionally honoured in that it is tied round
the body inside the mantle together with that given by the
son of the deceased, those given by other relatives being put
outside the mantle.

Many of the necessaries for the funerals are provided by the
Kotas. The part they take as the musicians has been already
mentioned. In addition they provide for the first funeral the
cloak iputkuli) in which the body is wrapped, and grain
{patm or saniai) to the amount of five to ten kiva. They give
one or two rupees towards the expenses, and if they should
have no grain their contribution of money is increased.

At the inarvainolkedr their contributions are more extensive.
They provide \.\\q putkuli, together with a sum of eight annas
for the decoration of the cloak by the Toda women. They
give two to five rupees towards the general expenses and
provide the bow and arrow, basket {tek), knife {kafkati), and
the sieve called kudsJimurn. The Kotas receive at each
funeral the bodies of the slaughtered buffaloes, and are also
usually given food. The method by which these contributions
from the Kotas to the Todas are regulated will be considered
in Chapter XXVII.

Amnodr

Amnodr^ is the other world of the Todas to which the dead
go. It lies to the west and is lighted by the same sun as this
world. The sun goes there when it sinks to the west so that
when it is dark on the Nilgiris it is light in Amnodr, and when
it is dark in Amnodr it is light on the Nilgiris. When Kwoto
tied down the sun it was dark in both worlds and the people of
Amnodr complained (see p. 206) and joined with those of this
world in the request that the sun should be restored to its
proper place. Amnodr is considered to be below this world,

^ This may possibly be the world of Yaina, the Todas rarely, if ever, iisintr the
the letter y. The word was often pronounced Amanodr.

398 THE TODAS chap.

and this was given as the reason why the dead used to be
burnt face downwards. It will be remembered also that
On was looking downwards when he saw his son Piiv in
Amnodr (see p. 185).

Amnodr is presided over by the god On, who went there
after the death of his son Pliv, and it is often called Onnodr
after him, while this world, presided over by the goddess
Teikirzi, is known as Inanodr or Eikirzinodr.^ The people
of Amnodr or Onnodr are known as the Amatol. Formerly
the Todas used to go freely to and fro between Amnodr and
Eikirzinodr, but this was stopped owing to the behaviour of
Kwoto, and since his time only the dead go to Amnodr and
they do not return.

The Amatol live in much the same way as the inhabitants
of this world. They have their buffaloes and their dairies,
and the daily life of the people appears to be much like that
of the living Todas. As the people walk about, however,
they wear down their legs. They have to walk every day,
and when a man has worn down his legs as far as the knees
On sends him back to this world as another man.

On will not allow any pigs or rats to enter Amnodr, as
they would root up and spoil the country.

Dead people travel to Amnodr by well-defined routes,
which are different for Tartharol and Teivaliol, while the
Taradrol have a separate Amnodr for their clan.

The dead do not set out for Amnodr till after the second
funeral, taking with them the things burnt at the azaranikedr.
Both Tartharol and Teivaliol journey westwards towards the
Kundahs and cross the Pakhwar or Avalanche river at the
same spot.

The paths for the two divisions then diverge. The
Tartharol go by a place called Katchar, while the Teivaliol
go by Kusheigudr, situated by the bridle path now leading
from Avalanche Bungalow to Avalanche Top. Whenever a
Teivali man passes this spot for the first time he throws
three stones called ovionikdrs. Similarly, a Tarthar man
passing Katchar for the first time throws three stones in

^ This is one of several instances in which llie initial / of a word is omitted in
compound forms.

XV.I FUNERAL CEREMONIES 399

the same way. At the top of the hill there is a spot at
which every Toda salutes {kaiinukJiti) in all directions.

The two paths meet again at a stone called Nidzmutkars
(hot knock stone). When the dead Todas reach this stone
they knock on it, and in so doing lose all their love of this
world. They proceed and reach the stone called Panipikars,
on which also they knock, and by so doing lose all their
diseases and become strong again, so that they are sound and
vigorous when they reach Amnodr.

After knocking on Panipikars, the dead pass a wood called
Katiarnpiil, in which there is a tree called inahi, and as they
go they make a cut on this tree with the kafkati or knife
burnt with them, and Todas who pass by Katiarnpiil on
the day after a funeral have often seen the newly made cut
on the main tree. For women there is another place in the
wood called Patkadipem, and here the woman pounds with
the wask burnt at her aaarainkedr.

On proceeding the dead Todas come to a ravine and river
called Piivurkin, near Sisapara. Across this river there is a
thread bridge, and those who have been bad Todas durine-
life fall into the river and are bitten by leeches [pUv or piif).
The people who cross the thread bridge successfully go
straight to Amnodr, but those who fall are helped out of the
river by the people of Padrmukhteir (crowd plain swamp),
who belong to all tribes and live on the further bank of
Piivurkin. The people of Padrmukhteir may keep the
offending Todas in their country for some time. The greater
their offences, the longer are they kept, but all, however bad,
reach Amnodr sooner or later.

The following are the people who fall into Pi.ivurkin : —
{a) the karainol, selfish people ; {Ji) the kasJitvainol, jealous
and grudging people ; {c) the kaspivainol, those who have
committed any offences against the dairy, whether /.rr// or /^//.

The danger of falling into Piivurkin does not seem to have
much influence on the people. It has been spoken of as the
Toda Hell, but it is rather a mild variety of Purgatory, and
only involves some discomfort and delay on the journey to
the next world. The people of Kavidi in the Wainad may
travel direct to Amnodr without going over Puvurkin at all,

400 THE TODAS chap.

and they run no danger from this source, however bad they
may have been.

The people of Taradr are said to have a separate Amnodr
near Kulvari or Perithi, and t|iey do not travel by
Nidzmutkars or by Panipikars, nor do they cross Piivurkin.
They have no dangers by the way, and however wicked they
may have been they go to their Amnodr in security. Men,
women and buffaloes all follow the same path.

Origin of Funeral Customs

The various funeral customs are said to have been partly
ordained by Teikirzi. The following story is given as the
account of their origin : —

At first no Toda died. After a time a Piedr man died
at the village of Erparskodr. He died in his hut and the
Todas took his body to the funeral place, but on the way
they laid it by a heap of stones between Erparskodr and
Umgas. The stones are still to be seen, and are called
Moditikars.^ While the body lay by these stones, some of
the people were weeping bitterly ; others were dancing and
singing, and others were going to drive buffaloes. Teikirzi,
who saw the people weeping, took pity and came to bring the
dead man back to life. When she came to the place she
found that though some of the people were crying, others
seemed quite happy. She liked what she saw, and decided
not to raise the dead man, so she went away and ordained
that in the future some should cry at funerals and others
should be happy, and her laws as to the conduct of the
funeral ceremonies have been followed ever since.

Then the people took up the dead body and went on to
Kuruvors, near Umgas, where they performed the funeral
ceremonies.

In the various complicated ceremonies described in this
chapter there are certain features which may be briefly
discussed.

' Modiii is the name applied to all the women of other tribes. It is perhaps
suggestive that this name should be used for a stone connected with the goddess
Teikirzi.

XVI. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 401

There is no doubt that the buffaloes killed at the funeral
are supposed to go to Amnodr with the dead person. Sacred
buffaloes are only killed at the funerals of men, for they
would be useless to women, who, in the next world as in this,
have nothing to do with dairies at which the sacred buffaloes
must be tended. There is no evidence that the slaughter of
buffaloes is in any way a propitiatory sacrifice, and there
seems to be a very marked absence of anything resembling
prayer or other forms of appeal to higher powers in the
funeral ceremonies.^

Dairymen take part in the funeral ceremonies, but chiefly
in connexion with the sacred buffaloes. The highest kind
of dairyman, the palol, has no duties whatever, and loses his
office if he takes part merely as a visitor. At Tarthar funerals
the ivursol has important duties, chiefly connected with the
sacred buffaloes and with the ifiaiii, which is hung round their
necks. He also takes the chief part in the kootiti and accom-
panying ceremonies of the second funeral, probably because
the sacred tiidr bark is used. In one rite there is no obvious
reason why the ivursol should play a part — viz., in that of
throwing earth. As this ceremony, however, is of especial
importance, it suggests that formerly dairymen may have
had more to do with funeral ceremonies than is the case
at present.

Among the Teivaliol, the palikaj'tniokh has less important
functions. He probably kills the sacred buffaloes, though on
this point I am not certain. Only one Teivali clan possesses
a inani which is used at a funeral, and it is noteworthy that,
though the bell is removed from its hiding place (see p. 354)
by the palikartinokh, it is taken to the funeral and hung
on the neck of the buffalo by a Tarthar man belonging to
the Nodrs clan.

The facts that the ivursol takes part in the funerals of
men ; that sacred buffaloes are killed ; that dairies are used
in these funerals, and that the funeral hut of a man is always

' Several of those who have witnessed Toda funerals have noticed that barren
buffaloes are killed on these occasions, and I believe that it is a recognised
custom to use such animals. Pidrvan's funeral lament begins with a reference to
barren buffaloes, and the clause, " in the midst of barren buffaloes you went,"
evidently refers to Pidrvan's skill in catching buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies.

D D

402 THE TODAS CHAP.

called pali or dairy, even when built for the occasion, all bring
the funeral ceremonies of men into connexion with the reli-
gious dairy ceremonial of the Todas. On the other hand,
even in those cases in which a dairy is used as a funeral hut,
the dairyman of that dairy has nothing to do with the funeral
ceremonies ; thus, at Nodrs the dairy in which the body of a
dead man is laid is the tarvnli, but the tarvalikartnwkli has no
duties in connexion with the funeral, and does his dairy work
as usual, while it is the dairyman of the conical poll, the
wuj'sol, who takes an active part in the funeral rites.

The earth-throwing ceremony is of especial interest, because
it would seem to be a relic of burial. Earth is thrown
three times on the corpse before it is burnt. In connexion
with the idea that the ceremony is a relic of a previous stage,
in which the Todas buried their dead, it may be mentioned
that a ceremony with some points of similarity is performed
at the funerals of the Hill Arrians of the Western Ghats,^ who
bury their dead. A man of the same clan as the deceased
takes a new cloth and tears from it a narrow strip which he
fastens upon himself He then goes backwards to the place
fixed for the grave and digs with a hoe, removing three hoes
full of earth. In this ceremony he is said to be calling on the
earth to give up six feet for the dead. There is a suggestive
resemblance between the ceremonies performed by these two
hill tribes of South-west India, which lends some support to
the view that the earth-throwing ceremony of the Todas is a
relic of inhumation.

It perhaps may be regarded as a fact inconsistent with
this view that the earth-throwing ceremony is performed at
both funerals, and again the throwing of earth into a buffalo
pen is so essential a feature that it is possible the whole
ceremony may have some other meaning.

It is tempting to extend the conjecture by supposing that
the dead were at one time buried in the tu or buffalo pen,
but there is, as far as I know, no evidence that this was ever
done by the Todas or by any other Indian tribe. Unless,
indeed, the azaram is the representative of a /«, in which case
the burial of the ashes at the entrance of the azaram may be

^ See Fawcett,yc;«;'«. Anih/vp, Soc. Bombay, 1890, vol. ii., p. 146.

XVI. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 403

a survival of a time when the body was buried at the entrance
of a pen.

The custom of burning the hut at a woman's funeral is
probably a survival of the common custom of burning the
liouse of a dead person, but it is possible that in the case
of the Todas this may have been associated with the belief
that the hut would be useful in the next world. The funeral
hut of a man is not burnt, and this is almost certainly
because it is, or represents, a dair)'. The motive for the
burning of the house of a dead person is probably to
remove a place which the ghost may haunt, and the sanctity
of the dairy was probably such as to render this precaution
unnecessary after the death of a man.

The Toda custom of cremating their dead is accompanied
by a belief that the dead go to a distant spirit-world. It
seems quite certain that the Todas believe that the dead
do not set out on their journey to the next world till after
the second funeral ceremonies, but I am not at all clear what
is supposed to become of the spirits of the dead in the interval
between the two ceremonies. The spirit of a Melgars man
during the interval is said to be a kaaiin or malignant spirit,
but I was unable to obtain a full account of the Toda belief
about the kaciin, nor was I able to find out whether there
is any belief in the malignity of the spirits of the dead of
other clans.^ That such spirits are impure is, I think, shown
conclusively by the impurity of the relics of the dead and
of all those who have been in contact with them. The
intense objection to the sacred ti buffaloes or their guardians
coming into relation, however indirectly, with the relics is
evidence of the belief in the impurity, if not in the malignity,
of the spirits of the dead between the two funeral ceremonies.

There is one rite which seems to point to the influence
of the spirits of the dead on the living, and this is the
obscure ceremony of tersaniptpiiiii, which is performed on
the day after the i>iarvainolkcdr of a Tarthar man (see
P- 333)- The ceremony consists in cutting a lock of hair
from a young child. One obvious explanation would be

' In Teitnir's lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars /caztiit,
which suggests that each clan has its own kaziin.

D D 2

404 THE TODAS CH. xvi

furnished if we supposed that the spirits of the dead are
malignant and that the ceremony was postponed till after
the spirit had set out on his journey to Amnodr, but there
are two objections to this explanation. If the Todas had
had this in their minds, they would have said that the
ceremony might not be performed while there was kedr
among the Tartharol, i.e., while the funeral ceremonies of
a Tarthar man were still incomplete. For the tcrsaniptpinii
ceremony, however, it seems that a child has to wait till
after a marvainolkcdr even if there has been no recent death
among the Tartharol. Further, if the proposed explanation
had been correct, there is no reason why the karvnol, or day
immediately after the funeral, should have been appointed
for the ceremony. The fact that this day is prescribed
points rather to some beneficial influence which it is hoped
may emanate from tlie dead.

CHAPTER XVII

SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS

We have seen that nearly every Toda ceremony has its
appointed day or days, and that the choice of these is often
dependent on another Toda institution, the sacred day, either
of the village or of the dairy. Every clan has certain days of
the week on which people are restricted from following many
of their ordinary occupations, although they are not the
occasions of any special ceremonies. These sacred days are
the madnol or village day, and the palinol or dairy day.
Another occasion to which the same kinds of restriction
apply is the arpatznol, the day of the week corresponding
to that on which the father of a man has died.

The Madnol and Palinol

The madnol is literally the village day. Each village has
its madnol, and in some cases it would seem that different
villages of a clan might have different madnol, but in general
the madnol is the same for the whole clan.

Certain things may not be done on the madnol: —

(i) ponkistJibgadi, a feast may not be given (lit. feast may
not divide, i.e., food must not be shared out).

(ii) kedrvilbgadi, funeral ceremonies may not be per-
formed.

(iii) kzvadrtbgadi, nothing may be given (from the village).
Since buying implies the departure of money from the village,
a secondary consequence is that nothing may be bought on
the madnol, but if anything is given to an inhabitant of the
village, he may bring it into the village on this day.

4o6 THE TODAS CHAP.

(iv) Women may not leave the village, nor may women
from other places come to the village.

(v) The people may not bathe nor cut their nails on the
madnol, and the men may not shave. Clothes may not be
washed, nor may the usual cleansing of the house with
buffalo-dung be done. The ordinary meals may be pre-
pared, but the people must not cook rice with milk.

(vi) The stone called tiikittJikars may not be touched.

(vii) The dairyman may not leave the village, and the
ordination ceremonies of a dairyman may not take place on
this day.

(viii) The people may not migrate from one village to
another, nor may the buffaloes be taken from one place
to another.

Among the Teivaliol the madnol is the only sacred day of
the week, but among the Tartharol there is also a dairy day
or palinol, and if there is more than one dairy there may be
one such holy day for each kind of dairy, each named after
the dairy, the wursulinol, the kudrpalinol, or the tarvalinol.
Similarly, Taradr has a kiigvalinol and Kanodrs a pohnol.

On these days milk and ghi may not be given out from the
dairy, nor may they be sold. Butter and buttermilk may be
distributed, but only to the people of the village. Buffaloes
may not be driven on these days. Women may not leave
the village, though women of other villages are allowed to
come. Cleansing with buffalo-dung must not be done. There
was some difference of opinion as to whether money might
leave the village on these days. Some said not, but it seemed
clear that at Kars money might be taken from the village on
the palinol. The rules were said to be the same for the holy
days of all kinds of dairy.

There are various recognised methods of evading the rules
for the holy days, and of avoiding the inconvenience which
the regulations might entail on a village.

Money may be taken out of the village on the day before
the madnol and buried or left in some spot where it can be
found on the following day, so that if there is an urgent
reason why a purchase should be completed on the holy day
this can be done.

XVII SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 407

Similarly, women who wish to leave the village on a holy
day do so before daybreak. They wait outside the village
till the sun is up, then return to the village, have their meals
and do any necessary work, and may then leave. Having
left the village before daybreak, a woman is apparently
regarded as ceremonially absent during her return to the
village, and by making this false start she is held to be
keeping the law.

If there is an urgent reason why a woman from another
village should come on a niadnol, she must arrive after
sunset.

If any of these rules are broken, the culprit may have to
perform the ceremony of irnortiti or one of the other allied
rites. It seemed quite clear, however, that this only happened
if some misfortune should befall the offender, his family,
or his buffaloes. It would seem that a man might habitually
and notoriously desecrate the inadnol, but no steps would be
taken by himself or the community so long as things went
well with the man. If he should become ill or if his buffaloes
should suffer in any way, he would consult the diviners and
they would then certainly find that his misfortunes were due
to his infringement of the laws connected with the sacred
days.

As a matter of fact, it does not happen, so far as I could
find, that anyone habitually infringes the laws, and breaking
the viadnol or palinol rarely forms an occasion for the irnortiti
ceremony.

The arpatznol.

Another sacred day is the arpatznol or arpasnol. This is
the day of the week on which the father of a man has died.
The father of Kutadri and Kodrner died on a Friday, and
every Friday is the arpatznol of these men. I could not learn
definitely what are the restrictions for this day, but they
seem to be of the same kind as those for the inadnol,
though I am doubtful whether they are very strictly kept.
Kutadri and Kodrner once drove their buffaloes from Kars to
Isharadr on a Friday ; the buffaloes were sick, and they
moved them without thinking that it was their arpatznol.

THE TODAS chap.

Soon after Kodrner fell ill and one of the buffaloes died, and
the teuol found that the desecration of the arpatznol\Nd.^ one of
the causes, though they had also bought things on a Monday,
the Diadnol of Kars.

There is much variety in the days appointed as the viadnol
or palinol of different villages and clans. My records are
very incomplete, but they show the most frequent days to be
Wednesday and Friday, which are sacred in six clans.
Sunday is sacred in five clans, Monday and Tuesday in three,
and Thursday in two, while in no clan, so far as my records
go, is Saturday a holy day.

It will have been noticed that funeral ceremonies may
not be held on a niadiiol, and it seems to be exceptional that
funeral ceremonies should take place on one of the dairy days.
There is very little doubt that it is the prohibition of funerals
on village and dairy days which chiefly determines the choice
of funeral days. Thus, at Nidrsi, Wednesday is the madnol,
Monday is the wiirsiiltjwl, Friday is the tarvaliiiol, while the
funeral of a male is held on Saturday or Sunday and. that
of a female on Tuesday or Thursday. Similarly, the village
and dairy days of Melgars are Monday and Friday, while
the funeral days for males are Sunday and Tuesday, for
females Thursday and Saturday. At Kwodrdoni, the village
and dairy days are Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, the
funeral days Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

In a few cases, it would seem that funerals may be held
on dairy days ; thus, at Kars Monday is the madnol, Tuesday
the zviirsulinol, and Thursday the kiidrpalinol, while the
funeral days for males are Sundays and Tuesdays, for females
Thursdays and Saturda3's. If a iiiani is used, however, a
male funeral must be held on Sunday, and I suspect that the
holding of a male funeral on Tuesday is an innovation, and
probably the same holds good for the choice of Thursday as
a funeral day for females.

The funeral rites are not the only ceremonies which have
their appointed days. Nearly every ceremonial occasion
among the Todas has its prescribed day, and of these cere-
monial days Sunday seems to occupy an especially favoured
position. As many ceremonies are appointed for this day as

xv.ii SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 409

for nearly all the other days of the week put together. It is
also the most frequent day for the funerals of males, and it
seemed to me that whenever it was possible this day was
chosen.

Several clans, however, have Sunday as the viadnol, and if
the laws of this day are observ^ed ceremonies of which feasts
form a part could not be performed on this day in these clans ;
thus, though I have no definite information on the point, I
have no doubt that the irpalvnstJii ceremony could not be
performed.

It so happens that the clans which have Sunday as their
niadnol or palinol are Pan, Kanodrs, Pam, Kwodrdoni, and
Pedrkars, all clans seated in outlying parts of the hills about
which my information is less complete than in other cases.
None of the larger and more important central clans about
whose customs I obtained the fullest information had either
viadiwl or palinol on a Sunday, and I have very little doubt
that in those clans which have Sunday as a viadnol, ceremonies,
at any rate of a festive nature, would not be performed on
this day. There is little doubt that the great prominence of
Sunday as a feast day would have come out less strongly if
my information about the outlying clans had been more
complete.

I must leave this point uncertain, but I have little doubt
that with fuller information about the customs of different
clans we should find that the choice of days for ceremonies is
chiefly, if not entirely, determined by the necessity of holding
these on some clay other than the niadnol or palinol.

At the same time, there can be no doubt that Sunday is
one of the days appointed for a festival or ceremony very fre-
quently, and this is especially the case at the //, the procedure
of which is to a large extent uninfluenced by considerations
concerned with the niadnol dind palinol. Even here, however,
these days are not altogether without influence, for certain
ceremonial days at the ti are feast days for the clan to which
the // belongs, and this would make it necessary that the
ceremonies should not be held on the niadnol of the clan.
Certain days were said to be feast-days throughout the whole
Toda community, but I have no knowledge as to how these

4IO THE TODAS CHAP.

days would be kept by those clans on whose madnol they
might fall.

Several previous writers, when recording the choice of
certain days for the funeral ceremonies, have ascribed to the
Todas a belief in lucky and unlucky days, in days of good
or evil omen. One man, when telling me that Sunday,
Wednesday, and Saturday were days on which the irpalvusthi
ceremony might be performed at the tarvali, referred to them
as lucky days.

I think it is extremely doubtful whether the Toda in general
has any such belief, and if he has, it is probable that the
idea is a recent importation borrowed from the Hindus, among
whom the belief in lucky or unlucky days is of course
very prevalent. The distinction among the Todas is rather
into feast and fast days, using the latter term in a wide
sense.

It is possible that the institutions of madnol and palinol
have grown out of the belief in unlucky days ; that certain
things were not done on these days because they were unlucky
days, and that so there came into existence a code of rules
prescribing what might and what might not be done.

The chief difficulty in the way of this view is the fact that
the different clans of the Todas have different sacred days.
One would expect lucky and unlucky days to be the same for
the whole community. The sacred days place very definite
restrictions on the intercourse between different clans, and this
inconvenience must be increased by the fact that the different
clans have different madnol, and there is no obvious reason
why this difference in the choice of sacred days should have
come about.

The distinction between madnol and /<7//;/<?/ is, again, one
which can hardly have grown out of the belief in unlucky
days, though perhaps, given a village day, it is not an
unnatural step for the Todas to have decided that they would
have a dairy day also.

Whatever the origin of the laws regulating Toda custom in
this respect, I think there is little doubt that when at the
present time a given act is done or not done on a given day,
the action is not based on a belief in lucky or unlucky days.

XVII SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 411

but, as nearly always among the Todas, on custom prescribing
that the act shall or shall not be done on that day.

There are, however, other restrictions or relaxations con-
nected with certain days of the week which have probably
arisen out of a belief in lucky and unlucky days.

There is a regulation (now almost a dead letter) that the
Todas must not cross the Paikara and Avalanche rivers on
Tuesdays, Fridays, or Saturdays. Sundays and Wednesdays,
on the other hand, are the days on which the ivursol is
allowed to sleep in the hut with ordinary people, and
Mondays and Thursdays are the days on which the palol
is visited by Todas other than the inbrol. Such facts sug-
gest that the three days on which the rivers should not be
crossed are unlucky days, but, on the other hand, the days
which I was once told were lucky days included Saturday.
The evidence at our command is conflicting, and does no more
than suggest that the restrictions or relaxations common to
the whole community may be connected with the belief in
lucky and unlucky days.

Attention may here be called to the fact that the Todas
evidently regard the first half of the month as most
auspicious for their ceremonies, and it would seem that in
most cases the first appropriate day of the week after the new
moon is the proper day for nearly every Toda ceremonial. I
met with no case in which any ceremony was appointed for
the period of the full moon or for the second half of the
moon's period. At the present, it seems that such ceremonies
as those connected with the migrations of the buffaloes may
take place in the second half of the month, but I have no
doubt that this is only a result of modern laxity.

The definite values assigned to different days of the week
is a very special feature of Toda custom, and in the madnol
we have an institution very closely resembling that of the
Sabbath. In a busier community than that of the Todas, the
existence of different madnol for different clans of the com-
munity would soon become a serious obstacle to carrying on
the business of life, and such a community would probably
agree that all clans should have the same holy day. At
present the madnol is undoubtedly more sacred than the other

412 THE TODAS chap.

sacred days, and if the latter were then to be neglected, we
should have a community in which various activities were pro-
hibited on one day of the week, and the institution so arising
would differ very little from the Hebrew Sabbath. It is pos-
sible that the Todas show in an early stage the institution of a
Sabbath in which the whole community has not yet settled on
a single and joint holy day.

Sacred Numbers

Certain numbers recur with great frequency in the dairy
ceremonial, and may be regarded as having a special sanctity
on this account. There seems to be a general preference for
uneven numbers, and this preference comes out very strongly
in the tesJierst ceremony, in which an uneven number of men
must take part on any one occasion. The number of men
performing this ceremony together must be three, five, seven,
nine, &c.

In the dairy ritual the numbers which occur chiefly are
three, seven and nine, but other numbers have also been
singled out in other branches of Toda lore. The numbers
which occur in ceremonial may now be considered in detail.

Three. — A large proportion of the ritual acts of the dairy
are performed three times, usually with the accompaniment
of the sacred syllable Ofi uttered thrice, once with each
performance of the act. This three-fold performance is
especially marked in the ceremony of putting milk or curds
on the sacred bells and in the ceremonial drinking of butter-
milk. In the ordination ceremonies, the number occurs
less frequently. The purificatory drinking is always done
seven times or some multiple of seven, but after drinking,
the candidate rubs himself three times with the shoots or
bark, and, at the ordination of a palol, the candidate drinks
three times seven on several occasions. Other acts during
the ordination of the /^/i?/ are also performed thrice, and the
same number occurs in the ordination of the kaltniokh.

Acts are performed thrice with special frequency in the
ceremonial of the //, and, at the ordinary dairy, this number
is especially connected with the ' feeding ' of the sacred

xyii SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 413

bell, and there is no doubt that it is a number regarded as
especially sacred. Whenever the sacred syllable On is used,
it is nearly always uttered thrice, and there seems to be a
special association between the number three and this word.

In the crkuiiipttJipiini ceremony three branches of tudr
leaves are used, and they and the log with which the calf is
killed are passed round the body of the animal thrice. Later
in the ceremony three pieces of wood are thrown over the fire.

In the ceremonies connected with childbirth, the woman
drinks thrice on various occasions, in the pursiltpimi cere-
mony the name of the bow is asked and the answer given
three times, and in the ceremony of name-giving three grains
of barley are put into the mouth of the child and three into
his hair.

At the funeral ceremonies, earth is thrown three times on
the corpse and three times into the pen, the body is swung
on the fire three times, and at the final scene of the azaramkedr
the man who rings the bell goes round the burial place of
the ashes thrice. Three ovionikdrs are thrown by the man
who crosses the pathway of the dead. The number three is
not limited to the dairy ritual, but is of frequent occurrence
in the whole of Toda ceremonial.

The number three also appears in connexion with magical
or semi-magical practices. The various methods of treatment
used by the utkbren are carried out three times and never
more frequently than this, and the sufferer who drinks hot
water to allay the effects of fright also does this thrice. A
remedy is probably held to be more potent if repeated the
same number of times as in the case of so many sacred acts.

Five. — This number does not occur in the dairy ceremonial
except in certain ceremonies at the Nodrs ti which are
repeated five times because there are five groups of buffaloes
belonging to this dairy. The number in this case has,
however, no ceremonial significance, and is merely a con-
sequence of the fact that one palol at this ti has three groups
and the other two groups of buffaloes. The only other
occurrence of the number is at the Kars ti, where the ancient
lamp probably had five cavities, but even this is doubtful.

The number five comes in one place into Toda magic. The

4T4 THE TODAS chap.

sorcerer, who wishes to injure one who has not granted his
request, hides five stones tied together with hair in the thatch
of his enemy's hut.

Six. — ^This number does not occur in the dairy ceremonial,
but it seems to be regarded as an auspicious number in some
ways. In Teitnir's lament for his wife, reference is made to
the hope that they might have had six children and six
buffaloes, and in the prayer on the occasion of the ear-
piercing ceremony, one clause runs " may he have six sons."

Six sticks are used to make the artificial dairy of the hand-
burning ceremony, but this is an obvious result of the fact
that the dairy has to have two rooms.

Seven. — This number is especially prominent in the ordina-
tion ceremonies. The purificatory drinking out of leaf-cups
is always done seven times or some multiple of seven, the
palikartinokJi drinking seven times only, the ivursol seven
times seven, and the palol three times seven, seven times
seven and nine times seven at different periods of his pro-
longed ordination ceremonies. At the dairies of Taradr and
Kanodrs, the number occurs in a different form, seven dif-
ferent kinds of leaf being used in the purificatory ceremonies.

The number occurs again in connexion with the lamp. At
the Nodrs ti and at the Pan //, and possibly at other dairies,
there used to be lamps, each of which had seven cavities and
seven wicks. Some of these lamps have been lost, but two
remain at the dairies mentioned. I have already referred to
the fact that some of the ancient lamps were said to have had
five wicks, but it seems clear that in the only two examples
which survive there are seven wicks, and it is possible that
this was the number in all.

Another occurrence of the number seven is in the old
dairies of the Nodrs clan which had seven rooms. The
funeral dairies, which are undoubtedly very ancient institu-
tions, have three rooms, and the Nodrs dairies, also undoubt-
edly ancient, had seven, but I heard of no case in which
a dairy had four, five, or six rooms.

Outside the dairy ceremonial, the only occurrence of this
number is in the lament of Teitnir for his wife, in which
he speaks of their visiting seven courts and seven ships.

XYli SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 415

It is perhaps significant that the number seven should be a
sacred number to a people who have so highly developed the
cult of different days of the week. It is possible that the
purificatory drinkings of the ordination ceremonies were at
one time performed seven times with the idea that the candi-
date was sanctif}ing himself for each day of the week, but at
the present time it is clear that the act is performed seven
times because this number is prescribed by custom. It
would be interesting to ascertain whether the sanctity of the
number seven occurs predominantly in the religious cults of
peoples who have a seven -day week.

Nine. — This number only occurs in the dairy ceremonial
during the ordination of the palol \\\vQn the seven-fold puri-
fication with tndr is performed nine times.

Tivelve. — I only met with this number once, in the pra}-er
at the piliudrtiti ceremony, when the expression " 12 years "
is used as if it were equivalent to " for ever."

Sixteen and Eighteen. — The chief interest of these numbers
is that they are used in connexion with the gods. There are
said to be 1600, 1800 gods, and the.se numbers are mentioned
in the prayer of the Kanodrs dairy and in the legends. The
numbers are probably used in the way in which we should
use the word ' infinite,' but there must be some reason why
they should have been chosen.

The number 18 occurs in another connexion in the rule
that the palol should perform a certain ceremony after
eighteen years of continuous office.

I have one possible clue to the choice of the number
eighteen. The Todas say that a species of Strobilanth growing
on the Nilgiris as a shrub only flowers once in eighteen years.
They call this shrub pilvkat, and it was in flower during the
year of my visit. Albert, my interpreter, had only seen it in
flower once or twice, but had not paid special attention to the
duration of the flowering period. The number of times that
several Todas had seen the flowers agreed approximately with
their probable ages. Thus, Kutadri saw the flowers in 1902
for the third time, having seen them for the first time when he
was twelve years old. This would make his age forty-eight,
which seemed from other sources of information to be

4i6 THE TODAS CH. xvn

approximately correct. The Todas use the flower as a record
of age, and some Todas are reputed to have seen the flowers
seven times, which, taking five years as the age when they
were first seen, would make them over no years.

There is another Strobilanth called tirparikat which is said
to flower every twelve years, and another every six. I do
not know of any confirmation of the flowering periods of
these plants except the last, which probably refers to Strobil-
antlies sexennis.

Whether the Toda belief in the eighteen-year period of the
plant they call pilvkat is correct or not, it seems probable
that it may have furnished the suggestion for the special
position taken by the number eighteen in Toda lore.

CHAPTER XVIII

SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS

The Todas show undoubted signs of reverence to various
material objects. Many of the objects so reverenced have
been mentioned incidentally in the account of the dairy ritual
and in other places, and in this chapter I propose to consider
how far these objects are regarded as sacred, and to give an
account of some sacred objects not hitherto noticed.

Of the various objects of reverence the following are the
most important : hills and rivers ; villages, dairies, their thres-
holds and contents ; bells ; the buffalo and its milk ; trees and
plants ; the sun, fire and light ; and stones.

Hills and Other Places.

Any place connected with the gods is reverenced by the
the Todas, and this is especially the case with the hills where
they dwell. Only some hills, however, are shown reverence
by means of the kaijuukhti salutation. One of these is the
hill of Notirzi (Snowdon), and every Toda visiting this hill
salutes with hand to forehead in all directions. Another
place where a similar salutation is performed is a spot at
Avalanche Top. When I visited this place with Kutadri
he saluted in all directions with both hands to his face, and
told me that a man who once omitted to do this was
killed soon after by a tiger. In this case I could not
learn that Kutadri was saluting any particular hill or other
spot. He seemed to be saluting the region of the Kundahs
on which he was about to enter.

E e

4i8 THE TODAS chap.

There are doubtless other places where the same sign of
reverence is used.

The sanctity of the hills will be further considered in the
next chapter, when discussing in what sense at the present
time the gods are believed to dwell on their summits.

Rivers

There are two sacred rivers, the Teipakh (Paikara) and the
Pakhwar (Avalanche), both identified with or inhabited by
gods. They are the two largest streams on the Nilgiris, and
there are numerous indications of their sanctity. Every Toda
crossing either of these streams must put his right arm out-
side his cloak {kevenarut) while he is doing so. The only
exception to this rule is in the case of a widower who is wear-
ing his cloak over his head, and he shows his respect by
putting out his right hand below the cloak. On cold days
the Todas wrap their cloaks closely around them, and I have
often seen them put out their right arms just before they
stepped on the bridge near the Paikara bungalow, and put
them in again with obvious relief the moment they had
reached the other side.

At one time these rivers might only be crossed on certain
days of the week. The Toda believed that if they crossed on
a Tuesday, Friday, or Saturday, consequences might ensue
which could only be set right by the ir7idrtiti ceremony.
This prohibition is no longer in force, but its influence is
still shown in another way.

When two matcJmni cross either of these rivers in com-
pany they usually perform a ceremony to be described on
p. 501, but this ceremony is omitted on the three days
above mentioned, probably because the people should not
properly be there at all.

The palol may not cross either of the rivers except at
certain spots which are not the places used by ordinary
people. In the old days there were certain fords, and the
palol had his own ford. At the present time, when the Todas
habitually cross the Paikara by means of a bridge, the
restriction is put in the form that " the palol may not cross

xvui SACRED PLACES AND ODJECTS 419

the river by the bridge." The kaltuiokh also may not cross
the river by the bridge except when he is degraded to the
rank o{ perkursol.

There is a small stream near Nodrs which may not be
crossed at a given spot, this being the place where Teikirzi
is reputed to have shared out the buffaloes among the Todas.

The only other restriction on crossing water was of a
different kind. One who had been bitten by a snake might
not cross a stream, and this applied to any stream and not
only to the two sacred rivers of Teipakh and Pakhwar.

Villages

It is difficult to distinguish how far the sanctity of a village
is due to its dairy. No village without a dairy is regarded as
sacred, but there is no doubt that the village itself may have
some sanctity, and it is probable that the chief village of a
clan which no longer had a dairy might nevertheless continue
to be treated with some degree of reverence.

Reverence is shown to every village which is called an
etudmad, but this word is used in two senses. The chief
village of the clan from which the people of the clan take
their name is the ctudniad oi the clan or niadol, but the same
name is also given to any village to which any special idea of
sanctity attaches, and this is especially marked if its dairy
should possess a mani. The sign of reverence paid to an
etiidinad is the salutation called kaiiiiukJiti or kabiirlti.
Whenever a man comes within sight of one of these villages
he purifies his mouth by chewing some grass, and then salutes
the village by placing his hand in front of his face in the
way shown in Fig. 10. The salutation is performed with the
right hand outside the cloak {kevenanit), and if a man is
wearing a turban he will take it off, as is shown in the figure.

When a man salutes in this way he may be two or three
miles from the village, the salutation being made, according
to some accounts, directly the man sees the village, and
according to others, not until he sees the dairy. When
my guide Kodrner was saluting the sacred village of Kiudr,
I could see neither the hut nor the dairy of this village,

E E 2

420 THE TODAS chap.

though I could see the grove in which I knew them to be.
When going from Ootacamund to Faikara by the bridle path
the village of Taradr is saluted at a spot about two miles from
the village in a straight line.

When a man leaves an etiidmad he turns towards the
village when it is about to pass out of view, chews some
grass, and salutes in the same way as on first viewing it. On
all the chief routes over the hills the Todas know the exact
spots at which different villages become visible, and I have
noticed that the salutation to a given village has been made
by different Todas and on different occasions from exactly
the same spot.

In a few cases there was some doubt as to whether a given
village should receive the kaiinukJiti salutation or not. It
seemed that there were certain etuduiad more sacred than the
rest, and they would be saluted by every Toda, irrespective of
the division or clan to which he belonged, while in other cases
the salutation was only obligatory on the members of the clan
to which the village belonged, though these villages were often
saluted by others who were scrupulous in following the
observances of their people. The villages which must be
saluted by every one are the seventeen chief villages of the
clans (excluding Kidmad and Karsh), and two others, Kiudr
and Miuni,the former because it is a satimad {sqq p. 421) and
the latter because formerly the Toda gods used to hold their
naim or council there. I made a list of the villages of
each clan to which the salutation is paid by the members of
the clan, and found that they were villages with dairies of
sanctity, and in every case, so far as I could tell, villages of
great antiquity. Many of the villages so honoured are
mentioned in legend, and I believe this salutation to be a
useful indication that a village is ancient. I shall have to
discuss later whether Kavidi, near Gudalur, in the Wainad, is
an ancient village or one of modern growth, and I attach impor-
tance to the fact that it does not receive the kaimiikhti
salutation even from the members of the clan to which it
belongs.

Certain villages are called kalolmad, or " old man villages,"
where only buffaloes and men may live. They are usually

xvm SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 421

villages where there is plenty of grass for the buffaloes, and
arc in general visited for short periods. The only explanation
which could be given was that owing to the short time they
are occupied it is not worth while to transfer the whole family
to the place. It seemed, however, certain that women were
definitely forbidden to live at these villages — a village where a
woman may live being distinguished as isJinidvaiuiad — and
this suggests that the institution is based on something more
than mere convenience, and that the villages have some kind
of sanctity which makes it undesirable that women should
live in them.

The following are the only existing villages of this kind : —
Taradrkirsi, the male funeral village of Kars ; Kudrmas and
Telgudr, belonging to Taradr ; Perg, belonging to the Panol ;
and Pirsush, belonging to Kuudr.

Three of these, Taradrkirsi, Kudrmas, and Pirsush, receive
the kainmkJiti salutation, and are certainly ancient and
sacred villages, while there was some doubt as to whether
Telgudr should not also be saluted. The only kalolniad I
visited was Taradrkirsi, where there is now only a dairy, so
that there is a clear reason why women cannot live there, but
this did not appear to be the reason at other places.

Again, I could not ascertain why they should be called
" old man villages," and their existence must, I am afraid,
remain a mystery, though I think we may be confident that
there is, or has been in the past, some ceremonial reason to
explain their existence.

Two Todas villages are known as satimad. If a dispute
arises between two men they are taken to the front of the
dairy of the satimad, and are made to state what has
happened, and anything a man says under these conditions
will be believed. It is thought that if a man does not speak
the truth, he will fall sick and his buffaloes will die.

According to some accounts there is only one true satimad,
the village of Kiudr, which we have already seen has several
signs of especial sanctity, such as the mention of its house in
the prayer, the severe restrictions on its women during
pregnancy, and the homage rendered to it by Todas of
every clan.

422 THE TODAS chap.

According to other accounts the village of Kanodrs^ is
also a satimad, and Todas of all clans may be brought there
to make statements. It seems most probable that both places
are satimad, but that the custom of using Kanodrs as a
touchstone of truth is now no longer followed, Kiudr only
being used for this purpose. It will be remembered that
both Kiudr and Kanodrs have features of dairy ritual
peculiar to themselves, and that in some respects there
is a close resemblance between the ritual of the two
places.

In his book written in 1832,- Captain Harkness says that
the Todas have a temple dedicated to Truth, but identifies
this with a // dairy iteriri). It is probable, however, that his
statement was based on what he was told of the satimad,
either of Kiudr or Kanodrs.

The Dairy

As we have already seen, there is some doubt whether the
reverence paid to a village is paid to the village as a whole
or to the dairy. There is no doubt, however, that the dairy
draws to itself most of the veneration which a village excites.

Whenever a devout Toda visits a strange village, he goes
to the dairy, and prostrating himself at its threshold, utters a
pra\'er. My ordinary guide, Kodrner, was not devout and
did not pay this reverence, but his brother, Kutadri, was very
scrupulous in performing these duties, especiall}' when he
went with me to the Kundahs. I could not obtain from him
the prayer that he employed on these occasions.

The contents of the dairy are regarded as sacred, and, as
we have seen, definite means are taken to prevent these
objects from contamination by the gaze or touch of ordinary
mortals. Of the objects kept in the dairy the bells are un-
doubtedly the most sacred. The most sacred of the vessels
is the viu, which is not kept in the dairy but is buried in
the buffalo-pen, and is onh' used on certain ceremonial
occasions.

^ At this place there is now only a dairy.
- Pp. 18 and 67.

SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 423

This mil is closely associated with the general sanctity
of the dairy. The prosperity of the dairy is dependent on
its condition, and it would seem to have very much
the same ideas attached to it as we meet in the life-
token. It may also be regarded as the emblem of a dairy,
and in the case of the funeral hut of Taradr, we have seen
that a building becomes a dairy when a mil is placed in
its inner room.

In his account of the Todas, Breeks identifies the special
name of the dairy with that of the presiding god of the dairy
or village. If he is right, it would seem to follow that the
Todas personify the dairy in some degree. The use of the
name of dairies in such a formula as that used at the end of
the inwrtiti ceremony (see p. 303) might be regarded as
evidence of this personification of the dairy. I do not believe,
however, in this personification, and if the dairy has attained
in some measure to the dignity of a god, there is no doubt
that this god belongs to a category very different from that
of the true Toda gods of the hill-tops.

The Threshold

As we have just seen, a man in paying reverence to the
dairy bows down and touches the threshold with his forehead,
and the threshold also frequently plays a part in the dairy
ceremonial. The dairyman bows down and touches the
threshold of his dairy before entering upon his work, and this
is also one of the acts performed on his entrance into office on
ordination.

The Teivaliol at an ordination also sweep the threshold
with the grass called kakar, and the same grass is used to
sweep the threshold of the dairy by the young girl who
performs this office on reaching the new village during the
migration ceremony (see p. 128). In the tuninortiti and
pilinortiti ceremonies the offering is laid on the threshold of
the dairy, and in the ceremony of uncovering for the first time
the face of a boy, the child is put down by his father so that
his forehead touches the threshold.

424 THE TODAS chap.

Bells

These are the most sacred of the sacred objects of the
Todas. It is necessary, however, to distinguish three kinds
of bells, the viani, the tukulir viani, and the kivungg, and it is
only the first of these which has any great sanctity.

The tukulir viani is only used in the kootiti ceremony of
the second funeral fp. 376), and between these occasions is
kept by the Badagas or Kotas. I am doubtful whether it is a
true Toda object, and suspect that it is a Badaga or Kota bell
which is used in a ceremony borrowed by the Todas from one
or other of these peoples.

The kwnugg is the household bell and is kept in the hut.
It is used in the funeral ceremonies on two occasions, being
hung on the neck of one of the ordinary buffaloes before the
animal is killed, and it is also the bell which is rung in the
final scene of the azarainkedr. The bell may be touched or
carried by women, and I have seen a kivungg removed from
the neck of a slaughtered buffalo by a Kota who handed it to
a woman. Though the bell is used in ceremonial, the fact
that it may be touched by both Kotas and women shows
clearly that it is not regarded as possessing any sanctity what-
ever. In general appearance, however, the kwungg probably
differs little from the maui, being a large bell of the same
oblong shape which is characteristic of cattle-bells.

The ma}ii is a bell which, so far as I could ascertain, never
has a tongue, though this loss may be nothing more than a
sign of its antiquity.

There are several kinds of uiani. At the // dairy there are
two distinct varieties : the iiiani proper which is kept in the
inner room and is hung on the neck of a chosen calf of the
persinir on the occasion of the migration ceremonies, and the
kudrsmani which is kept outside the door of the dairy. The
latter appear to have little sanctity, but the former are
probably the most sacred of Toda objects of veneration.
They arc said to be extremely ancient ; some are reputed to
have come from Amnodr, and others arc believed to have had
miraculous origins, one having been born in a vessel of milk

XVIII SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 425

while the buffaloes were on their way from Amnodr, while
another came from the sea. The Todas believe that some of
these bells are of gold, and one was reputed to be made of
three metals — gold, silver, and iron. The bell born in milk is
said to be of iron.

It seems probable that each of the more sacred herds at the
village had at one time its own inani, and that a clan which
possessed both wursuli and kudrpali would have had two bells
of this kind or two sets of such bells.

At the present time, man)' of the clans have lost their
sacred bells, and those which possess mani have only one or
two of them. My most definite account for the Tartharol
comes from Kars, where it is clear that the tviirsiili has two
bells, the same as those reputed to have been hung on the
neck of Enmon in the legend of Kwoto.^ The kudrpali also
had two bells which have now been lost, but the place where
they used to hang still shares in the dairy ritual and is fed
with milk just as the bells would have been if they had been
there.

Since it is the ivursol who takes the prominent part in the
funeral ceremonies of a male, it seems also clear that the bells
which are hung on the necks of the slaughtered buffaloes
are those of the wursuli, but I did not definitely ascertain
whether the bells of a kudrpali might not be used for this
purpose, and indeed I am not altogether certain that any
rigorous distinction is made between wursuli mani and
kudrpali mani.

One striking distinction between the dairies of the Teivaliol
and Tartharol was said to be the absence of mani among the
former, except in the Piedr clan, and here there was some-
thing exceptional, for when this bell is used at a funeral it is
hung on the neck of the buffalo by a Tarthar man belong-
ing to Nodrs. I was often told that, with this exception, the
Teivaliol had no mani, and it was only towards the end of my
visit that I became aware of the existence in the dairy of
Kiudr of six bells called mani, two distinguished ?iS patatmani
and four as ertaimani.

^ According to another account, these bells are kept at the wursuli of
Nasniiodr, and the wursuli of Kars has three viaui in addition to these.

426 THE TODAS chap.

Among the Tartharol there was no distinction of this kind,
and it seemed that these bells were looked on by the Todas
in a different light to other bells, and were not thought of
when they told me that the Teiv^aliol had no viani. It was
quite clear that they were not used at funerals. The sugges^
tion which I have made in the chapter on the dairy ritual,
would provide an explanation of this apparently exceptional
position of the Kiudr mani. If Kiudr is the relic of an old ti
dairy and the bells are the old mani of the ti, it becomes clear
why the bells have their exceptional character, and why they
are not used at a funeral, for the bells of a ti would never be
allowed to suffer the defilement to which this ceremonial use
subjects them.

Most of the mani have milk, curds, or buttermilk offered to
them during the dairy ceremonial. The only exceptions of
which I heard were some of the bells of the // dairy, the bell
called Keu at the Nodrs ti, and that called Pongg at the Pan
ti, which are not ' fed,' to use the common Toda expression.

At the village dairy the ' feeding ' is a regular part of the
dairy ritual, curds being put on the bells in the earlier, and
some of the milk from that first brought into the dairy, in the
later part of the proceedings. I only heard of one instance
in which bells were given buttermilk. This was done with
the ertatniani of the Kiudr dairy, and if the supposition given
above is correct, this should, therefore, also be the procedure
with the kudrs mani of the ti dairy. It is quite possible that
this is one of the details of the dairy ritual which escaped
me, or it may be that it was a special custom of the ti dairy
from which I suppose the Kiudr dairy to have been derived.

Some writers on the Todas have regarded the bells as the
Toda gods, and there certainly is some evidence which would
justify one in regarding them as idols. The ' feeding ' is a
definite indication that the bells are, to a certain extent,
regarded by the Todas as living beings, and in the legendary
accounts of the origin of certain bells, belief in their activity
is obvious. One bell is born and another comes from the sea
and sits on the side of a milking vessel. It is quite clear,
however, that the bell belongs to a different category in the
religion of the Todas from that occupied by the gods.

xviri SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 427

Possibly the Todas may have some clear ideas about the
connexion between their bells, gods, and dairies, but I could
not discover them, and am inclined to believe that the people
are now very hazy about the exact place of the bell and
the god in their theology.

It was quite clear that they believed an offence against the
dairy was punished by the gods, and I cannot say definitely
that in this case the bell may not have been personified as a
god, but I do not think that this was so.

It seems to me probable that the present sanctity of the
bell has come about by a process of transference ^ from the
buffalo to the object worn by it. Probably at one time the
buffaloes were more directly venerated than they appear to be
at present. There is evidence that even in recent times the
bell-cow or buffalo which carried the bell was an object of
especial veneration. In such books as those of Harkness and
Marshall, the bell-cow seems to occupy a more prominent
position than, so far as I could tell, it occupies at present.

In the present day the uiani of the // is only hung on the
neck of a buffalo at the migration from one ti mad to another
and at the Nodrs //, only for a few minutes even then. At
the village dairy, the viatii is never, so far as I could tell, put
on the neck of a buffalo except at the funeral ceremonies.
The idea in the latter case seems to be that a sacred buffalo
should wear its bell, and in order that the buffalo slaughtered
at a funeral should go to Amnodr with its bell, the inani is
hung on its neck while it is being killed. The legend of
Kwoto and Punatvan shows that the bells are believed to
travel to Amnodr with the buffaloes.

The following may be suggested as a sketch of the probable
evolution of the sanctity of the bell. At one time the buffaloes |
were the chief sacred objects of the Todas. Then this
sanctity was concentrated in the persons of the bell-buffaloes,
and later became partially attached to the bells, and the
Todas then probably reached a stage in which it was doubtful
how far the sanctity of the bell-buffalo was due to its position

' As \vc have already seen (p. 243) there is SDine reasi^n to Uiink that lliere lias
Ijeen example of such transference nf sanctity tn an olijecl in the case nfijie luit or
hurieil dairy vessel.

428 THE TODAS chap.

as chief of the herd, and how far to the bell it carried. It is
possible that this was the stage of evolution of the idea
in which the earliest visitors to the Nilgiris found the Todas.
We may suppose that gradually the sanctity became more
and more attached to the bell, less and less to its
possessor, until now the Todas seem to have reached a
position in which the bell-buffalo has little or no sanctity
above its fellows, and the sanctity resides almost wholly in
the bell. The original use of the bell now only survives in
the ritual accompanying the migration of the // buffaloes and
in the funeral ceremonies.

There is one small fact which may perhaps be taken to
indicate that the word inani is now applied to any object of
a sacred or magical nature. The armlet put on the wrist
of a child at the naming ceremony is called kansiitiinani. If
the last part of this word is the same as the name of the bell,
it would seem to indicate that the word may be used for an
object the significance of which is magical rather than religious,
and in connexion with a practice which has probably been
borrowed.

Relics

The Todas have a {q:\m relics of heroes which are regarded
as objects of veneration, and are kept in the dairies. One
of these, which is believed to be the armlet of the Kars
man who went with the // buffaloes in the story of Kwoto,
is kept at Kuzhu, and has milk put on it during the dairy
ritual in the same way as if it were a bell.

Another object is the ring of Kwoten which was found
on the sambhar skin after the disappearance of this god.
I saw this ring, which is of silver and far more massive
than the rings worn by the Todas at the present time.
Breeks states that in his time the Todas also claimed to have
had in their possession the spear of Kwoten.

The Buffalo and its Milk

In discussing the sanctity of the bells of the Toda dairies
we have seen that there is some reason to think that these

xvjii SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 429

objects have attained their sacred character, at any rate in
part, by a process of transference of sanctity from the buffaloes
by which they were borne.

It is in favour of this view that the buffaloes seem at one
time to have been more sacred, or to have received more
definite signs of reverence than at the present time. The
evidence of the legends points to a time when buffaloes were
regarded as having anthropomorphic characters, and they
probably indicate a belief in the sacred nature of these
animals. When the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti first came from
Amnodr, they talked like men, and the buffalo who founded
the // mad at Makars was a very human animal.

In his book, Captain Harkness (p. 16) states that as
the buffaloes of the village are about to be penned for the
night, the whole family, male and female, salute them by
bringing the hand to the face. So far as I could ascertain,
this is no longer done, and the only definite sign of reverence
paid to the buffaloes, so far as I could learn, is the salutation
made, partly to them and partly to the sun, by the palol when
he leaves his dairy. Whenever in my journeys about the
hills we came across herds of sacred buffaloes, even those of
the //, no salutation or sign of respect was made b}'' the Todas
who were with me, though a dairy, especially if it contained a
niani, would receive obvious signs of veneration. Except in
connexion with ceremonial there was nothing in the behaviour
of the Todas towards their buffaloes to indicate that they
were sacred animals, and it seems probable that the sanctity
of the buffaloes has been to a great extent transferred, partly
to the iimjii and partly to the milk given by the animals.

The milk is undoubtedly regarded as a sacred substance.
There are distinct restrictions on its use which become more
onerous as one ascends in the scale of dairies, and we have
seen that there is reason to believe that the whole com-
plicated daily ritual of the dairy may be designed to
neutralise the dangers attendant on the conversion of the
milk into substances which may be used by the outside
world.

Throughout this book I have spoken of sacred buffaloes
to distinguish them from those which take no part in the

430 THE TODAS chap.

dairy ritual, but it is a question whether the sanctity does
not attach much more closely to the objects connected with
the buffaloes than to the buffaloes themselves.

I think it is clear that at the present time none of the Toda
buffaloes are so sacred that their milk in the form of ghi may
not be used. Some writers have supposed that no profit is
made from the sacred buffaloes of the ti, but at present this
is certainly not so, and the ghi made from the milk of the
sacred buffaloes is sold with the rest and may be used by all.

In earlier days, when the Todas led simpler lives than at
present, when the bazaars of Ootacamund and Coonoor were
not in existence to act as incentives to the acquirement of
gain, it is possible that the Todas did n6t sell the ghi made
from the milk of their more sacred buffaloes, and, as I have
already suggested, it is even possible that at one time they
were content to allow these animals to suckle their calves and
made no use of their milk. Even at the present time a sacred
buffalo will not be milked unless it is provided with the ap-
propriate dairy and dairyman. The buffaloes of a /z which has
no palol, or of a ivursuli which has no luursol, are not allowed
to be milked though they may be looked after by other men.
With this exception, however, I believe that, at the present
time, every buffalo, even of the most sacred herds, is a source
of profit by the sale of the ghi which is made from its milk.

The various offerings of buffaloes made in connexion with
cei'emonial are also not allowed to interfere with the economic
value of the animals. In the irnortiti ceremony of the village,
the offered buffalo simply passes from one division of a clan
to another, and when a buffalo is said to be devoted to the
gods, it does not mean that the owner profits a whit the less
on account of the oblation, but only that he may not kill it at
a funeral, and must aljow it to die a natural death.

Even the slaughter of animals at the funeral ceremonies
appears to be managed so as to interfere as little as possible
with the profits obtained from the sale of the milk. I think
there is little doubt that it is an established custom to kill
old and barren buffaloes on these occasions. An animal is
not sent to the next world till its owner has got the utmost
out of it in this.

xviii SACRED PLACES AXI) OBJECTS 431

Only on one point is it clear that the Todas make no direct
gain from their buffaloes. When once a buffiilo is dead, the
Todas seek no further profit, and the carcases become the
propcrt}' of the Kotas. But even here there is an indirect
gain, for the bodies of the buffaloes form a large part of the
equivalent received by the Kotas for the many services they
render to the Todas.

Other Animals

The Todas have so highly developed the cult of one animal
that they show few traces of belief in the sanctity of others.
I will put together here the whole of the scanty evidence
which I possess concerning their relations with animals in
general.

Tlie Tiger. — The Todas have a legend that at one time the
tiger used to watch over the buffaloes for them during the day
and hand over his charge in the evening. One day the tiger
was very hungry and its hunger made it angry. When it
brought the buffaloes back to the village it saw a cat catching
a rat. Then the tiger asked the cat for some of the flesh, but
ihe cat said, " There is no fool like you ; why don't you eat
some of the buffaloes you look after .' " At that time the tiger
usually slept at the village, but on this evening it went into
the wood and at midnight came slowly back and took one of
the buffaloes out of the pen., and since then it has always
done this.

According to another legend (see p. 185), buffaloes have
been killed by tigers ever since the arsaiir of the Kwodrdoni
ti failed to come to the general gathering which assembled
to bid farewell to On when he went to rule over Amnodr.

Jervis ^ states that the natives of the hills salaam to the
tiger. He does not say definitely that it is the Todas who do
this, but it is probable that he is referring to them. He also
states that the women of the village throw themselves on
their knees before a tiger which has been killed, and touch
his bristles with their foreheads. I do not know whether
these practices are still followed.

' Falls of the Caveiy, 1834, p. 49.

432 THE TODAS CIIAP.

As we have seen (p. 417), there is a belief that a man who
fails in the performance of certain sacred duties may be killed
by a tiger, but the Todas do not appear to fear this animal
except on behalf of their buffaloes, and I could only learn of
one case in which a Toda had been killed, and as his name
was not known it must have occurred very long ago, or may
have been altogether mythical.

The Jackal. — I was told by my interpreter that he had seen
the Todas saluting a jackal, but I did not hear of any beliefs
associated with the practice.

The Sauibhar. — The most interesting point in connexion
with this animal is the fact that the Todas are undoubtedly
permitted to eat its flesh. Kutadri, who was most scrupulous
in his obedience to the customs of his people, had no reluc-
tance in eating sambhar flesh, and when he had fallen ill soon
after, he never thought of ascribing his illness to what was
probably its real cause, which shows clearly that there could
have been no idea that he had done anything forbidden or
unorthodox.

The fact that the Todas may eat the flesh of the sambhar
while taking that of no other animal, except ceremonially,
might well be looked upon as an indication that there may
at one time have been totemic restrictions on food. In their
earlier homes, before they reached the Nilgiri Hills, it is
probable that the sambhar was an unknown animal, and
could not therefore have been a totem. Consequently, when
they came to the Nilgiris, they would have found there
an animal on the eating of the flesh of which there were
no restrictions, and the absence of restriction would, on
this hypothesis, have continued to the present day. The
eating of sambhar flesh would be the proverbial exception
that proves the rule.

It seems to me possible, however, that there is a different
reason for the absence of any prohibition. The Todas have
no weapons with which they could kill a sambhar, and if this
animal is ever killed by Kotas or Kurumbas, the mere fact
that it had been killed by these people would probably be a
sufficient reason why the Todas should not eat its flesh.

It is possible that it is only since the advent of Europeans

xviu SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 433

to the Nilgiris, and the extensive slaughter of sambhar which
followed it, that the Todas have thought of eating the flesh of
this animal, and as no prohibition against the eating of its
flesh has been handed down to them, they have no reluctance
in satisf}'ing in this way the liking for animal food which the
erkiimpttJipimi ceremony keeps in existence, if it does not
actually stimulate it.

The Cat. — This animal, which is called koti or kivoti, is
domesticated by the Todas. The cat is mentioned in the
legend of the tiger recorded in this section, and the earliest
writers on the Todas speak of them as keeping these animals.
I have seen them on the walls of the dairies, and believe that
they are allowed to go wherever they please. The only occa-
sion on which they come into ceremonial is at the erkumpttJipinii
sacrifice, where the spleen is specially put aside to be given to
the cat, and is on this account called kwotijieriif.

The dog occurs in the story of Kwoten and several other
animals are mentioned in the prayers and incantations, chiefly
as sources of danger to the buffaloes. In the incantation for
the relief of headache given on p. 265, the names of many
animals are uttered, probably with the intention that their
heads may acquire the pain which is being charmed away
from the head of the sufferer.

Trees and Plants

The most sacred tree of the Todas is undoubtedly the tudr
(Fig. 58). This name is given by the Todas to two species,
Mdiosvia pungens and M. wightii, the two trees resembling
one another closely.

The bark is largely used in the dairy ceremonial, and
especially in the ordination ceremonies oi \\\q. palol and other
dairymen drawn from the Teivaliol and Melgarsol. Its use
is especially connected with the people of these sections of
the Toda community, but the rest of the Tartharol undergo
a ceremony at the second funeral in which tudr is used, and
this was said to have the purpose that every Toda should
be purified with tudr before he enters on the future life.

A log and leaves of tudr are also used in the ceremony of

F F

434

THE TOD AS

CHAP.

erkumptthpiini, and here it is used by botli Teivaliol and
Tartharol alike.

The leaves of tndr used in any of these ceremonies must be
perfect, and the bark must be knocked off the tree by means of

rin. 58. — BOUGH or thk 'ti'dk" trke. (From Marshall.)

a stone, this being one of the Toda practices which show
the persistence of stone implements in ceremonial. The
identit}' of this sacred tree is important, for it may furnish
a clue tc the home of the Todas. So sacred a tree would
almost certainly have been already known to the Tcdas when

XVIII

SACRED PLACES AND 015JECTS 43:

they reached the Nilgiris, thoui^h it is, of course, possible
that it might have been chosen on account of its resemblance
to some tree sacred in tlieir past history. The tree has,
however, a wide distribution in India.

Pope has suggested that tiidr is connected with tnlasi,
Ocyininn sanctiiui or holy basil. This is a small flowering
plant, and it is improbable that there is any connexion
between the two plants except a resemblance in name.

Another tree which appears to be especially sacred is the
kiar: tree {Litscea WigJitiand). Whenever a tree is used to mark
the spot where the maiii is laid during purificatory and other
ceremonies, the tree must be of this kind. The wood of this
tree is used when making fire for most sacred purposes.

The leaves of trees and shrubs are used in various branches
of the dairy ritual. Those in most frequent use are various
kinds called generically by the Todas ninli, three of which
belong to the genus Rubus. The young shoots of the same
plants are used in the ordination ceremonies.

Grasses are also used in Toda ceremonial, and one of
these, a slender grass called kakar [Evagrostica nigra) is
used on several occasions, those of especial importance being
the ordination of the T€\v2iY\ palikartmokh and the sweeping
of the threshold of the dairy by a girl at the migration
ceremony. The same grass is also used in one of the methods
adopted to promote speedy delivery in childbirth.

Of the various kinds of grain used by the Todas, that
c?i\[Qd pat)n or samai {Panicum iniliare) sQQ.v[\s, to be in most
frequent use in connexion with ceremonial, but it cannot be
said to be sacred in any way. Barley ikodj) seems to have
a peculiar place in Toda belief The tbratthadi or cooking-
vessel of the dairy may not be used for this grain, although
any other kind may be boiled in it. On the other hand,
three grains of barley are put into the mouth and three into
the hair of a boy at the naming ceremony. In explanation I
can only offer the surmise that barley is not cooked in ^the
dairy vessel because its use by the Todas is an innovation,
and that similarly the use of barley in the naming ceremony-
is also an innovation borrowed from the Badagas or some
other tribe.

F F 2

436 THE TODAS CHAP.

The Sun, Light, and Fhie

There is no doubt that the sun is an object of reverence to
the Todas. It is the duty of every man when first he leaves
his hut in the morning to salute the sun by raising his hand
to his face in the kaimukJiti salutation. The sun is also
saluted by the palol as he comes out of his dairy to milk the
buffaloes. All my informants were unanimous in saying that
the salutation o{ Xkio^ palol was both to the buffaloes and to the
sun. The doors of the great majority of the dairies faced
more or less in an easterly direction, so that the dairyman,
on coming out of his dairy in the morning, would see the sun,
and when the dairy had a different orientation, as at Modr,
\\\(i palol had to turn so that he would perform the salutation
looking eastward. At the afternoon ceremonial the salutation
was performed in the same direction as in the morning, so
that, so far as the salutation is performed to the sun, it would
appear that it is to the place of the sun-rise rather than to
the sun itself.

The sun plays a part in the ceremony which takes place
when a woman goes to the seclusion-hut after childbirth, but
there was some reason to think that this was due to the belief
in the noxious influence of the mysterious body, Keirt, which
is near the sun, and not to the influence of the sun itself.
When performing the ceremony on leaving the seclusion-hut
the woman faces the sun, and this may be an act of reverence,
since now Keirt is no longer feared. It seemed quite clear
that the moon is not saluted in the same way as the sun with
the kainiukhti salutation. No salutation is paid at all to the
new moon when it is first seen, but after a day or two, usually
on the third day, it is the custom to bow down the head, so that
the forehead rests on the corner of the putkuli lying on the
ground. The salutation is that called nersatiti shown in Fig. 44.
I only heard of one custom indicating reverence to the full
moon. When the Todas throw away water on the day of the
full moon, they do not throw it towards the moon, but away
from it. Thus, if the moon is opposite the door of the hut,
the people will go round to the back in order to throw the

xviir SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 437

water there. Light is undoubtedly an object of reverence to
the Todas. Captain Harkness states that when the household
lamp is lighted in the evening, obeisance is paid to it by
bringing the right hand to the face, and this sign of reverence
is still shown. In the dairy ceremonial the lamp and the light
it gives are also undoubtedly reverenced, and lighting the
lamp is, as we have seen, an act of a ceremonial character.

In some cases the lamps used in the dairies are certainly
very ancient and are believed to have come from Amnodr, but
it is clear that they are not reverenced merely on this account,
for a lamp of modern origin would, when once consecrated, be
treated with as much reverence as those which had come down
from antiquity.

I did not learn that any sign of reverence is paid to fire,
but the fire of the dairy may undoubtedly be said to have a
sacred character. Whenever a new dairy is visited or an old
dairy is reconsecrated in connexion with the pepkaricJia cere-
mony, fire is made afresh by friction. Once made, it was, so
far as I could learn, kept continuously alight; if on any
occasion the fire should go out, it would have to be made
again by friction. In the // dairy there are two fireplaces,
one in which fire burns continuously, while the other is
lighted by brands transferred to it from the other, and the
lamp is lighted by a brand taken from this sacred fire. Here
it would almost appear as if the former fire had a profane
character, so that it would be regarded as desecration to light
the sacred lamp directly from it.

The fire of the torattJnvaskal is used to cook food which has
come from outside, and the use of an intermediate fire to light
the lamp is in keeping with the general law of the procedure
of the // dairy, according to which the sacred objects are pre-
vented from all possible contamination from the outer world
by employing vessels or other objects as intermediaries.

Fire has also to be made by friction in other ceremonies,
and especially at those called teiitiitiistlidii and erkujiipttJipiuii
and at the funerals of males. At the first ceremony the fire
is made by iht palof, and at the second by the dairyman con-
ducting the ceremony. At the azarauikedr of a man the fire
is made by a man of the same clan as the deceased, and this

438 THE TODAS chap.

is probably also the case at the first funeral ceremony. I did
not definitely ask whether fire by friction is ever made by a
woman, but I am fairly confident that this would never happen,

I only heard of one case in which men were prohibited from
making fire. The Kidmadol and Karshol, who suffer under
several disabilities, are not allowed to make fire by friction,
and this is due to a quarrel with their parent-clan many
years ago.

Whenever fire is made for a sacred purpose ^ the fire-sticks
must be of the wood which the Todas call kia:: or kcadj\
except in the tesJierst ceremony, in which the wood of muli
is used.

There are also definite regulations as to the kind of wood
which is to be burnt in the fires of all ceremonial occasions.
In various ceremonies I have recorded the Toda names of the
woods prescribed, and if more were known about their identity,
it is possible that some light might be thrown on the original
home of the Todas, in the same way as has been suggested in
the case of the sacred tiidr tree.

Stones

The Todas have many stones which may be held to have
some degree of sanctity ; certainly many have their place in
the religious ceremonial. All these stones have names, either
general or individual, but two stones with the same name need
not necessarily have the same function.

At the ti there are stones marking the spots where the
dairy vessels are taken up and put down during the migration
ceremonies, but the most interesting stones at these dairies
are those called neurziibikars. At several dairies these stones
are anointed, and their appearance indicates that they have
undergone the process for very long periods of time ; at other
places they are so weathered and worn away that they must
obviously be of great antiquity. At some dairies of the
Nodrs // these stones take the place of the head of the
kaltmokJi in the ceremonies accompanying migration, but at
other places the)' are said to have different uses.
' I'ur Uie special aielhud cnipluyed sec p. 5S1.

win SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 439

At an ordinary village the stones usually belong to one of
the following classes : —

(a) Stones to mark off boundaries or places, such as the
majvatvaikars, marking the path or spot used by the women
in fetching buttermilk from the dairy.

ip) Stones used in the ceremonies in which offerings are
made, the irnortkars and \.\\q piliiiortkars.

(c) Funeral stones, at which the buffaloes are killed. These
are, of course, only found at funeral villages, but there are
certain other stones, such as the iniudrikars, which may be
found in any village. Such a stone may mark the spot where
the body is laid, or may even, as in the case of the iutudrikars
of Kars, form a mound on which the body is laid.

id) Stones in or near the tn or buffalo pen, such as the
iiiiitdiudkars and pndothkars. I do not know the origin or
use of these, but in some villages there are stones in the pen
marking the places where the niu or dairy vessels are buried,
and it is possible that the above stones are in some way
connected with the buried dairy-vessels.

ie) The lifting stone or tiikittJikars. This is usually a large
round stone which sometimes resembles in appearance stones
of a ceremonial character.^

(/") Commemorative stones. The teidrtolkars of Nodrs (see
Fig. 13), and certain stones with the same name lying between
Nodrs and Tcidr, had their origin in events connected with the
death of a man belonging to the village of Teidr who was
once ivnrsol at Nodrs, When he was told to milk one of the
buffaloes, he replied, "If I milk it, the milk will not fill this
place," pointing to a small depression on his thumb. Still
the people told him to milk, and when he did so the milking-
vcssel was completely filled. Then the palikartmokh was
very angry, and, taking the wand which the xvursol was carry-
ing, he struck him so that he flew in the air and fell down
midway between Nodrs and Teidr. When the people came
to the place they found that the man was dead, and the}- tried
to take up his body and carry it to the funeral place. But

^ Burton {Goa and the Blue Mountaiits, p. 316) brands the Tijdas as invclcralc
liars, Ijecause, evidently owing to some misunderstantling. he was told that a
" putting stone" was the " grandfather of the gods."

440

THE TODAS CHAP.

the body would not move and so they held the funeral on the
spot and made a tu. At the entrance of the m they placed
two women carrying pounders ^ in place of the posts or tiili^
and these women were changed into stones and their pounders
became the tastJi of the entrance of the pen. The stones
which are now found on the spot are the remains of the pen
and the teidrtolkars of Nodrs marks the spot where the zvursol
milked the buffalo.

In the village of Tovalkan there is a mound shown in Fie.

FIG. 59. — THE MEMORIAL OF KEIREVAN.

59 which is much like the imiidrikars of Kars, but it is of
modern origin, having been made to mark the spot where
Keirevan (26) fell out of a tree and was killed.

(^) Stones connected with special features of the dairy
ceremonial. I only know of one stone of this kind at a
village, the pdisatthkaj's of Nidrsi, on w^hich ihe palikartmokh
puts milk every morning and evening.

Stones are, often used for more than one purpose ; thus, the

1 1 1 will be remenibcred Lhal at the azarai/ikedr of a woman, two women stand
at the entrance of the azarant one of whom holds a pounder in her hands.

XVIII SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 441

! rno rtka rs odJmgas (see Fig. 72) is also a boundary stone, and
the vienkars of Nodrs (see Fig. 12) used for the game called
narthpimi, and the teidrtolkars at the same village are also
funeral stones at which buffaloes arc killed.

I have given a brief list of the chief stones which may be
called sacred owing to their coming in one way or another
into Toda ceremonial, but I should like to make it clear
that no great idea of sanctity attaches to these stones, and in
no case are they shown any definite signs of veneration or
worship. They, and many of the other objects described in
this chapter, are not sacred in the same sense in which the
etuduiad or the main are sacred.

CHAPTER XIX

THE TODA RELIGION

The last seventeen chapters have been almost entirely
devoted to the religious institutions and ceremonies of the
Todas. In the earlier chapters I have described the ritual of
the dairy and have discussed some of the problems of general
interest which this ritual suggests. In later chapters I have
described the ceremonies which are associated with the chief
incidents of life: birth, growth, and death. In these and in
the chapter dealing with sacrifice I have described many
details of Toda ceremonial which clearly establish its religious
character, and Chapter X is especially devoted to the formuL-E
which bring the ceremonial into definite relation with the
Toda gods. In Chapter XII have described practices and
beliefs all of which stand in some relation to religion, though
most of them must be regarded as belonging to a different
category. In the last two chapters I have collected a number
of special features of the Toda religion, the existence of
sacred days and the part played by numbers, places and
material objects in the various religious observances, and I
have discussed how far the attitude of the Todas towards
these objects can be described as one of worship.

There remains the general nexus which binds all these
beliefs and practices into a whole so that they constitute the
Toda religion. I have given in Chapter IX the stories of the
Toda gods, giving them in this place because they were
necessary for the proper understanding of the dairy formulae,
and I can now discuss more fully than was then possible the
essential nature of these deities.

CH. XIX THE TODA RELIGION 443

The Gods

The Toda gods are definitely anthropomorphic beings, who
are beHeved to have Hved in this world before man existed.
Both man and buffalo were created by the gods, and the
Todas seem to picture a time when gods, men, and buffaloes
lived together on the Nilgiri Hills, and the gods ruled the men.
At this time the gods seem to have lived much the same kind
of life as the Todas themselves. On was palol to the
buffaloes of the Nodrs //', his son Puv was palikartmokJi at
Kuudr, and other gods are believed to have filled dairy offices.
From the earliest times, however, the gods were connected
with the hills — /'. e., they were believed to dwell on the summits
of the hills of the Nilgiri plateau. At first they seem to have
mixed at times in human society and at other times to have
retired to their hill-tops. The earliest of the gods was Pithi,
who was born in a cave, and the Todas and many of their
buffaloes were created b\' his son On and his wife. Later
death came to the gods in the person of Piiv, the son of On
and On followed Piiv to the world of the dead, called Amnodr,
of which he has since been the ruler. He left behind him as
predominant among the deities Teikirzi, a goddess, who ruled
over the Todas. It is to her that the origin of most of
the Toda institutions is ascribed, and there is some reason to
think that she was predominant among the gods e\en before
On went to Amnodr.

The Todas seem to believe that Teikirzi was at one time a
person living among them, giving laws and regulating the
affairs of the people. At the present time she is believed to
be all-pervading ; and, though she has her special hill, she
does not dwell there only, as in the case of all but one of the
other Toda deities.

There seem to have been many other gods contemporaneous
with On and Teikirzi, and certain of these are believed to
have been related to these deities and especiall}- to Teikirzi.
The gods are believed to be very numerous : the Todas
s[)eak of the 1,600 gods, the 1,800 gods, but it would seem
that these expressions are used in the sense of " an infinite

444 THE TODAS CHAP.

number." The gods are believed to have held their councils,
meeting on some special hill, to which each god came from
his own hill-top. The hill of Polkab, near Kanodrs, and the
village of Miuni are both renowned as meeting places of the
gods.

There is a very definite association between the Toda gods
and the hills of the Nilgiri plateau. Nearly every one of the
gods has his hill where he dwells, and often when speaking of
the gods the Todas seem to identify the god with the hill.
There are two river gods, Teipakh and Pakhwar, associated
with the two chief streams of the district, but there is some
reason to believe that even these gods have their hills where
they sometimes live, while at other times they inhabit or
are identified with their streams. In the case of Teipakh, the
god and the natural object seem to be very closely identified,
and Kuzkarv, growing up in the river Teipakh, is said to be
sitting in the lap of his maternal uncle. Again, one god is
associated with a bubbling pool, but he also has his hill-top
and is believed only to visit the pool on certain occasions.
There can be little doubt that most of the Toda gods are hill-
deities and that the association of the gods with hills is so
strong that even the gods of streams and pools may be
assigned their hills in general belief

There is one important feature which is said to be common
to all the hills inhabited by deities. They all have on their
summits the stone circles which the Todas call pun. My
informants were very definite about this and fully understood
that these stone circles corresponded to the cairns and barrows
opened by Breeks and others.

I was not able to examine into the question for myself and
ascertain whether the circles called pun were actually present
on the god-inhabited hills, but I have no reason to doubt that
this was usually the case. Most writers on the Todas have
been inclined to suppose that the cairns and barrows, with
their contents, were in no way connected with the Todas, and
they have based this opinion largely on the indifference of the
Todas to these monuments. The people who are so jealous
of their dairies that they will not allow an)'one to enter or
even view their contents, will allow any stranger to open the

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 445

cairns and take their contents, and will even assist in the
demolition. When I asked the Todas what they thought of
the rifling of the pun they showed just the same indifference.
They did not seem to think the matter any concern of theirs,
and yet they believe in a definite association between the
presence of 2, pun and the abode of a deity.

There .seem to be three chief possibilities. One, that the
cairns are Toda remains and that the association of the stone
circles above them with the presence of a god is the last
surviving relic of the fact. The second is that when the
Todas came to the Nilgiri hills they found mysterious stone
circles on certain hills, which marked out these hills as
possessing features out of the common, and that this gave
them a sanctity which led to the idea that they were inhabited
by gods. A third possibility is that the same peculiarities
which led the original builders of the circles to choose certain
hills also led the Todas to choose them as the abodes of their
deities, and that it was only later that they came to recognise
the association between the circle and the presence of a god.

Whichever possibility may give the true explanation, one
would have thought that the Todas would have objected to
the disturbance and excavation of the cairns. There is little
doubt that they were ignorant of the fact that objects were
buried beneath the stone circles, but they are quite intelligent
enough to know that there is a connexion between the stones
and the objects beneath them when once these have been
found.

I have very little doubt that the true explanation of the
indifference of the Todas towards these monuments is that
they have no definite traditional injunction against interfering
with the circles. The Todas are the slaves of their traditions
and of the laws and regulations which have been handed
down to them by their ancestors. Till the Europeans came
to the hills, it had never occurred to anyone to meddle with
these stones or explore the soil beneath and around them.
In consequence there was no reason why injunctions against
interference should be handed down, and when the European
arrived with his -spade and pickaxe the Todas found nothing
in their traditional laws telling them that it was wron": to

44^^ THE TODAS chap.

interfere with these places, and they exhibited the indifference
which led the explorers to suppose that there was no
connexion of any kind between the Todas and the monu-
ments.i

Although the Toda deities seem to be in general a develop-
ment of hill-spirits, there can be little doubt that some of the
gods are deified men. In the case of Kwoten, the account of
his life is so circumstantial as to leave little doubt that he
was a real man who was deified after a mysterious disappearance,
believed to have been due to intercourse with a female deity,
and around whose life there have clustered certain miraculous
incidents. Similarly, his servant Erten, and his relatives
Teikuteidi and Elnakhum are probably deified men.

/Another possible instance of a deified man is Kwoto or
Meilitars. The account of his life is again so circumstantial
that it seems most likely that he was an exceptional man who
was deified while various incidents in his life acquired a
miraculous setting. It is perhaps in favour of the compara-
tively recent origin of these gods that objects belonging to
them, or which come into their lives in some way, are still pre-
served, and perhaps a still more cogent argument in favour of
the recent deification of Kwoten is the fact that the prohibition
against marriage between the clans of Pan and Kanodrs,
believed to be due to the murder of Parden by Kwoten, still
persists.

Of these deified mortals one became associated with a
definite hill while the other was not assigned any special hill,
but it was believed that all places should form his province.

There is little doubt that these mortals were deified as
heroes and not as ancestors, and there is little to indicate that
ancestor-worship has played any part in the evolution of
the Toda religion. When a person dedicated a buffalo on
account of some fault committed, it seemed that the action
might be spoken of indifferently as dedication to the gods or
to the ancestors of the dedicator. Thus, when Teitnir gave a

' I do not intend by this to indicate my belief that these cairns are ancient Toda
monuments. I only wish to point out that one of the arguments which has been
directed against this view is probably not valid. I shall return to this point in
a future chapter.

XIX

rill': roDA rklic.ion 447

buffalo after the death of his wife, some said it was given to
the gods, while others said it was given to Teitnir's grand-
fathers, and when I tried to inquire more definite)}- into this
point the two things were said to be the same. The ideas of the
Todas seemed to me, however, to be so indefinite and vague
on this point that I am inclined to attach little importance to
this one piece of evidence.

Against the identification of gods with ancestors is the fact
that the dead go to another world, and are believed to return
to this world after a long interval as ordinary mortals, while
most of the gods belong to this world and are believed to
have belonged to this world before death came to either gods
or men.

There is little to support the idea that the gods are personi-
fications of the forces of nature. There is no evidence what-
ever that any of the gods are personifications of the sun, of
other heavenly bodies, of thunder, lightning, or other elemental
forces.

We have already seen that there is evidence that light is
reverenced, and that this reverence extends to the sun, and
it is probable that definite worship of the sun may at one
time have formed a prominent part of the religion of the
Todas. But there is not the slightest evidence which would
lead to the identification of any one of the Toda deities with
the sun.

There is no evidence of phallic worship among the Todas.
One of the // villages in the Kundahs is known to the Euro-
pean inhabitants of the Nilgiris as " Ling mand," but the
supposed Ling stone at this place is evidently a nnir-
rjiilnkars}

In the last chapter we have seen that it has been supposed
that divinity attaches to some of the sacred objects of the
Todas, and especially to the dairy and the mani or bell. I
cannot say definitely that the dairy and the bell are not
regarded as gods, but I do not believe that they are so, and>
as I have endeavoured to show in the last chapter, I think it
probable that the sanctity of the bell has arisen by a gradual

' I had no Toda with me when I visited the phice. so cannot speak with.
absoUile certainty on the point.

448 THE TODAS chap.

process of transference of sanctity from the buffalo to the
object worn by it, and I think it not unlikely that this trans-
ference may have reached its full development in compara-
tively recent times.

If my view be accepted, it would still leave open the
religious status of the buffalo, and especially of the bell-
buffalo, and here, scanty as the evidence is, it seems to me
probable that the buffalo was never regarded as a god in the
same sense in which this word is used for the anthropo-
morphic beings of the hill-tops. In the oldest legends, in
which the buffaloes spoke like men, it is clear that they were
in subjection to the gods, and were in no way regarded as
themselves divine.

Some writers on the Todas have supposed that i\\Q paiol is
regarded as a god, but at the present time it is certain that
he is in no way divine. He is treated with respect, but
nothing of the nature of worship or adoration is paid to him.
His position among the Todas is exactly that of a priest
upon whom it is incumbent to maintain a very high degree of
ceremonial purity. That his isolation is not a sign of divinity
is, I think, shown by the results of infringement of his isola-
tion. If the palol is touched by an ordinary man he loses
his office and at once ceases to be a sacred personage, but
the person who touches incurs no penalty. The sacrilege,
according to Toda ideas, would attach not to him, but to the
palol who, in spite of being touched, should persist in per-
forming the duties of his office.

Whether i\\Q palol may ever have been more sacred in the
past I cannot say. An indication that he may at one time
have been regarded as divine is to be found in the special
clauses of the Kiudr prayer which are uttered on the occasion
of the migration of the buffaloes of the Nodrs //. Here the
kivaraain of the palol is eupalol, which stands for teiipalol, or
" god palol," but in the next kivarsam the same prefix is
given to his garment, the tuni, and I have little doubt that
these kwarza^n simply refer to the sanctity which attaches to
the/«/cj/and his garment as part of the sacred institution of
the ti. There is no doubt, however, that, according to tradi-
tion, the gods held the office oi palol and that \.\\q palol o( the

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 449

N6drs // is the direct successor of the god On, but to what-
ever extent On may have passed on his divine character to
his immediate successors, there is little doubt that at present
the palol has lost any divinity which may at one time have
been ascribed to him.

It is very difficult to ascertain how far at the present time,
according to Toda belief, the gods intervene in human affairs.
Each clan is believed to have its iwdrodclii, or ruling deity,
but I could not learn what he is supposed to do. In general
the nodrodchi of a clan is a god dwelling on a hill near the
chief village of the clan, and two clans living near one another
may have the same ruler. Thus Teipakh is connected with
both Piedr and Kusharf, Atioto with both Kwodrdoni and
Pedrkars, while Etepi, who is the nodrodchi of Keradr, and
Kuzkarv, the nodrodchi of Keadr, are almost certainly one
and the same deity. In the two latter cases a Tarthar clan
has the same god as a clan of the Teivaliol.

Little can be said about the nature of these connexions
between gods and clans, but it is possible that when a clan or
a member of a clan is said to incur the anger of the gods it
is the nodrodchi who is chiefly offended and inflicts punish-
ment in the form of death or disease to man or buffalo. The
Todas certainly believe that misfortunes are due to the anger
of the gods. It is clear that the various offerings described
in Chapter XIII are piacular and propitiatory. They are
designed to atone for wrong done and to avert any future evil
consequences of the offence which has been committed.

The power of the gods is believed to show itself in various
ways. In several cases dairies have been disused because the
dairymen have died in office, and this was said to have
happened because the gods of those places were severe. It
was apparently believed that they had visited infringements
of the laws regulating dairy ritual with death.

The various misfortunes which befell different members of
the community as the result of my visit were all ascribed to
the anger of the gods. Again, the untoward incidents of
the funeral of Sinerani (see p. 391) were ascribed to the
anger of the gods because there had been an infringement
of funeral custom. These and other cases show clearly that

G G

450 THE TODAS chap.

the gods are held to be the source of punishment for sins
committed by the Todas, and that they may be appeased by
offerings.

Each of the // dairies has connected with it many deities
whose names are especially mentioned in the prayers, and it is
probable that for infringements of their ritual these gods are
the avenging deities.

The attitude towards the gods shown by the formulae used
in the dairy ceremonial has already been considered. Though
there is no direct evidence in these formulae that there is actual
supplication to the deities, it is almost certain that this suppli-
cation is implied. The formulae used in other Toda ceremonies
have the same general form as those used in the dairy ritual ;
and here, again, though there is no direct appeal to deities in
the words of the formula, such appeal is almost certainly
implied. The formulae of the various ceremonies of the Todas
are almost certainly of the nature of prayers in which the
gods are asked to give blessings and avert evils. Apart from
the formulae of the definite ritual, there seems to be no doubt
that the Todas offer supplications to their gods for help
and protection.

In the formulae used in Toda sorcery appeal to the gods is
even more definite than in the prayers of the dairy ritual.
In them the names of four most important gods are
mentioned, and it seems quite clear that the sorcerer believes
that he is effecting his purpose through the power of the gods.

Another definite way in which the gods of the Todas are
believed to intervene in human affairs is in divination. During
the frenzy into which the tenol or diviners fall they are believed
to be inspired by the gods. The diviners are chiefly consulted
in the case of misfortune, and they are believed to reveal the
reasons for the divine displeasure which has been the cause of
the misfortune, and to communicate the ways in which the
gods may be appeased. The diviners are believed to be
directly inspired by the gods, and their name, tcuol^ or "god
men," shows how definitely this belief is present in the Toda
mind. In this case each diviner is believed to be inspired by
a special deity, though sometimes more than one deity may
reveal himself by the same man.

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 451

In the process of divination men are possessed by gods ;
and another example of possession by the gods may be
mentioned here, as I have not found a suitable place for it
elsewhere. If any of the gods should sit on the back of a
buffalo, the animal will go to the hill called Kuratvan, near
Neduvattam, and this is said to have happened to two
buffaloes in recent times. A buffalo which goes to this hill
is allowed to find its own way back, and, provided the
buffalo goes only to ettidniad, its course will not be interfered
with. One of the two buffaloes above-mentioned travelled
back by way of Taradr, a place called Panmtu, Nodrs, Miuni,
and then went to its own village.

In the chapter on divination I have pointed out that many
of the deities who inspire the diviners are not true Toda gods,
and this suggests that the practice of divination may have
been borrowed from surrounding peoples, in which case
caution would be needed in drawing conclusions from the
beliefs associated with the practice. I believe, however, that
the information given to me on this point is based on recent
utterances of the teiiol themselves when in a state of frenzy.
Each teiiol was asked by whom he was inspired, and I think
it not unlikely that the answers were influenced by the recent
associations of the Todas.

At the present time none of the gods are ever seen by
mortals. As we have already found, the hills where they are
supposed to dwell are, in some cases, regarded with reverence ;
but I obtained no evidence that the Todas avoid the summits
even of those hills where the most important deities are
supposed to be, though unfortunately I omitted to put this to
the test by asking any of the more scrupulous Todas to accom-
pany me to these places. The god-inhabited hills, however,
are, in most cases, the sites of cairns and barrows, and the
whole experience of those who have excavated these sites
seems to show that the Todas exhibit no special reluctance to
visit these dwelling-places of the gods.

I think that there can be little doubt that most of the indi-
vidual gods of the Todas are becoming very unreal beings to
those who talk of them. The stories of the earlier gods are
now being forgotten, and the ideas of the Todas about them are

G G 2

452 THE TODAS chap.

very vague. On the other hand, certain gods of obviously more
recent origin seem to be replacing, to some extent, the older
gods. The lives of Kwoten and Meilitars can be related by
many in great detail, but though they seem to inspire more
interest among theTodas I cannot say that I observed anything
to show that they receive any special worship or reverence.
Meilitars is especially mentioned in the Kanodrs prayer, but
this would only put him on a level with many objects of no
great amount of sanctity. The attitude of the Todas towards
these two beings seemed to me to be rather that of people
towards heroes than towards gods, though the mythology has
raised them to the level of the gods.

Nevertheless, the idea of " god " is highly developed among
the Todas and I am inclined to believe that the most satisfac-
tory explanation of the Toda deities is that the people came
to the Nilgiri Hills with a body of highly developed gods ;
that round these gods have clustered various legends con-
nected with the Toda institutions ; that these old gods have
gradually through long ages lost their reality ; that certain
heroes have been raised to the ranks of the gods and that the
lives of these heroes, founded to some extent on actual fact,
have more interest to the Todas and are remembered and
passed on while the legends of the older gods are gradually
becoming vaguer in the progress towards complete
obliviscence ; that the gods as a whole, however, are still re-
garded as the authors of punishment and that there is a
tendency to make an abstraction of the power of the
gods.

The Todas, then, show us a stage of religious belief in
which gods once believed to be real, living among men and
intervening actively in their affairs, have become shadowy
beings, apparently less real, invisible and intervening in
the affairs of men in a mysterious manner and chiefly in the
case of infraction of the laws which they are still believed to
have given.

The present state of the Toda religion seems to be one in
which ritual has persisted while the beliefs at the bottom
of the ritual have largely disapjjeared. The Todas are an
example of a people whose lives are altogether dominated

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 453

by custom and tradition, and on the religious side this
domination has taken a form in which ritual has become
all-important, while the religious ideas which underlie the
ritual have become blurred and unreal or have disappeared
altogether. It seems to me that the Todas have had a
religion of a comparatively high order for people living in such
simple circumstances. During a long period of isolation
there has come about an over-development of the ritual
aspect of this religion. Year after year, and century after
centur}-, the priests have handed on the details of the
ceremonial from one to another. The performance of the
prescribed rites in their due order has become the all-essential
of the religion and the ideas connected with it have suffered.
This is shown most clearly in the prayers, in which we have
seen that the prayer proper has gradually come to take a
relatively subordinate position, and is even in danger of dis-
appearing altogether, while the importance of the kwai'zain
by which the sacred objects of the dairy are mentioned has
been magnified. The dairy utterances, which were probably
at one time definite prayers calling on the gods for help and
protection, are now on their way to become barren and
meaningless formulae.

Just as the prayer of the Todas seems to have almost degener-
ated into the utterance of barren formulae, so is there reason
to believe that the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly
present in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the
gods themselves to the material objects used in the service of
the gods. I acknowledge that I am here on less sure ground
than in the case of the dairy formulae, but the general impres-
sion left on my mind by the study of the beliefs and sacred
institutions of the Todas is that the religious attitude of
worship is being transferred from the gods themselves to the
objects round which centres the ritual of the dairy. If I am
right in these surmises, we find the Todas to possess a
religion in process of degeneration. I do not suppose that
this degeneration has been in progress only during the short
time that the Todas have been exposed to the injurious
contact of the outer world. The study of the Toda religion
makes it seem to me most probable that the Todas came

454 THE TODAS chap.

to the Nilgiri Hills with a religion of a higher order than they
possess at present, with a developed system of gods who were
believed to direct and govern the affairs of men, and that by
a long and slow process these gods have become unreal, the
supplications of the people for their guidance and assistance
have become mechanical, and worship has been transferred
from gods, not to stocks and stones, but to bells and dairy
vessels.

At the present time it would seem that even the ritual of
the Toda religion is often carried out less carefully than of
old. Among the former occupants of dairy offices of whom I
made inquiries, I found some who gave accounts so full of
inaccuracies and omissions that it seemed unlikely that they
could have performed the duties of their offices in a satisfactory
manner, and when I had the opportunity of observing parts
of the dairy ritual it seemed to me that the ceremonial acts
were performed by some of the dairymen in a very perfunctory
and slovenly fashion. We have already seen that some of the
features of Toda ritual have entirely disappeared, and it seems
not unlikely that the same fate may overtake the whole at no
great distance of time.

In the case of both custom and ritual, the Todas are
now often content if they keep the letter of the law, and
several examples of the evasion of ceremonial laws have been
recorded. We have seen that several of the laws concerning
the uiadnol are certainly not kept in the spirit, and only by a
stretch of imagination, in the letter. A woman evades the law
that she may not leave the village on the viadnol by leaving
it before daybreak and returning after daybreak till her work
is done. A man takes money out on the day before the
madnol and, burying it elsewhere, is able to carry out business
which the spirit of the law forbids. In ceremonies, ritual
duties which involve discomfort or restraint are assigned
to young boys, to whom the restraint is no restraint. A man
goes near the palol whom properly he should not approach,
but since he does not speak nor is spoken to, he is regarded
as ceremonially absent.

Objects of value which should be burnt for the use of
the dead are sent to the next world ceremonially by swinging

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 455

them over the fire, and are then removed. The emblems
of womanhood are taken out of the hut when the zviirsol
goes there to sleep, but the women themselves remain.
Probabl)' the behaviour of the kaltmokh in the sleeping
hut during the ceremony after migration (p. 142) is a sign
that he should not be there, and is evading an uncomfortable
and perhaps dangerous custom.

The Todas seem to show us how the over- development
of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those
ideas and beliefs through which the religion has been built up
and then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer and acts which
arc performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them,
may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while
religious observances which involve trouble or discomfort may
be evaded or completely neglected. The Todas, in fact, show
us, in little, the general traits characteristic of the degeneration
of religion.

To people living in the simple surroundings and with the
simple life of the Todas we might well look for material to
help us to understand the evolution of religion, but, if I
am right, we must look for this in vain. If the religion of the
Todas is a product of degeneration, it is hopeless to seek
among the customs of this people for evidence of the mode
of growth of religious ideas and practices. Thus, it is natural
that we find among the Todas no clear trace of totemism, or
of those ideas connected wdth animals which are probably
allied to totemism. There are several reasons why the Todas
should not furnish any clear evidence of this frequent starting-
point of religion. In the first place, they are people to whom
one animal has become so predominantly sacred that it
might be expected that any other relations with animals of a
sacred character would have disappeared ; the cult of animals
in general would have been swamped in the cult of the buffalo.
Secondly, if I am right in the supposition I have advanced
in this chapter, it is probable that the Todas came to the
Nilgiri Hills with the cult of the buffalo or other milk-giving
animal already to some extent developed, and if at this time
they had customs and beliefs connected with other animals,
these would naturally soon disappear if these animals were

456 THE TODAS chap.

absent in the new country. At the same time, it is perhaps
not without significance that the Todas are allowed to eat the
flesh of the sambhar. In their former home, in the low country,
it is almost certain that this animal would not have been
a totem, and therefore it would be natural that on their reach-
ing the Nilgiris they might be permitted to eat it.^

It is doubtful how far the Todas have an idea of a supreme
god. At the present time they speak of and constantly
appeal to Swami, and they will say that Swami is above all
the gods, but I have very little doubt that this is a recent
idea. Swami was chiefly spoken of and reverenced by the
younger men, and it is quite clear that the name should
not properly occur in the formulae of any Toda ritual.
Nevertheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that the idea
is old. It is probable that at one time there existed direct
appeal to gods in the Toda prayer, and this direct appeal
may have been to some supreme being who was addressed
as Swami.

Apart from this question of the meaning of Swami, two
deities stand out from the remainder of the Toda gods. One
of these is Meilitars, whose cunning was able to deceive the
gods, and who was able to perform miracles which were
regarded as beyond the powers of the other gods. His story
seems to show one way in which a god might rise above his
fellows, and might become a supreme god, but this has
certainly not happened in his case. There is not the slightest
evidence to show that Meilitars is in any way worshipped as
a supreme god. There is a much stronger case for the
supremacy of the goddess Teikirzi. Teikirzi is said to be
the foundress of many of the Toda institutions ; the final
explanation of all things in the Toda mind is that " it is
the will of Teikirzi." She is said to be all-pervading, and

^ I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have already indi-
cated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a recent innovation, which has
arisen since the advent of Europeans to the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to
indicate by the above that I commit myself to a belief in the universality of
totemism as a stage in religious development, I only wish to point out that if
this has been so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all
traces of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and scanty
as to be of little value.

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 457

is regarded as the ruler of this world ; she is mentioned
in many of the sacred formulas, and of the occasional
kivarzaDi uttered by the Todas on various occasions by far
the most frequent are those of Teikirzi Tirshti.

Teikirzi is undoubtedly the most important Toda deity,
and yet she is not so pre-eminent that she can be said to be
in any way a supreme god. Though she is the ruler of this
world, it is On who rules the world of the dead.

Influence of other Religious Systems

The Todas show undoubted signs of the influence of
Hinduism on their religion. It would be quite easy for a
visitor to the Todas to talk to some of the younger and more
sophisticated men and to go away believing that the Todas
differed little from the surrounding tribes in their religious
beliefs. In my first conversation with the Todas on religious
matters I was told that they worshipped the following six
gods : — Nanjandisparan, whose temple is at Nanjankudi in
Mysore ; Petkon or Betakarasami, whose temple is at
Gudalur; Punilibagewan, whose temple is called Punilikudi
and is near Cheirambadi ; Mari, a female deity, with a temple
called Marikudi near Pokapparam ; MagoH, another female
deity, with a temple near Kodanad on the Nilgiris, and
Karmudrangan,^ whose temple is near MettapoUayam.

Four or five of these gods are probably Hindu deities,
while Magoli may be a deity of the Kurumbas or Irulas. At
the present time there is no doubt that their temples are
visited by the Todas and offerings made to them. The most
frequent motive for these offerings appears to be the desire
for children. The Todas now pray to these gods, most
commonly for this purpose to Nanjandisparan, Magoli or
Karmudrangan, and if a child is born it is taken when one
year old to the temple, its head is shaved, and an offering,
usually in the form of an image of the child, given to the
priest. Rice is also given, sufficient, it is said, to feed
loi men, and the proceedings are said to cost the Todas

' These were the names given to me by the To<las, and their spelling may not
correspond with that in ordinary use.

458 THE TODAS chap.

from 40 to 100 rupees. They have a rule that, however
much money they take away with them from their villages,
all must be spent and none brought back.

If the Todas wish to obtain more buffaloes the}' offer silver
images of these animals to the te4nples.

I do not know how long these Hindu gods have been
worshipped by the Todas, but my informants were emphatic
that Nanjandisparan and Petkon had been worshipped by the
Todas for very long, and that annual offerings of small sums
were made to them by every Toda family.

This worship and appeal to Hindu deities appears to
me to have gone on side by side with the proper religion
of the Todas, but to have influenced it little. It shows
how people of low culture make use of the gods of other
races as well as of their own, and in the same way I believe
that the Todas reverence the gods of Badagas, Kurumbas, or
any other of the tribes with which they have dealings, and if
asked point-blank if the gods of these people are their gods
they will assent.

It is probable that Hinduism is now having more influence
on the Todas than ever before, and, as I have already pointed
out, I believe that the reverence to Swami and the frequent
utterance of his name is a sign of the increasing influence of
Hinduism, perhaps combined with that of Christianity.

Christianity has so far had no appreciable influence. The
Church Missionary Zenana Society has for some years
employed two catechists to work among the Todas, and one
of them, Samuel, who by the kindness of the Society was
allowed to act as my interpreter for a large part of my stay,
ought to have been successful if earnestness and honesty are
of any avail, but his efforts, carried on for ten years, had borne
very little fruit.

In the whole of the m3'thology and ceremonial there are
few features which suggest the probability of Christian influ-
ence, and the chief of these is the incident in the legend of
the origin of mankind where woman is created from a rib
taken from the right side of a man. It is very unlikely that
this is a recent accretion to the legend, and, if it is due to
Christian influence, I think it must have arisen long ago. We

XIX THE TODA RELIGION 459

know that, three centuries ago, priests visited the Todas and
preached to them, and it is stated (see p. 720) that one chose
the Hebrew story of the creation for his lesson, and it may
be that the incident, striking the fancy of the people, was in-
corporated into their own tradition of the origin of man. The
resemblance between the Toda niadnol and the Sabbath may
also excite the suspicion that the former institution is founded
on ideas borrowed from Christians or Jews. I think we may
be confident that, if this has been the case, the borrowing
took place very long ago. I hope to show in the last chapter
that it is probable the Todas came from Malabar, and it is
possible that their migration to the hills took place after the
settlement of Christians or Jews in that district. If Christi-
anity has affected the religious beliefs or practices of the
general body of the Todas, I think it is certain that this
influence has not been recent.

Magic and Religion

A word may be added, at the end of this chapter, on the
relation between the magic and the religion of the Todas.
I have already pointed out reasons for believing that the
Toda religion is one in process of degeneration, and we must
not therefore expect to find among this people material for
the study of the evolution of religion from magic or for
the method of divergence of the two from some original
stem which was neither magic nor religion.

The chief interest of the Todas from this point of view
is that they show how side by side with a relatively high
form of religion there may exist a body of beliefs crystallised
in magical formulae which bear a very close resemblance
to the formula of the religious ritual. Their aim and their
general nature leave no doubt that the formula given in
the later part of Chap. XII are magical in nature, and yet
they show more distinct evidence of appeal to deities than
is to be found in the definitely religious formulae of the
dairy. These magical formulae of the Todas seem to
show us a stage of magic in which religion has been called

46o THE TODAS ch. xix

to its aid. The sorcerer does not endeavour to effect his
purpose merely by the beHef in the efficiency of Hke producing
Hke, or other ideas which dominate the lower forms of magic,
but has called to his aid the power of the gods and uses
a form of words almost identical witli that used in the
religious ritual. Magic and religion are here closely allied,
but it is possible that this alliance is but one of the products
of the degeneration to which I beliex'e the Toda religion is
subject. It is possible that we have here evidence that
during the process of degeneration of religion, religion and
magic may approach one another — an approach which recalls
their common origin from those low beliefs and ideas of the
savage to which the name of neither magic nor religion
should perhaps be properly applied.

CHAPTER XX

GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION

The preceding chapters have dealt with the ceremonies
and reh'gious aspect of the Hfe of the Todas. This and suc-
ceeding chapters will deal with the social organisation and
the more secular side of the life of the people.

The social organisation has been studied largely by means
of the genealogical record which is given in Appendix V.
l^efore going to India I had worked out the details of the
system of kinship, of the regulation of marriage, and of the
social organisation generally of two Papuan communities on
the basis of the pedigrees preserved by those communities.

It is a familiar fact that, both in ancient writings and in the
memories of peoples to whom writing is unknown, long lists
of ancestors may be preserved, going back in some cases to
mythical times. Among existing peoples good examples of
such genealogies are found in Polynesia and Uganda, but
such a genealogical record is of little value for the investiga-
tion of social organisation.

The records which I obtained in Torres Straits were of a
different kind ; they only extended back for three or four
generations, but included all collateral lines, so that a man
was able to tell me all the descendants of his great-grand-
father or great-great-grandfather, and knew the descent of his
mother, his father's mother, his mother's mother, and his wife
as fully as that of his father. By this means I was able to
collect ^ a record of the great majority of marriages which
had taken place in the community for the last three or four

' See Reports of the Cambridge Aiithro/ologieal Expedition to Torres Straits,

vol. V, p. 122.

462 THE TODAS CHAP.

generations, was able to work out the laws which had regu-
lated these marriages and to study in detail the system of
kinship.

On going to the Todas, one of my first objects was to dis-
cover if their pedigrees were preserved with the same com-
pleteness and fidelity as among the Papuans of Torres Straits.

It seemed at first as if I was to be disappointed. Those to
whom I first broached the subject professed not to know the
names of their own fathers and mothers. Some said they
had forgotten them, but their demeanour excited the sus-
picion that reticence, and not ignorance, was the cause of
the failure, and it soon became clear that this suspicion was
correct.

There was a taboo on the names of the dead, and especially
on those of dead ancestors. No Toda liked to speak of the
dead by name, but to utter the name of a dead elder relative
was strictly forbidden, and to the end of my visit I never heard
the name of a dead man from one of his descendants. Thus
the last piece of genealogical information which I collected
was that of the names of the father and mother of Kodrner,
my constant attendant. The fact that he was always with
me had prevented my inquiries into his parentage.

Having discovered the cause of failure it soon became evi-
dent that the Todas preserved their pedigrees almost, if not
quite, as fully as the natives of Torres Straits. As in the
islands, certain men had especial reputations as repositories of
genealogical lore, and I began my investigations with the aid
of one of the most famous of these, Parkurs (8), an old man
almost blind as the result of cataract and so feeble that he
had to be carried when he came to see me. With his aid
and that of many others I compiled the records given in
Appendix V.

Throughout my visit, the collection of this genealogical
material was regarded as something which should not be done.
I never carried on this branch of my work during what I may
call my public hours when I was visited by anyone who
chose to come. At these times I sometimes obtained from a
man the names of his wife and children, but always left any
further inquiries till the time reserved for my investigations

XX . GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 463

into more esoteric matters, when only one man was alone with
me and was not subject to the restraints imposed by auditors
who might disapprove of the utterance of the names of the
dead.

One result of the taboo on the names of dead ancestors was
that the record of a man's family was never obtained from one
of that family ; but this was no disadvantage, for the genea-
logical knowledge of those from whom I obtained my data
was so wide that it covered the families of the whole or nearly
the whole of the Toda community. I have no doubt that I
could have obtained the whole of the material given in
the tables from two men, one of whom would have given
me the genealogies of the Tartharol, and the other those of the
Teivaliol, and if I had chosen my informants wisely, I believe
that their information would have been as full and accurate
as that obtained from my many sources of information.
Further, I found that the Teivaliol had a wide knowledge of
Tarthar genealogies, and vice versa, though a man of one
division usually refused to guarantee the accuracy of anything
he told me about the other division, and would often disclaim
knowledge which some chance observation later showed that
he possessed, at any rate in some measure.

Although certain Todas had special reputations for their
knowledge of pedigrees and were undoubtedly more
proficient in this respect than the general mass of the
community, I believe that the knowledge was very widely
spread throughout the people. My guide Kodrner never
professed to any special knowledge of genealogies, and yet
chance observations would often show that his acquaintance
with the pedigrees of the community was far more extensive
and accurate than his professions would have led one to expect.

The results of the inquiry are given in Tables 1-72. This
large accumulation of genealogical material was obtained
from people who professed at first not to know the names of
their own fathers and mothers. It would have been quite
easy for me to have come away from the Todas and reported
them as a people who did not preserve their genealogies.

The pedigrees are recorded in exactly the same manner
as those which I have published in the Reports of the Torres

464 THE TODAS chap.

Straits Expedition^ with the modifications rendered necessary
by the presence of polyandry and infant marriage among the
Todas. In any one table the descendants in the male
line only are giv^en, descendants in the female line being
recorded in the genealogies of the husbands. Thus, if one
wishes to ascertain the descendants of Pilivurch in Table i, it
is necessary to turn to Table 20 recording the genealogy of
Teithi, the husband of this woman. The names of males are
in capital letters, those of females in ordinary type, and the
name of a wife always follows the name of her husband or
husbands. Under the name of each individual is placed, in
italics, the name of the clan to which the individual belongs,
or, in the case of a married woman, of the clan to which she
had belonged before marriage. The names of those now
living are given in Clarendon type, of which Mudrigeidi and
Savdur in Table i are examples. The abbreviation i.m.
stands for " infant marriage." The abbreviations d.y. and
d.n.n. stand for " died young " and " died before being
named " respectively. The latter implies that the child died
within a few weeks of birth.

When the names of men are enclosed in square brackets,
polyandry, and when the names of women are so enclosed,
polygyny, is indicated.

In the Torres Straits Reports I have shown that there are
definite reasons why the people should have preserved their
pedigrees so fully. The pedigrees are not preserved for
amusement nor out of idle interest in the doings of ancestors
or neighbours. In Torres Straits the complex and far-reach-
ing nature of the marriage regulations form the chief motive
for the preservation of the pedigrees, while the transmission of
property is perhaps of almost equal importance.

Among the Todas we shall see that the marriage regulations
are far simpler than among the Papuans of Torres Straits,
and in their case the chief motive is probably connected with
the inheritance of buffaloes, the only form of property in
which the Toda takes much interest. In the succeeding
chapters we shall find several examples of social transactions
in which the knowledge derived from the genealogical record
has determined the issue.

XX GENEALOGIES AxND POPULATION 465

The Value of the Genealogical Record

In the succeeding chapters I shall show the value of the
genealogies in working out the nature of the system of
kinship and in providing statistical material for the study of
the marriage regulations. The greater part of my work on
the social aspect of the life of the Todas is based on material
derived from the genealogies ; or perhaps I should rather say
that most of the information I give has been checked, if not
entirely obtained, by means of the genealogies.

I wish, however, to draw attention here to a far wider use
of the genealogies in anthropological investigation. They bring
a concrete element into anthropological work which greatly
facilitates inquiry. The lower one goes in the social or
intellectual scale in mankind, the greater difficulty is there in
dealing with abstractions. The savage mind is almost wholly
occupied with the concrete. Discuss his laws of inheritance
with him, and you probably soon become hopelessly entangled
in misunderstanding. Take a number of concrete cases, and
his memory will enable him to heap instance upon instance
showing how property was inherited in given cases. Similarly,
in ceremonies, ask the savage to give an account of a given
ceremony, and he probabl}' omits many essential points, not
because he forgets them, but because they are so familiar to
him that he thinks you, like himself, take them for granted.
Ask him to tell you exactly what A and B did when they
performed a given ceremony, and he forms a mental picture
of A and B going through the ceremony, and tells you exactly
what they did and how they did it. When another individual
comes into the ceremony, he too comes in as a concrete
personage, and his sayings and doings are faithfully recorded.

The Todas are so intelligent that the genealogies were not
so essential an instrument of investigation as was the case in
Torres Straits, but they were nevertheless of enormous value
in giving concreteness to the accounts of the Toda ceremonies.
The Todas certainly gave fuller and more faithful accounts of
their ceremonies when they described actual events, but such
descriptions would have been of little value to me if I had

H H

466 THE TOD AS chap.

not had my pedigrees as a guide. An account of a Toda
funeral, for instance, with its many dramatis persona; would
probably have baffled my powers of comprehension if I had
not had my book of genealogies for reference.

I always worked with this book by my side whenever I was
investigating any ceremonial in which the social side of life
was concerned. I asked for a description of some ceremony
recently performed of which the memories were fresh.
The chief actors in the ceremony were always mentioned by
name ; and whenever a name occurred, I looked up the clan
and family of the person in question and noticed his relation-
ship to other persons who had taken part in the ceremony.
The actors in the ceremony were thus real people to me as
well as to my informants, and the account of the ceremony
proceeded with the maximum of interest and the minimum
of fatigue both to myself and to my informants.

The method had the further advantage that it afforded me
the means of checking the accounts which I was given. An
informant inclined to be careless soon found that I had the
means of checking his narrative on many points ; and sqme of
the people, not knowing the source of my information, credited
me with more knowledge than I really possessed, and were in
consequence extremely careful not to wander from the truth,
or perhaps I should rather say, not to tell me anything of
which they were not absolutely certain. I have already
stated my belief that the Todas are very truthful and that
they err far more often from carelessness than intention, but
the fact that I had a fund of knowledge of which the source
was somewhat mysterious probably saved me from having
much of my time wasted by careless or inaccurate information.

I think that my familiarity with the names and circum-
stances of the people helped me to acquire their confidence.
Among the more simple people of Torres Straits, I used
sometimes to let a man know, much to his astonishment, that
I was acquainted with some of the affairs of his family, xAmong
the more reticent Todas, it seemed to me unwise to do this,
but, on meeting for the first time a man with whom I was
already acquainted through the genealogies, I often referred
to something I knew he had done, perhaps to the skilful

XX GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 467

way he had caught the buffalo at such and such a funeral,
and the fact that I knew something of him and his doings
often helped to put us at once on friendly terms, and at
the same time put him on his mettle to give me the best of
the knowledge at his command.

The Trustworthiness of the Genealogies

Before using the genealogical record as a means of study-
ing the details of the social organisation, it may be well to
consider what guarantee we have that the genealogies form
a truthful record of the past. In Torres Straits, where I
gained my first experience in these matters, I was so in-
credulous of the accuracy of the record that I obtained
almost every particle of information from two or three
different and independent sources, and it was only when
I had finished that I found the whole mass of material to
furnish a record so consistent in itself that it could hardly
have been other than veracious.

Further, on investigating kinship and the regulation of
marriage, both on the basis of the genealogical record, it
was found that the results of one investigation closely cor-
roborated the results of the other, and that the combined
investigations gave so consistent and coherent a result that
it was incredible that the genealogies on which the investi-
gations were based should have been other than faithful and
accurate records.

The Toda community is considerably larger than either
of those with which I worked in the islands of Torres Straits,
and when I found that the memories of the people extended
back as far or nearly as far as in those islands, it became
obvious that I was confronted with a task of considerable
magnitude, and the question arose whether it was necessary
to obtain separate accounts of every family from independent
witnesses, as I had done previously, or whether I might not
rely on the account of a family given by one witness and
only seek corroboration occasionally. I began by following
the same procedure as in Torres Straits, but soon found
that the accounts obtained independently showed a close

H H 2

468 THE TODAS chap.

agreement, and I therefore contented myself in my later
work with one account, though every now and again I went
over a piece of a pedigree with a second witness. When
I had finished, the consistency of all the parts of the record
with one another seemed to afford conclusive evidence that I
had obtained what is, on the whole, a veracious record.

Of course, in so large a mass of material there are
mistakes.^ In one family no doubt a child has been omitted,
especially when it died young and had no posterity to make
its name important ; in another case perhaps a child has been
added to a family who was really the offspring of another
mother. That there are such mistakes is certain, but they
are probably few in number, and I have no doubt that, with
one exception to be presently considered, such mistakes as
have crept in do not appreciably impair the value of the
genealogies as a record of the working of social regulations.

There is one deficiency of the record, however, of the
existence of which I have little doubt — a deficiency entirely
due to my own carelessness. To me the chief interest of the
genealogies is that they are a record of the past — a record of
the working of social regulations which at the present time
may be already affected by the new influences coming into the
lives of primitive people all over the world. In my absorp-
tion in the records of the past, I have often neglected the
present and have omitted to ascertain carefully the children
of families at present in process of growth. In several cases
I have failed to obtain the names of children of people now
living, and I have very little doubt that I have in several or
many cases omitted the names of other children of growing
families. I had one excuse for this in the fact already
mentioned, that I had to obtain my information about a given
family from people of some other family. A man would
often know all about the members of the given family in the
past, but, living perhaps at some distance from the family in
question, he was often hazy as to the exact number and
names of the children recently born, and it is the record of

' For a few cases in which an individual is entered as the child of a man who
is known not to be his real father, see p. 534. In such a case I have assigned
the child to the parent who is regarded as the legal father by the Todas.

GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION

469

children under five years of age which I know to be
deficient.

If the number of the Todas now living and recorded in the
genealogies be counted, it will be found that there are 736
individuals, 419 males and 317 females. In the census of
1901 the total population is given as 805,451 males and 354
females. My record falls short of that of the census by 69
individuals, 32 males and 37 females.

Further, when I arrange the people now living according to
age, it is found that there is a distinct deficiency in children
under five years of age. Thus, my records of age come out
as follows : —

Males.

Females.

Above 65 years.

61— 6s „

56-60 ,,

51—55 „

46—50 ,,

41—45 .>

36—40 „

31—35 >.

25 1

26—30 ,,

21—25 >.

16 — 20 ,,

11-15 „

6 — 10 ,,

5 and under

Total

419

317

The ages upon which this table is based could only be
obtained very roughly, and the figures must be taken merely as
rough approximations to the truth. The irregularities of the
table may be due partly to this defect, but it is very improbable
that there are about the same number of children of five
and under as of children between six and ten, and we may be
fairly confident that but for omissions the numbers of the
youngest group, especially of boys, would have been larger.

I have reason to believe, further, that I have not omitted
any appreciable number of adults or children over five years
of age. I tested 320 males and 183 females for colour-

470 THE TODAS chap.

blindness, and as I was anxious to test every member of the
community who was old enough, I obtained towards the end
of my visit the names of all those who had not been tested.
I only attempted to test children when over five years of age,
and I have therefore an independent record of the living
Todas above this age, so that it is fairly certain that the
greater part of the deficiency in the genealogical record is of
children about or below the age of five, though it is possible
that I may also have missed a certain number of women.

This deficiency does not in the slightest degree affect the
value of the pedigrees as a record of marriages or of the
working of social regulations, but it does impair the value of
the statistics concerning the average size of a family and
other matters of biological interest, though only for the last
generation.

On looking through my genealogical tables, it will be seen
that different clans and families differ very greatly in the fulness
of their record. In some cases I have pedigrees going back to
the great-grandfathers of men now in middle life ; in other
cases I have only the names of the fathers of such men. The
briefness of the record is especially marked in the case of the
outlying clans, such as Kvvodrdoni, Pedrkars, and Pam, which
I only visited for short periods. During these visits there
was so much to be done that something had to suffer and the
genealogies were usually the victims. If I had had more time,
I have little doubt that I could have obtained much fuller
records in many cases.

Buffalo Pedigrees

Marshall has stated that the Todas preserve the pedigrees
of their buffaloes in the female line, and when I had found
how carefully the Todas preserved their own pedigrees my
next step was to endeavour to ascertain if the pedigrees of
their buffaloes were preserved with the same amount of care
and completeness. I returned to this subject again and again,
but with very imperfect success. The Todas always treated
my inquiries on this subject as if they were trifling and
ridiculous. It is possible that this was one of the points on

XX- GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 471

which they were reticent, but I am inclined to think that I was
told all there was to tell.

To a certain extent it is correct to say that the pedigrees
of the buffaloes are preserved, and in the female line only.
If any given buffalo were taken as the starting-point, the
owner could usually tell me the names of the mother of the
buffalo and of the mother's mother, and occasionally I obtained
the names of the immediate ancestors in the female line for
four generations. Thus, Nertiners of Taradr (24) had a
buffalo named Karstum who w^as the daughter of Idrsh.
Idrsh was the daughter of Persud, who was the daughter
of Neruv, who was the daughter of Kiud. Another of his
buffaloes, Keien, was descended from Koisi, Neruv, and
Kasimi in the order named.

I could not ascertain that the Todas kept any record of
the collateral lines of descent, nor was there, so far as I could
find, any idea of kinship between buffaloes descended from
the same recent ancestor. Two buffaloes born of the same
mother would be known, of course, to be sisters, but no
importance seemed to be attached to the relationship.

An obvious reason for the limitation of the pedigrees of
the buffaloes to the female line is the fact that only female
buffaloes are named, so that there are no means of recording
male parentage. We shall see later that among themselves
the Todas attach little importance to paternity, and the same
indifference is found in their attitude towards their buffaloes.
The essential reason for the nature of the record of buffalo-
descent is the complete absence of desire to maintain the
purity of the breed, even of the most sacred herds, and the
complete lack of attention to ties of consanguinity between
buffaloes mated together.

The Toda Population

The chapters on kinship and marriage will furnish object-
lessons on the method of application of the knowledge derived
from the genealogies to the study of social regulations. In
the remainder of this chapter I propose to consider various
problems connected with population, of biological as well as

472 THE TOD AS chap.

of sociological interest. The data derived from the genealogies
are here of distinct service, though, for reasons already con-
sidered, their value is not so great as in the investigation of
social regulations.

Records of the numbers of the Todas have been taken at
various times, beginning with what must have been a very-
rough estimate made by Keys ^ in 1812, in which the number
of the Todas or Thothavurs was placed at 179. In 1821,
Ward- estimated the numbers of men and women at 140 and
82 respectively, of whom the great majority lived in the
Todanad district of the hills.

Hough -^ in 1825 found the population to consist of 145
men, 100 women, 45 boys, and 36 girls, altogether 326.

In 1838, Birch ^ gives the population as consisting of 294
men and 184 women, amounting to 478, but elsewhere in his
paper he says that the number of the Todas was computed
at about 800.

In 1847, Ouchterlony^ found the number of the Todas to
be 337, made up of 86 adult males, 87 male children, 70 adult
females, and 94 female children. The proportion of males to
females is only 173 to 164, showing a very much smaller pre-
ponderance of males than in any other estimate before or
since.

In 1856, Grigg'^ gives 185 males and 131 females, altogether
316.

In 1866, Grigg gives the population as 704. If the estimates
of this year and that of 1856 were correct, it would show that
the population had more than doubled in ten years. It is
evident that the census of 1866 is the first which gives any-
thing approaching an accurate record of the Toda population.
Even in this year there is one obvious source of error, for it
would seem that those living at the foot of the hills, near
Gudalur were not included, and probably twenty or thirty, if
not more, would have to be added on this account.

^ QiiQ^'^'i Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17, p. xlviii.

- Ibid. App. No. 20, p. Ix.

^ Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75.

■* Madras Jonrn. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86.

® Ibid., 1848, vol. XV, p. I.

^ Manual, p. 27.

XX. GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 473

For the census of 1871 the records are conflicting. On
p. 29 of the Manual, Grigg gives the numbers as 693, 405
males and 288 females. On p. 187 he gives instead of these
numbers 376 males and 263 females, making a total of 639.
Breeks gives the latter numbers and also a revised result
which brings out the total population as 683. This figure, or
the earlier of Grigg's figures, evidently approximates to the
correct population, which shows a slight falling off as compared
with five years earlier.

In the census of 1881, the numbers would appear to have
continued to diminish, the population being put at only 675 ;
382 males and 293 females.

In 1891, the number had risen to 736; 424 males and 312
females.

In the census of 1901, which was taken with especial care
to record all the Todas, there were found to be 45 i males and
354 females, making together 805.

The population as recorded in my genealogical tables com-
piled in 1902 was only 736 ; 419 males and 317 females. My
numbers fall far short of those of the census taken a year
previously. As I have already pointed out, my genealogies
are untrustworthy as a record of the young children of the
community now living, and it is possible also that I have
omitted a certain number of women. The excess of men
over women is distinctly greater in my figures than in the
census of 1901, and this may be due to the fact that I failed
to hear of a certain number of widows or unmarried women
or girls. If so, it is probable that these defects are in the
genealogies of the Teivaliol, and it is in them that the excess
of men is greatest.

The earlier records of the population are certainly far below
the mark. Captain Harkness, writing in 1832, estimates the
attendance at a funeral at 300 men, nearly half that number
of women, and about as many boys and girls. Those seen by
Harkness may not have been all Todas, since Badagas and
Kotas undoubtedly attend Toda funerals, but we may safely
call this a total attendance of 500, which would show that the
records of Hough in 1825 and of Birch in 1838 are far
below the mark, and that Birch's rough estimate of 800 is

474

THE TODAS

CHAP.

probably far more nearly correct, and may even have been
too small.

The records have probably been fairly complete since 1 866,
and if so, they show a falling off in population from this
date till the 1881 census. It is, however, possible that the
gradual increase in numbers during recent censuses has been
due to the greater care taken at each succeeding census.
Unsatisfactory as the records are, they seem to point to a
diminution of population about the middle of the last century,
which ceased between 1880 and 1890, since which time the
population has probably increased.

Mr. R. C. Punnett^ has analysed the data furnished by my
genealogical records to ascertain the average size of the Toda
family. He divided the families recorded in the genealogies
into four groups : (A) those where the eldest child would in
1903 be over 90 years of age ; (B) those where he would be
between 60 and 90 ; (C) and (D) those where he would
be between 30 and 60 and between o and 30 respectively. He
has recorded the results for Tartharol and Teivaliol separately
in the following table.

Group.

Tartharol.

Teivaliol. '
1

No. pf
families.

Average size of
family.

6 s per
IOC 9 s.

No. of
families.

Average size of
family.

<J sper
TOO 9 s.

104

3-0 [4-2]
4-1 [5-0]
3-3 [37]
2-5 [28]

237-5
159-7
131-4
1 29 "2

4
21
40
45

4-5 [6-0]
3-8 [5-4]
3-8 [5-0]
2-3 [2-9]

200

259
202
171

The figures in square brackets give the average size of the
family for each generation, making allowance for cases of
female infanticide, which we shall see presently to be a Toda
custom which is almost certainly diminishing in frequency.

The conclusion Mr. Punnett draws from this table is that
there has been a marked decrease in fertility during the period
covered by the genealogies.

The defects in my record as regards young children make

' Proc. Canib. Philos. Soc, 1904, vol. xii, p. 481.

XX . GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 475

any conclusions about the last generation very inconclusive,
but since the record for very young children is certainly
defective, and since many families now existing vi^ill certainly
increase in size, it is probable that any progressive decrease
in the size of a family has now been arrested, and the details
of the genealogical record would therefore agree with the
Census Reports in showing the presence of a distinct tendency
of the Toda population to increase.

None of the previous records have given any indication of
the numbers of the two chief divisions of the Toda people.
According to my genealogical records, there were living,
in 1902, 528 Tartharol and 208 Teivaliol. The defects in
my record are probably somewhat greater for the Teivaliol
than for the Tartharol, but any difference there may be is
certainly not great, and I think we may conclude that, though
these figures are not accurate, they represent approximately
the true proportion of the numbers of the two divisions. It
is quite certain that the Tartharol are more than twice as
numerous as the Teivaliol. Mr. Punnett's table does not show
any great difference between the two divisions in the average
size of the family, so that the proportion between the numbers
of the two divisions has probably not altered during the
period covered by the genealogical record. It is probable
that the Teivaliol have always or for a very long time been
the smaller division.

The Census Reports and the genealogical record then agree
in pointing to a diminution of the Toda population about the
middle of last century which has now ceased, the probability
being that the Todas are increasing slightly in numbers.

There can be little doubt that any decrease in the Toda
population about the middle of last century was the direct
result of the changes brought about by the advent of
Europeans to the Nilgiri Hills. The adverse influences
which came into the lives of the Todas probably owe their
origin to the large immigration of native servants and to the
development of the bazaar. Though Europeans first began
to come to the Nilgiri Hills about 1820, it was not till twenty
or thirty years later that they arrived in any considerable
numbers, so that it was probably the middle of the century

476 THE TODAS chap.

before the injurious influences made their effects felt to any
great effect.

The especial influences injurious to fertility have probably
been syphilis and sexual immorality, for the Todas do not
appear to have fallen to any very great extent under the
influence of alcohol or opium. They certainly take both, and
especially after the market day at the Ootacamund bazaar, I
have seen Todas obviously under the influence of drink ; but I
believe this to have been only an influence of minor import-
ance on the health of the people. Syphilis, on the other
hand, has undoubtedly affected them to a considerable extent.
At the present time its ravages are not very obvious, though,
without looking for it especially, I saw several examples of
its effects. There can be little doubt, however, that it has
been a potent factor in the past. In a note in a book by
A. C. Burnell,^ it is mentioned that in 1871 thirty-one Todas
were treated at Ootacamund for venereal disease, and of these
thirty were syphilitic. This means that in one year over 4
per cent, of the total Toda population were treated for syphilis
at one place, and we may be fairly confident that all those
suffering from the disease did not apply for treatment.

Another factor working towards the diminution of the
population has probably been sexual immorality. I shall
have to return to this subject again later, and must be content
here to point out that the Toda women have a very bad
reputation, though perhaps their laxity is not as great as is
usually supposed. Still, there can be little doubt that the
women of some villages are extremely immoral, and it is
probable that this has distinctly tended to produce sterility.

If the diminution in the size of the Toda family is due to
these adverse influences, it should be found to be greatest in
those sections of the Toda community which have been most
subject to these influences. The best way of throwing
light on this question is to compare the fertility of the differ-
ent clans of the Tartharol. Some of these, such as Nodrs,
Pan, Taradr, and Kanodrs, either live in outlying parts of the
hills or are sufficiently remote from the chief centres of the
European population not to have been influenced very greatly.

' Speciiiteiis of Soitlh Indian Dialects, Mangalore, 1873.

GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION

477

The chief village of the Kars clan is situated close to Oota-
camund and has suffered greatly from its neighbours, but
many of the villages of the clan are more remote, so that the
clan may be put down as one partly influenced. The people
of Pam and Nidrsi, on the other hand, are more influenced
than any other of the Toda clans, as is shown by the alterations
in their villages and the neglect of the ritual of their religion.
The villages of the Pamol are, or were, near to Wellington
Barracks, and it is certainly the most degenerated of all the
Toda clans. The following table, taken from Mr. Punnett's
paper, shows the average size of the family in each case, and
though the figures are somewhat irregular, they bear out the
view that sterility is greater the more the people have come
into contact with Europeans and their followers.

Name of clan.

No. of
families.

No. of Average size
offspring. of family.

Average size
of family
for group.

Nodrs "

Taradi- H ""influenced)

Kanodrs,

Kars (partly influenced)
Nidrsi /^"^^''^^ influenced)

H
8
9

lO
lO

43
33

22
30

3-841

yoo)

304 3 04

Proportion of the Sexes

The records of the Toda populatioii in the past all show an
excess of men over women, and with the exception of the
record of Ouchterlony, which is certainly untrustworthy, the
excess is considerable. In view of their untrustworthiness no
importance can be attached to the records taken earlier than
that of 1866, and in the report for that year I have been
unable to ascertain the proportions of the sexes. In 1871
there were 140-6 men for every 100 women ; in 1881, 130-4 for
every 100; in 1891, 135-9, and i^i the census of 1901, 127-4
men for every 100 women. My figures, derived from the

478 THE TODAS chap.

genealogical record, give for 1902, I32"2 men for every 100
women, a proportion distinctly greater than that of the
census, which suggests that it is in the female portion of the
community that my records are most defective.

In the table on p. 474 taken from Mr. Punnett's paper, it
is seen that the data derived from the genealogical record
agree with those of the Census Reports in showing on the
whole a progressive decrease in the excess of men over
women. The number of families in the first group is too
small to give them much importance, but for the three
succeeding generations of the Tartharol, the numbers of
males for every lOO females are 1597, i3i'4, and 129*2,
while for the Teivaliol the figures are 259, 202, and 171
respectively.

The Census Reports and the genealogical record thus agree
in showing a progressive diminution in the excess of men over
women.

There can be little doubt as to the cause of this. All
accounts of the Todas agree in attributing to them the
practice of female infanticide, though, at the present time,
the Todas are very chary of acknowledging the existence
of the practice. They deny it absokitely for the present,
and they are reluctant to speak about it for the past.

I do not think that there is the sHghtest doubt that it was
at one time very prevalent, and that it has greatly diminished
in frequency, but that it is still practised to some extent.
The chance remarks of children to my interpreter, Samuel, had
shown him that the practice is still followed occasionally,
and I think it far from unh'kely that it is even now not a very
rare occurrence.

In Mr. Punnett's table, it will be seen that the genealogical
data show that the excess of men is far greater in the
Teivaliol than in the Tartharol, and the excess in the former
is so great as to leave little doubt that the practice is still
followed in this division not infrequently. If this is so, it is
probably due to the fact that the Teivaliol chiefly inhabit the
more outlying parts of the hills, so that, on the whole, they
have been less affected than the Tartharol by the various
influences which have come into the lives of the Todas. An

XX . GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 479

accessory factor may have been the priestly functions of the
Teivaliol, which have probabh' tended to make them more
conservative.

Previous writers on the Tod as have differed considerably in
their accounts of the method of infanticide, and I regret very
much that I cannot contribute any facts towards the settle-
ment of the question. The subject was one about which
the Todas talked so unwillingly that I made no great en-
deavours to arrive at the truth. A method which has been
commonly attributed to the Todas is that of placing the infant
at the gate of the buffalo- pen before this is opened in the
morning, the herd rushing out and trampling on the child.
Another less likel}- method has been said to be that the infant
is drowned in buffalo milk.

The most probable account is that given to Marshall ^ by
an aged Toda, who stated that the child is suffocated by an
old woman, who receives a fee of four annas, and that the
child is then buried, which, as we have seen, is the method
of disposing of the bodies of still-born children.

There is little reason to connect the practice of female
infanticide among the Todas with any deficiency in the
necessaries for existence. It seems clear that at one time the
Todas supplemented their food of milk with berries, roots, &c.,
but it is improbable that they were ever in such straits for
food that they would have resorted to infanticide on this
account. Marshall's informant ascribed infanticide to the
poverty of his people, but this was probably said in order to
excuse the practice.

In an earlier part of this chapter we saw that there is
evidence of a former diminution of the Toda population. At
the same time w'e see that there is evidence of a diminution of
the practice of female infanticide, which w-ould, of course, tend
to increase the population. It would thus seem that there
have existed among the Todas, during the last fifty years,
certain factors tending to diminish the population and one
factor tending to increase it. We may conclude that, but for
the diminution of infanticide, the falling off in numbers would
have been greater, and that the tendency to increase which

1 Pp. 194-5.

THE TO DAS chaI',

seems at present to exist may be due, wholl}' or in part, to
the diminution of infanticide.

There is one indication that female infanticide has almost
entirely ceased during the last five years, and even that there
may now be an excess of female births. In the table of ages
given on page 469, it will be seen that the pedigrees record
more girls than boys of five years and under. There is no
reason why my record of such young children should have
been more defective for one sex than for the other, and the
proportion here may be approximately correct.

Twins

Twins are called oniiunokh, and it is the custom to kill one
of them, even when both are boys. If they should be girls,
it is probable that both would be killed, or, at any rate, would
have been killed in the past.

There is one case of twins in the genealogies. Iraveli, the
wife of Kwotuli and Nudriki (8), gave birth to twins about
twelve years ago. Both were boys, and I was first told that]
one had died shortly after birth, but later inquiries made itj
almost certain that the boy had been killed. Some time]
after the birth of the twins, one of the buffaloes of Kwotuli]
and Nudriki is said to have had a calf with one body, two
heads, and four legs. The buffalo died before the calf was]
born, and the monstrosity was found by the Kotas, to whom
the body was given. It was generally expected that some-
thing would happen to Kwotuli or Nudriki, but they havej
since been very prosperous.

The Determination oe Age

This is a suitable place to say a word about the method I'
adopted to ascertain the ages of the Todas. Like all people]
at a low stage of culture, the Todas are very uncertain about 1
their ages, though their knowledge is more accurate than that
of many peoples. Every Toda knows, howev'er, whether he
is older or younger than another, this fact determining thej

XX . GExXEALOGIES AND POPULATION 481

names and salutations they give to one another, as we
shall see in the next chapter. A few of the younger men
seemed to have accurate knowledge of their ages, and
building up on this basis, and with a knowledge of the
relative ages of the different members of the communit}', it
became possible to arrive at estimates which probably do not
deviate very widely from the correct ages ; even in the case
of the older people, I do not believe that my estimated ages
are likely to be more than five years out in any case. As
already mentioned (see p. 416), the Todas make use, in the
estimation of age, of their belief in the eighteen-year period
of a flower, and the ages so estimated in a few cases agreed
fairly with those arrived at in other ways.

.Among those now alive, it seemed that the usual time
which separates the birth of two children of the same mother
is about three years, and I have taken this time as the rule in
estimating the ages of all those whose names are included in
the genealogies. Similarly, so far as I could tell, women
begin to bear children when about eighteen to twenty years
<jf age.

The ages of the four groups given in the table on p. 474
were calculated on the assumptions that a woman had her
first child when twenty years old, and that the interval
between the births of twa children was three years.

The oldest Toda now living is Kiugi (57). He looks an
extremely old man, and is said by the Todas to be nearly
a hundred years of age. There is evidence which makes it pro-
bable that he is at least eighty or ninet)'. Kors, the father of
Kiugi, performed the ////'.svy ///;/// ceremony before the birth of
Teitchi (52) (see p. 564). Teitchi's grandson, Kuriolv, is now
about fifty-four years of age. When Kors gave the bow and
arrow he may have been only a young boy, and if we assume
that he was fifteen years old, that Teitchi and Pareivan
had their first children when twenty years old, and that the
interval between the birth of Pilzink and that of Pareivan
was six years, it would make the age of Kors, if he were still
ali\e, 115. If Kiugi was born when his father was twenty
years old, it would make his age ninety-five. If, on the other
hand, we assume that Kors ga\'e the bow and arrow when

I I

4^2 THE TODAS CH. XX

only ten )-ears of age, and that he did not have his first
child till he was thirty-, it would make Kiugi's age eighty.
Kiugi's eldest child, if alive, would now probably be about
sixt)-, and this supports the view that the lowest possible
estimate of Kiugi's age is eighty, and he is not improbably a
eood deal older.

CHAPTER XXI

KINSHIP

The system of kinshi[) was studied chiefly by means of
the ii^enealogies. The Todas are sufficiently intelligent to be
able to give satisfactory definitions of their terms expressing
different kinds of relationship, but the genealogies were very
useful in checking these definitions and in working out several
points in detail.

The Toda system of kinship is of the kind known as
classificator\- with several interesting special features. Per-
haps the most important of these is the use of the same terms
for mother's brother and father-in-law on the one hand, and
for father's sister and mother-in-law on the other hand. This
is a natural consequence of the regulation which ordains that
the proper marriage for a man is one with the daughter either
of his mother's brother or father's sister.

j Another important feature of the Toda system is the exist-
\ ence of two well-marked groups of terms expressing bonds of
; kinship ; one used when speaking of relatives, and the other
'when speaking to relatives and in exclamations. The latter,
: which m:iy be regarded as vocative cases of the former, are
I fewer in number and used in a much more general sense ; and
jif the two are not distinguished, it is easy to understand that
lone may find only " inextricable confusion in Toda ideas as
jto relationship." ^ I will first give a list of kinship terms,
[together with the forms used in direct address, and the
approximate definitions, and these will be followed by a

1 See Mai-shiUl, p. 213.

I I 2

484 THE TODAS CHAP.

discussion of the exact meaning of each term. The vocative
forms are enclosed in brackets.

Peviaii, great-grandfather.

Peviav, great-grandmother.

Piati {pici), grandfather.

Piav {piava), grandmother.

Ill (ai'a), father.

Av (ava), mother.

Mokh {ena), son.

Kiigh {end), daughter.

Mokh pedvai mokh {ena), grandson.

MokJi pedvai kugJi {ena), granddaughter.

An (anna), elder brother.

Egal iegald), brother of same age.

Nbdrved {endd), younger brother.

Akkan {akkd), elder sister.

NbdrvedkiigJi iendd), younger sister.

Mun {inanid), mother's brother and wife's father.

Mumi (jnimid), father's sister and wife's mother.

Manmokh {end), sister's son.

MankugJi (^;^^), sister's daughter.

MatcJiuni, child of a mother's brother or father's sister.

01 {pi or olid), husband.

Kotvai or tazmokJi {tazniokh or tiLzniokhid), wife.

Paiol, general name for male relatives of wife.

MotviltJi {ena)y son's wife.

A general name for those of the same clan is annatani, but
I am not sure that this is not properly a borrowed word.

In giving a more detailed account of these terms of
kinship, it will perhaps be convenient to begin with the
relationship of ///, or father.

///. A person speaks of his father as " e)i in',' " my father,"
while "his father" would be "'tan iii." An /// is addressed as
aia. These names are applied not only to the father, but also
to the father's brothers, whether they are husbands of the
mother or not.

The names /// or aia are also gi\cn to all the males of the
clan {jnadol) who are of the same generation as the father ;

XXI ■ KINSHIP 485

also to the husbands of the sisters of the mother, sisters here
inckidingboth own sisters and clan-sisters, />., to the husbands
of all those who are of the same clan and generation as the
mother. Elder brothers of the father (either own brothers or
clan-brothers) arc often addressed as pentdaia, while }'ounger
brothers arc called kariidaia, and in speaking of such men
the expressions "^// i)i pcrud'^ and ^" cu i)i kariid" would be
used. When a man speaks of one of his more remote fathers,
and it may be doubtful of whom he is speaking, he may add
the name of the man ; thus Siriar (20) would speak of Paniolv
(26), the husband of his mother's sister, as " Pant in!'

Av. A mother is spoken of as rn av or tan av, and ad-
dressed as ava. These names are also applied to the wife of
a father other than the actual mother, to the sisters of the
mother, to the wives of the father's brothers, and to the sisters
of the wife's father. Every woman of the same clan and
generation as the mother is an a7'. In general the wife of an
/// is an (TV. As in the case of the /;/, a distinction is made
between the elder and younger sisters ot the mother, the
former being addressed as perudava and the latter karudava.
Similarl}' the wife of an elder brother of the father \9< pcnidava
and of a younger knnidava. Such relatives ma)' be spoken
of as "<v; av pcrnd'' and '^ en av kanidy

MokJt and KugJi. Every one whom a man calls /// or ai'
calls the man inok/i, and every one to whom a woman gives
these names calls the woman kng/i. In direct address, both
niokh and kugh are called ena (? enna).

In speaking of his brother's children, a man may make
clear whether he is speaking of the child of an elder or
}'Ounger brother ; thus he may say " en nbdrvedvain jnok/i"
" my younger brother's son." ^[okli is often used as a general
term for "child "and may be applied to persons of either sex.

Pian. This name is given to both paternal and maternal
grandfathers and to their brothers, certainly in the narrow
sense and probably in the wider. Every male of the speaker's
clan of the same generation as the father's father would cer-
tainly be called ''<?// pia)i," The brother of the father's
mother is also called pian, but I am doubtful whether the
term is used for all the clan-brothers of the father's mother

486 THE TODAS chap.

Similarly I am uncertain how far the clan-brothers of the
mother's father and mother's mother receive this name. A
piaii is addressed s.s pia.

Piav. This is the name of both paternal and maternal
grandmothers, and in general the wife of ?i plan is ^ piav. A
piav is addressed c^^ piava.

All those addressed Aspian ox piav will address the speaker
as ena. When speaking of his grandson, a man will sa)'
'' en niokJi pedvai" or " tv/ viokh pedvai w^/V/," literal!}' " my
born to my son " or " my son born to m\- son," and there
were no less elaborate terms.

The son of a daughter is called en kugJi pedvai jnokli, " my
daughter who born to son," taking the words in order, or
" my son born to my daughter." A daughter of a son is
called en mokJi pedvai kng/i, and the daughter of a daughter,
e)/ kugh pedvai kng/i. Since, however, w^^X'// is often used as
a general name for " child," I believe that this word usually
takes the place of kng/iy and that in consequence a grandchild
of cither sex is called en mokJi pedvai inokJi.

Pevian and peviav. These words for great-grandfather and
great-grandmother have a similar wide connotation. The
word pef\s an ancient term for " great " which is used in some
of the magical incantations (see p. 267).

An. This is the name for elder brother and for all m.embers
of the clan of a man or woman who are of the same
generation as, and older than, the man or woman. An an is
addressed as anna.

Nbdrved. This is the name for )'ounger brother and for all
members of the clan of the same generation as, and younger
than, the speaker. En nbdrved or nodrped means literally
"my born with." A nbdrved is addressed as enda.

Egal. A corresponding relative who is of the same age
is called en egal and is addressed as egala.

These terms are used both by men and women of and
to men.

Akkan. This term is applied by both men and women to
an elder sister, and is also given to all female members of the
sarnc clan who are of the same generation as, and older than,
the speaker. An akkan is addressed as akka.

XXI KINSHIP 487

Xodn>cdki(g/i. A Nounger sister is spoken of by this name,
which is also gi\cn to all the female members of the same
clan and generation, but j'ounger than the speaker. Such a
relative is addressed b)' the same term as is applied to
a younger brother, viz., eiida. Two sisters of the same age are
egiil and ega/a to one another.

These terms for " brother " and " sister " are also applied to
one another b)- the children of two sisters. Thus a man
would call the son of his mother's sister an, and address him
as ninia if the latter were older than himself, and would
be spoken of b\' the latter as en nbdrved and addressed
as cnda. If of the same age they would be cgal or egala
to one another. Similarl)- a man addresses the daughter
of his mother's sister as akka or cnda according to age. I
am doubtful how widely the terms for brotherhood and
sisterhood are applied in this case. I do not know whether
the children of two women of the same generation in a
large clan like that of Kars would call one another brother
and sister.

Thus the children of two brothers are brothers and sisters,
and the children of two sisters are also brothers and sisters,
while, as we shall see shortly, the children of brother and
sister receive another name. The children of two sisters
belong to different clans except in those cases in which the
sisters have married men of the same clan. Thus a
man may have brothers and sisters in several different
clans.

Mun. This is the name of the mother's brother, of the
father's sister's husband, and of the wife's father. The last
is also spoken of as paiol together with other relatives of
the wife. In the case of the orthodox Toda marriage, in
which a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother,
or of his father's sister, the mun is at the same time both
wife's father and either mother's brother or father's sister's
husband, but the wife's father is still called mun ev^en when
a man marries a woman to whom he is unrelated.

The term mun is not onl)^ applied b)- a man t(j the own
brothers of his mother, but also to her clan-brothers.
When a man has many mun, he may show to which he is

THE TODAS chap.

referring by mentioning his name; thus Siriar (20) would
say " Karsiiln mn7i " if he referred to this relative, the
husband of his father's sister, and he might speak in the
same way of a clan-brother of his mother.

A distinction is often made between older and younger
7/iun ; thus, if a man's mother had two brothers, the elder
would be called en viiui peritd dind the younger ^« ;;/;/;/ kantd.
A inuii is addressed as nunna.

Mmni. This is the name of the father's sister, of the wife of
a mother's brother, and of the wife's mother, the terms brother
and sister being again used in a wide sense. In general,
the wife of a inun is a nmnii. - A mmni is addressed as
inimia.

Manniokh. A person would apply the term inanniokh to
his sister's son and his wife's, brother's son. It is a term
reciprocal to mun in so far as this term is one for mother's
brother and father's sister's husband. I am not quite
certain whether it would be used for a son-in-law who was
not also a sister's son, but I am almost certain that this would
be done

The term is also applied to the sons of clan-sisters, and
when used in this more distant way a distinction is sometimes
made. En manmokJi would mean " my (own) sister's son,"
Em manmokh, literally " our sister's son," would be used for
children of a more distant sister.

Mankugh is used in exactly the same way as manmokh for
sister's daughter, &c.

MatcJinni. This is the term applied to one another by
the children, both male and female, of brother and sister.
While the children of two brothers are brothers or sisters
{an, egal, akka or nodrved) and the children of two sisters are
also brothers and sisters, the children of a brother and sister
are niatcliuid. In other words, the children of an individual's
mother's brother or of his father's sister are the matcJiuni
of the individual.

When a man addresses his male matcJinni\\QQ.2\\'s,\\\m. anna,
egalaox enda, according to their relative ages. Similarly when
a woman addresses her female matc/iuni, she calls her akka,
egala or enda, according to age.

XXI

KINSHIP 489

When a man addresses his female inatcliniii, he calls her
either taamok/iia or kughia (see below). He gives her the
former name because he is allowed to marry her ; she is a
woman who might normally be his wife and he therefore
addresses her as wife.

Similarl}' a woman addresses her male niatcJiuni as
olia ; she calls him husband because he may become her
husband.

As in the case of other relationships, a man may define
more exactly of whom he is speaking when he refers to a
inatc/iiiiii, and ma}' say instead eu nninlaigJi, the daughter 01
my fuun. Two kinship terms are thus used which resemble
one another closel}-, but have very different meanings : —
en niunkugli, my uncle's daughter, and en niankugJi, m)'
sister's daughter.

Oly husband. A woman speaks (^{ her husband as en 01
and addresses him as alia.

Kotvai and ta.-:niok/i, wife. A man speaks of his wife as
en kotvai, and addresses her as tarjuiokhia.

Paiol. This is a general term for the male relatives of the
wife. It is applied especially to the wife's father, the wife's
brothers, and the brothers of the wife's father.

It seemed that this term should onl)' properly be applied
to the near relatives of the wife. Those whom the wife
would address as aia, aiuia, or enda, because members of licr
clan, need not be called paiol by the husband.

Paiol is a reciprocal term, and it is therefore applied by a
man to the daughter's husband, the sister's husband, and to
the husband of th.e brother's daughter.

A paiol is addressed as anna, egala, or e/nla, according to
age.

Motviltli. This term is the equivalent of daughter-in-law
and is applied by a man to his son's wife. A woman is also
the inotvilth of the brothers of her husband's father. A )iiot-
vilth is addressed as ena.

There did not seem to be any brief term for the sister of
a wife, and a man would speak of her as en kotvai akkan if
older, or as en kotvai nbdrved if younger than the wife.

Sometimes the Todas add to some of the kinship names

490 THE TODAS CHAP.

the word potcJi, which is said to have the meanings " beget-
ting " or "begotten." I met with this especially in the
lamentations used at funerals. A man would sa}% ">// potcJi
aia " — " O my father which begot me " ; " en potcJi anna " — " O
my elder brother begotten with me." For a younger brother,
however, this word would not be used ; a man would not say, "^.7
potcJi nodrved ial' because ved has the same significance as
potdi, nbdrved meaning also " born with " or " begotten with."

Every male of a man's own clan is either his plan ; his in ;
his an, egal, or nbdrved ; his nwkJi, or his nwkli pedvai nwkJi.
In most cases a clan consists of several families, and these
families may be unrelated to one another so far as the
evidence from the genealogical record goes. Nevertheless,
every Toda knows exactly the proper kinship terms to apply
to all the members of his clan. I inquired in detail into the
basis of this knowledge in the case of the Taradrol, consisting
nf six/^V;// or divisions. All the members of each/^/w trace
their descent from a man whose name is known, and the
pedigrees of the six//'/;;/ are given in the genealogical tables
20 to 25.

It was known that three of these //V;;; were closely related
to one another, and that the other three were also closely
related. The following table expresses the relationship in
the first case : —

TKITIII

NASIDZ

I'ERATUTIII

1
(See 20)

(See 22)

(.See 21)

It was not perfectly certain whether Teithi and the two
men whose names were not remembered were own brothers,
but it was known that they were closely related and of the
same generation. They were certainly clan-brothers and
possibly own brothers. The kinship names applied by
members of the three pbbn to one anc^ther were all in ac-
cordance with this scheme ; thus, there was no one living
in these three pbbn whom Siriar (20) called aia ; he would
have given this name to Nasidz or Peratuthi if they had been

XXI KINSHIP 491

alive. lie calls Arthothi and Parkeidi diniii \ tlicy arc the
sons of Peratuthi, who was of the same i^eneration as Siriar's
father. The following are called iiiokh or cna : — Piildenir,
Keinodz, Idrshkwodr (21), Polgar, Pundu, Keinmuv, and
Piishtikiidr (22), although at least one of these men is older
than Siriar, and several others are approximately of the same
age. Similarl}', Muners (21) is the Diokh pcdvai i/iok//, or
grandson of Siriar.

The other three pbliii of the Taradr clan are known to be
related in a similar wa}- : Kiusthvan (23), Pachievan (24), and
Pungut (25) being either own brothers or men closely related
and of the same generation. I was thus able to ascertain
definitely how each member of the first three pblni knew the
appropriate name to be given to members of these families,
and similarly how members of the other three //^/w knew the
exact terms of kinship to apply to one another.

Each member of the first three pblj/i. also knew, however,
the proper kinship terms to apply to members of the other
three /<V;//, although I could not obtain, and there seemed to
be no record of, the way in which the two groups of families
were connected. Thus Siriar addresses as aia Paners and
his brothers (23; and Irkiolv (24J. He addresses as anna :
Teitukhen, Idjkudr and Kandu (23), Toleidi, Nertiners.
Mogai, Teimad and Orguln (24), and Kudeners and his
brother (25). The children of these men are the w^/'// of
Siriar, and are addressed by him as ma.

The explanation seems to be that the mode of relation-
ship is handed down from generation to generation ; thus
Teithi, the grandfather of Siriar, called Kiusthvan (23)
brother, and in consequence Ircheidi and Paners, their sons.
also call one another brother, and so Siriar, the son of
Ircheidi, knows that he has to call Paners father. In this
way a man would know the correct term to apply to
every member of his clan, though the links by which
their pedigrees are connected may have been completely
forgotten.

I also worked out the relationship of the different divisions
of the Kuudr clan in the same way, and may perhaps give
the record briefly.

49;

THE TODAS chap.

Teitnir (52) calls the following Kuudr men aia: — Mutevan
(52), Punatvan (53), Keitas (55), Tiiliners (56), Kiugi (57),
Tiitners, Etamudri, Madsu, and Koboners (58), Ishkievan (60).

He calls the following a^ina: — Kuriolv and Ivievan (52),
Targners (53), Keinkursi (54), and Mudriners (57). The
following are his nodrved, and are called by him enda : —
Kwelthipush and his brothers, Piliar and Piliag (52), Pun-
gusivan, Tevo, Karov and Pol (53), Poteners (54), Sinar and
Katsog (55), Erai, Kil, Kanokh (56), Onadj and Kwodrthotz
(57), Kishkar and Tormungudr (59). All the sons of these
brothers are the mokJi of Teitnir.

In the above list Teitnir omitted Tikievan and Tushtkudr
(56), who according to the genealogies are his pia or grand-
fathers, while their sons, though much younger than Teitnir.
are his fathers, and are addressed by him as aia.

The other kinship terms are used in the same wide wa)-.
If a man's mother belonged to Kuudr all those Kuudr men
would be his niun who were the an, cgal, or nbdrved of his
mother; and all the children of those men would be his
inatc/iiiiii.

The terms used for the relatives of a wife are also used for
the corresponding relatives of a sedvaitar:.uiokJL This is the
name of the woman in the Toda institution according to
which a woman consorts with one or more men in addition
to her husband or husbands (see p. 526). The man, or
mokJitliodvaiol, calls the fathers and brothers of the woman
paiol^ and calls her father iiiun and her mother munii.

Relatives are often spoken of by the Todas in a way that
defines their relation to the speaker more exactly' than is
usual in the classificatory system. Thus, a man may call
his brother's son ''en nodrvedvaiu niokh" — "my younger
brother's son " ; or he may speak of his wife's elder sister
as " en kotvai akka',' an abbreviation of en kotvai tan akka
— " my wife her elder sister." Similarly, a wife's younger
sister may be called " e)i kotvai nodrvedy

It seemed to me that the Todas afford an interesting
example of a people who are beginning to modify the classi-
ficatory system of kinship in a direction which distinctly
approaches the descriptive system. The essential features

XXI KINSHIP 493

of the system of kinship are those known as classificatory,
but the Todas have various means of distinguishing between
the near and distant relatives to whom the same kinship
term is appHed. Two examples of this have already been
given ; the son of an own sister may be called " my sister's
son," while the son of a clan sister is called "our sister's
son," and the own brother of a mother is simpl)' called uiuii,
while in the case of a clan brother of the mother, the name of
the man is added. Further, a term which is definitely descrip-
tive may be used in the examples quoted above.

The Todas have reached a stage of mental development in
which it seems that they are no longer satisfied with the
nomenclature of a purely classificatory system, and have begun
to make distinctions in their terminology for near and distant
relatives.

Another point of interest about the Toda system is that
the two sets of kinship terms — those used in direct address
and those used when speaking of a relative — do not corre-
spond closely with one another.

The terms used in direct address are few in number com-
pared with the kinship terms used when speaking of a relative.
Brothers of all kinds, viatchuni and some paiol (brothers-in-
law) are all addressed as anna, egala or cnda, according to
age. Children, grandchildren, sisters' sons and sons-in-law
are all addressed as ena. If exclusive attention were paid
to the kinship terms used in address we should seem to have
a kinship system which is almost wholly based on rela-
tive ages and generations, all other distinctions being ignored.

The Toda system distinguishes widely between elder and
younger members of the family and clan. This feature, which
is of very general occurrence in connexion with the classifica-
tory system, has been highly developed by the Todas, and
their system differs from any other with which I am acquainted
in having a special term for relatives of the same age.

When two members of a clan or two men related in other
ways address one another as brother, the terms employed
depend altogether on their relative ages, and are not influenced
by the relative seniority of the branches of the family or clan
to which they belong.

494 THE TO DAS CHAP.

The Toda system appears to be closely related to that
of the Dravidians of Southern India. In several cases the
names for certain kin are identical with or close!)- resemble
those of other South Indian languages.

The three most characteristic features of the Toda system
are (i.) the use of the same term for mother's brother and
father-in-law, &c. ; (ii.j the marked develojjment of vocative
forms of the kinship terms ; (iii.j the marked development of
distinctions according to age. These three features are also
found in Tamil, and as far as my information goes in Telugu
and Canarese. The Toda system appears to be a simplified form
of the Tamil s\^stem with many points of identity. The
resemblance between the Toda and the Tamil names seems
certainly to be closer than that between the Toda names and
those of the Telugus and Canarese.

I do not wish here to consider these resemblances and
differences in any detail, but in the Table on the opposite
page I have given a list of those kinship terms in which the
Todas resemble other inhabitants of Southern India. The
Tamil terms I owe to Mr. K. Rangachari of Madras ; the
others I have taken from Morgan's System of Consanguinity
and Affinity of tlie Human Race.

KiNSHiJ' Taboos

A man never mentions the name of his mun. If he wishes
to make clear of whom he is speaking he will give the name
of the place at which his uiun lives, as " TedsJitciri itJivai en uiun
podc/ii" ''My uncle who li\es at Tedshteiri." This restric-
tion only applies to the own brothers of his mother. Other
more distant /////;/ may bespoken of by name, and as we have
already seen, if a man wishes to make it clear of whom
he is speaking, he mentions the name in addition to the
kinship term.

A man is also prohibited from uttering the name of the
man from whom he has received his wife— /.<•., to whom he has
done kalniclpuditliti (see p. 502;. This man, who is called the
viokhudrtvaio/, is usually the father of the wife and would
normally be also a j/iun, but sometimes the place of the

KLNSMIl'

495

niokhudrtvaiol is usurped b)' somebody else and in such a case
there might be no restriction on the name of the wife's real
father. In the only case of this kind of which I have a
record, the marriage of Siriar (20) and Tupidz, the place of
mokhudrtvaiol was taken by Kuriolv, who was living with
I'ilimurg (7), the girl's mother, and though he was no real

Totla.

Soil niokh

Elder hrollicr ... an (anna)
Elder si.ster akkan (akka)

maghan
annan (anna)
akkal (akkal

anna
akka

Caii.-irese.

anna
akka

Mother's brother, niun (mania) anuiian or inanian niena mama mava

(mama)

Father-in-law ...

mun (mama)

mamaner (mama)

mama

mava

Father's si.ster ...

mumi (miinia)

attai

Wife of mother's
Ijrother

mumi (mimia)
mumi (mimia

ammanii
mamiyar (ammami)

Wife's mother ...

Sister's son

Mother's brother's
son

manmokh
matchiini
matcluini

maruman or
marumakan

maittunan (?)
aitaii or maittunan

Father's sister's
son

Wife's Inotlier ...

nuUchuni or
paiol

maclichinan or
maittunan

relative of the wife, Siriar might not mention his name. In
spite of the fact, however, that Kuriolv had become his
mokhiidrlvaiol, Siriar went privately to Patirsh (35), the real
father of his wife, and did kalnielpnditlii ?cndi would also refrain
from saying the name of this man.

A man is prohibited from saying the name of his wife's
iiiothcr {mumi), but m)- notes do not make clear whether he
is also prohibited from saying the names of other mumi — i.t\.

496 THE TODAS chap.

father's sisters, but probably this is so. In any case this
restriction only applies to near relatives.

A man may not utter the name of his /w;/ or piav.

There seemed to be some reluctance to say the name of a
wife, but there did not appear to be any definite prohibition
against it. It was probably part of a reluctance to utter
personal names in general of which the Todas show some
traces, though it is less marked among them than in the case
of many uncultured people.

The taboo on names was far wider in the case of dead
relatives. No one was allowed to utter the name of a dead rela-
tive, and this rule appeared to be especially stringent in the
case of relatives who had been older than the speaker. As I
have already mentioned, this taboo was for some time a great
obstacle in my way when trying to obtain the pedigrees of
the people. If a man had to refer to a dead relative, he did
so by mentioning the name of the village at which he had
died ; thus, if the father of a Taradr man had died at Taradr,
the man would say, " en in Taradr pon" while, if he had died
away from home, say at Kuudr, he would refer to his father
as " en in Kuudr odthavai,^' " my father who died at Kuudr."

In the funeral lamentations, each mourner mentions the
deceased by the name indicating the bond of kinship between
himself and the dead, and does not utter the personal name.

Kinship Salutations

There are certain well-defined salutations which are
regulated by kinship.

The characteristic Toda salutation is called kalinelpudithti,
in which salutation one person kneels or bows down before
another, while the latter raises each foot and touches the fore-
head of the other. In general this salutation is only paid by
women to their elder male relati\'es ; a woman places her
head beneath the foot of her pian, in, an, or niun, using these
terms in their widest sense. The salutation seems to be very
largel}' one connected with kinship. In everyday life the
salutation is only paid b)- women to men, but under special
circumstances, men may bow clown before men, and women

XXI. . KINSHIP 497

before women, and men even may bow down before women
(see p. 502>

Since, owing to the viokhthodvaiol connexion, a Tarthar
woman may have a Teivali mun and vice versa, the kalniel-
pudithti salutation takes place between people of the two
divisions, and I have often seen a woman of one division
placing her head beneath the foot of a man of the other
division.

When a person meets one of his kin, he uses a form of
greeting which depends on the nature of the relationship.
Most of these greetings consist of some form of the word ///
or itvi, which was said to mean " blessing " or " bless," together
with the kinship term.

A man would greet an elder brother or anyone whom
he would call anna by the word " tioil',' cut very short so as
to sound like a single syllable. This is a corruption of
iti an)ia. A person greets a younger brother or one whom
he would call enda by uttering his name followed by the
word ers, as in " Sakari ers," " PakJnvar ers." A father is
greeted as itiai, a mother as itiava. An elder sister as
itiakka ; a younger sister as itvena, and this latter form is used
for any female relative younger than the speaker. It is the
duty of younger female relatives to perform the kalmelpudithti
salutation, and as soon as a man says itvena, the woman at
once bows down and places her head beneath the raised foot
of the man, helping him to raise it at the same time.

A mother's brother or father- in law {ntun) is greeted by
itinion and a ninmi is greeted by itimiinia, but so slurred
as to be hardly recognisable. The grandfather and grand-
mother are greeted in the words itin pia and itin piava.

Whenever a new Toda came to join people who were
with me, there would be a chorus ot greetings, and the
newcomer would look round carefully to see who was
present, giving to each his proper salutation and obviously
taking the greatest care that no one was overlooked. Since
the relationship of brother is the most frequent, the greetings
heard most often on these occasions were " tion " and " . .. . ■.
ers."

The regulation of salutation by kinship applies also to

K K

498 THE TODAS CHAl'.

the salutation of the dead. When the body first reaches
the funeral place it is saluted by all present, and in the
case of kin, the mode of salutation varies with the bond of
kinship. Those related to the deceased as ///, av,pian, piav,
inuH, iniuni, an, or akkaii, bow down at the head of the corpse
and touch the body with their foreheads, while all those
whom the deceased would have called eiida or ena bow down
at the feet. The place saluted by those who are not kin
is determined by age, but in the case of kin, the bond of
kinship is more important than the age, so that the
former condition determines the mode of salutation. Thus
at the funeral of Kiuneimi (3), Kodrner (7) saluted at the
head of the dead woman. He was the younger, but was
her i/iiin owing to the fact that Kiuneimi's step-mother
Kureimi, was a Kars woman whom Kodrner called sister.

The DuTn=;s of Kin

The funeral ceremonies provide the greatest number of
examples of kinship duties, the parts taken by many of the
mourners being determined largely by their bonds of kinship
to the deceased. The place of chief mourner is taken by the
brother or son of a dead man, by the husband of a dead
woman, and by the father of a dead child, though, at the
funeral of a girl, the husband plaws the most important role.

Various duties fall to relatives of the same clan or of the
same family of the clan. The earth-throwing at the funeral
of a male, the smearing of butter on the buffalo, lighting the
pyre at the first funeral and the two fires at the azarauikedr,
and ringing the bell at the final scene, are all performed by
near relatives of the same clan and family as the deceased.

Cutting off a lock of hair and mixing food are acts per-
formed by the chief mourner, who is of the same clan as the
deceased, whether brother, son, husband, or father.

The }}ia)nnokh, or sister's son (who may be also son-in-law),
has certain definite duties. Formerly, when many buffaloes
were killed, one was alwa\'s given b\- the sister's son, and he
still gives a thread cord, called peiniar. Alany other relatives
give these cords, but that given b)' the uia)iuiokk is especiall)-

XXI

KINSHIP '499

honoured in that it is put round the body of the dead man
inside his cloak, and not merely laid on the covering of the
body as are the others.

The miin does not appear to have any duties at a funeral,
though in old days he contributed a buffalo, and, at the present
time, one of the two buffaloes slaughtered may be given by
the iniin or other representative of the mother's family.

The matchuni (child of a maternal uncle or of a paternal
aunt) has several duties, of which the most important are those
at the irsankati ceremony of the azarainkedr. The other
duties are the secondary result of the marriage regulation
\\hich makes the matchuni the natural bridegroom or bride,
and, in consequence, it is the niatchuni who performs the
pursiitpimi ceremony at the funeral of an unmarried girl.
Similarly, the niatchuni may take the place of a paiol at the
cloth-giving ceremony.

The duties which have, however, the greatest social interest
are those performed by the relatives by marriage. At the
funeral of a woman certain ceremonies, such as that in which
leaves of the tiveri plant are put in the dead woman's armlet,
the nrvatpinii ceremony for an unmarried girl, rubbing the
relics, lighting the fire at the af^arainkedr, and burning the
funeral hut, should be performed by the daughter-in-law of a
woman or the mother-in-law of a girl. These relatives are,
however, of the same clan as the deceased, owing to the fact
that a woman becomes a member of the same clan as her
husband ; and I am therefore doubtful how far these relatives
perform the duties in question as members of the same clan,
and how far as relatives by marriage. Some of the duties,
such as lighting the funeral fires, are done by men of the same
clan at the funeral of men ; and I am therefore inclined to
believe that they are performed by a woman for this reason
and not because she is mother-in-law or daughter-in-law, but
this point is one which must remain indefinite with our
present information.

Similarly the duty of covering the head is a little difficult to
understand. The head of a widower is co\cred (sec p. 365)
by one of his paiol — his father-in-law or his brother-in-law—
and in this case it is clearlx- a dut\' which falls to a relative by

K K 2

joo TME TODAS chap.

marriage, but the head of a widow is covered by her own
father or by someone of his clan who takes his place. The
plausible explanation appears to be that the covering is
performed by the father of the woman, not as father of the
widow, but as father-in-law of the dead man.

Those who have married into the family of the deceased,
the paiol, have to make certain contributions towards the
outlay for the funeral, and it is in connexion with one of these
contributions that the interesting ceremony of cloth-giving
occurs.

The essential feature of the ceremony seems to be that a
cloth passes between a relative or representative of the dead
person and those who have married into the family of the
dead person, and the ceremony involves a money payment to
the family of the dead person from those who have married
into the family. The ceremony is one which links the funeral
ceremonies to those of marriage.

In other ceremonies of the Todas the parts playeci by
different kin are far less conspicuous. The intin or mother's
brother has, however, several important functions. To him
falls the duty of naming a child, on which occasion he has
also to give a calf. He takes the chief part in the tersauipt-
piiiii ceremony, in which he cuts the hair of the child with a
special ritual. In the ear-piercing ceremony the maternal
uncle pierces one ear, and in the special case of which I have
a record, he gave two buffaloes towards the expenses attendant
on the ceremony.

It is probable that a girl is named by her ;////////, or father's
sister, but this is a point on which I am not quite sure.

Under certain conditions iiiatcJiinii, when associated
together, have to perform certain ceremonial acts. When
two male matcJuDii eat rice and milk together, they must
first ask each other, ''pa toy tiiikiiia?" "Milk food shall
I eat ? " and if they eat honey together, they must say " teiii
tinkina ? " Two female inatchuui eating together must also
use these formula:, but they are not said when a man is eating
in company with his female inatchuui, though possibly the
two would never actually eat at the same time,

Male inatcluini have also to go through a ceremony when

XXI ■ KINSHIP 501

they pas-s in company over either of the two sacred rivers
of the Todas, the Paikara (Teipakh) and the Avalanche
(Pakhwar). As the two men approach the river, they pluck
and chew some grass, and each man says to the other "//>
tudrikina, pa kudrikina ? " — " Shall I throw the river (water),
shall I cross the river?" or, instead of the second sentence,
the}' ma}' say '' po pukJikina ?'' — "Shall I enter the river?"
They then go to the side of the river and each man dips
his hand in the water and throws a handful away from him
three times and then the}' cross the river, eacji with the right
arm outside the cloak as is usual when crossing these sacred
streams.

If the uiatcliuni cross on a Tuesday, Friday or Saturda}'^
they do not throw water, but are content with chewing the
grass, and if the funeral ceremonies of a person belonging to
the clan of either are not complete the water will not be
thrown.

This ccremon}' perfoimed b}- iiiatcliiDii when crossing a
sacred river was said to be connected with the legend given
on p. 592, in which two matcJiniii 7\xq concerned.

• I'lMperly tlic ii\er shmild not he crossed at all on itiese days (see p. 41S).

CHAPTER XXII

.MAKKTACK

The custom of infant marriage is well established among
the Todas, and a child is often married when only two or
three }'ears of age. When a man wishes to arrange a marriage
for his son, he chooses a suitable girl, who should be, and very
often is, the matchnui of the boy, the daughter of his mother's
brother or of his father's sister. The father visits the parents
of the girl, and if the marriage is satisfactoril}- arranged he
returns home after staying for the night at the village. A
few days later the father takes the boy to the home of his
intended wife. They take with them the loin-cloth called
tadrp as a wedding gift and the bo)- performs the kalinelpiidif/iti
salutation to the father and mother of the girl, and also to her
brothers, both older and younger than himself, and then gives
the tadrp to the girl. Father and son sta}' for one night at
the girl's village and return home on the following morning.
Sometimes the girl returns with them to the village of her
future husband, but, much more commonl}% she remains at her
own home till she is fifteen or sixteen years of age.

If a man has not been married in childhood he ma)-
undertake the arrangement of his marriage himself, and visit
the parents of the girl unaccompanied by his father ; and in
this case the girl ma)- at once join her husband if she is old
enough.

From the time of the child-marriage the bo\' lias to give a
tadrp twice a year until the girl is ten years old, when its
place is taken by ^ putkuli. The tadrp which is given at first
is very small, worth perhaps only four annas, but as the girl

cu. XXII MARRIACE 503

becomes older it is expected that the t^armcnt shall become
larger and more valuable.

If any member of the girl's famil\- should die it is expected
that the boy's family shall on each occasion give a sum of
eight annas or a rupee. This gift is called tiukanik panvi
utpiuii, or " we give a piece of money to the purse."

Formerl)' the bo\-'s famil\- had also to contribute one of the
buffaloes killed at the funeral, but this custom is now obsolete.
The contribution of buffaloes and money from the boy to his
parents-in-law is called /c'V/r/. The boy has to take part in a
ceremony at the funeral in which a cloth is laid on the dead
body, and with this ceremony there is associated a further
gift of one rupee, paid to the relatives of the dead person by
the family of the bo}- who has married into the family of the
deceased fsee p. 358}.

Certain ceremonies are performed shortly before the girl
reaches the age of pubert\\ One is called/////'//// tdzdr iititi,
or " mantle over he puts," in which a man belonging to the
Tartharol if the girl is Teivali, and to the Teivaliol if she is
Tarthar, comes in the da}--time to the village of the girl and
lying down beside her puts his mantle over her so that it
covers both and remains there for a {qw minutes.

Fourteen or fifteen days later a man of strong physique,
who may belong to either division and to an}- clan, except
that of the girl, comes and stays in the village for one night
and has intercourse with the girl. This must take place
before jjuberty, and it seemed that there were few^ things
regarded as more disgraceful than that this ceremony should
be delayed till after this period. It might be a subject of
reproach and abuse for the remainder of the woman's life, and
it was even said that men might refuse to marry her if this
ceremony had iTot been performed at the proper time.

It is usually some years later, when the girl is about fifteen
or sixteen, that she joins her husband and goes to live with
him at his village. The parents of the husband announce
that they will fetch the girl on a certain da}', which must be
one of two or three days of the week,^ different for each
clan. The husband, accompanied by his father and a male

' The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol w palinol.

504 THE TODAS CHAP.

relative of the same clan, goes to the village of the girl, and
the three are feasted with rice and jaggery. The husband
puts five rupees into the pocket of the girl's mantle and then
takes her home. There is no ceremony of any kind, not
even the salutation such as was performed at the original
cercmon}'.

If the youth does not wish to live with the girl when the
time arrives, he may annul the marriage by giving one buffalo
as a fine {kivadr) to the girl's parents ; but, on the other hand,
the parents of the girl have to return as many buffaloes as he
may have given ^-s, podri at funeral ceremonies.

If the girl refuses to join her husband the fine is heavier,
and at the present time usually amounts to five or ten buffa-
loes, the number being settled by a council according to the
circumstances of the people. The girl's family must also
return any buffaloes given as podri. According to Harkness
the fines were in his day much heavier ; three buffaloes when
the man annulled the marriage, and as many as fifty when
this was done by the woman (see p. 538), and the Todas
acknowled;4e that the fine for refusing to fulfil the marriage
contract is now lighter than it used to be.

When a girl goes to join her husband she may be given
clothing or ornaments by her parents or brothers, and their
gifts are known as adrpani or dowry, but I could not learn
that there were an}' definite regulations prescribing what should
be given. It seemed also that occasionally buffaloes might
be given as adiparn.

The Regul.\tion of Marriage

The Todas have very definite restrictions on the freedom of
individuals to marry. One of the most important of these is
that which prevents intermarriage between the Tartharol and
the Teivaliol. These groups are endogamous divisions
of the Toda people. Although a Teivali man is strictly
prohibited from marrying a Tarthar woman, he may take
a woman of this division to live with him at his village,
the man being known as the inokJttJiodvaiol of the woman.
This connexion, which will be more fully considered at

XXII

MARRIAGE 505

the end of this chapter, may be regarded as a recognised
form of marriage, but it differs from the orthodox form
in that the children of the union belong to the division of
the mother. They do not, however, belong to her clan, but
to that of her legal husband. Similarly, the same kind of
connexion may be formed between a Tarthar man and a
Teivali woman, but in this case the woman is not allowed to
live at the village of the viok/ithodvaiol, who may either \isit
her occasionally or go to live at her village.

It has already been mentioned that each of the two divisions
of the Toda community is divided into a number of septs or
clans, and these are definite exogamous groups. No man or
woman may marry a member of his or her own clan, but must
marry into another clan. This restriction applies even to the
members of clans which are known to have separated from
one another in recent times. Thus, among the Tartharol
certain members of the Melgarsol separated from the main
group, and their descendants have formed a separate group or
groups known as the Kidmadol and Karshol (see p. 664), but
although the separation took place many )-ears ago there
still remains a definite prohibition against a marriage of
members of these clans with the Melgars people. The clans
of Pedrkars and Kulhem among the Teivaliol are offshoots of
the Kuudrol, but here the separation seems to have occurred
so long ago that the common origin is not regarded as a bar to
marriage.

In the whole of the genealogical record given in the tables
at the end of the volume there is not a single case in which
marriage has occurred between two members of the same. clan.

Arhong man}- races at or below the stage of culture of the
Todas prohibition of marriage within the clan is usually
accompanied by prohibition of sexual intercourse, and such
intercourse is regarded as incest and often as the greatest of
crimes. It is doubtful whether there is any such strict pro-
hibition among the Todas. In the qualifying ceremon}' for
the office of pah/ known as tes/ierst, it is ordained that the
woman who takes part in the ceremony shall be one who has
never had intercourse with one of her own clan, and I was
told that it was far from easv to find such a woman. The

5o6 THE TOD AS chai>.

fact, however, that this restriction should exist in connexion
with a ceremony suggests that even to the Todas there is
something reprehensible in intercourse between man and
woman of the same clan (see also p. 53o)-

There are certain special prohibitions against marriage
between members of certain clans. Among the Tartharol
the Panol are not allowed to marry the Kanodrsol, a pro-
hibition said to be due to the murder of Parden by Kwoten,
and it is said that since that day no marriage has ever taken
l^lacc between the clans of the two men. In the genealogical
record there is no case in which these two clans have
intermarried.

I was also told that the people of Melgars and Kwodrdoni
might not intermarr}-, but there are three examples of such
marriages in the genealogies. I could not obtain an}^ reason
for the restriction, and the information is- probably in-
correct. The restrictions on marriage between the people
of Melgars and those of Kidmad and Karsh have alread}-
been considered.

Among the Teivaliol there are also prohibitions against
intermarriage between certain clans. The people of Piedr
may not marry those of Kusharf Judging from the
genealogical record, the prohibition is not strictl)- followed,
for three such marriages have taken place in recent times.
In one of these cases, however, in which a Piedr man married
a Kusharf woman, the woman soon became seriously ill, and
the marriage was annulled. I could obtain no reason for the
prohibition of marriage between these two clans, Marriage
was also prohibited between the Piedrol and the Pedrkarsol,
this being due to a comparatively recent quarrel between
members of the two clans, of which an account is gi\'cn in
Chapter XXVIII.

I have anal}'sed the genealogical records with the view of
ascertaining whether certain clans intermarry with any
special frequency. Among the Tartharol, I find that the
people of Nodrs marry most frequently those of Kars and
Taradr. The Karsol, the largest of the Tarthar clans,
distribute their marriages widely over the whole Tarthar
division, The Panol chiefly marry with Kars and Melgars.

XXII marria(;e 507

The Taradrol have married most often with Nodrs, Kars and
Melgars. Keradr, a very small clan, shows no special pre-
dilection. The people of Kanodrs have intermarried most
often with Kwodrdoni, Pam, Kars and Melgars. The jieoplc
of Kwodrdoni marr}- most often people of Kanodrs, Kars
and Nidrsi. The Pamol have married chiefly with Kanodrs,
Kars and Meli^ars. Most of the Nidrsi marriages have been
with Kars. The Melgarsol have married in fairl}- equal
proportions people of Nodrs, Kars, Taradr and Pam.

The.se facts are interesting in that they show that there is
a tendency for the three clans of Nodrs, Kars and Taradr to
intermarr}-. These are not only the most important Tarthar
clans, but they occupy the same district of the hills, in the
centre and towards the north and north-west. Similarly, the
clans of Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni and Pam, situated towards the
north-east and east, show a distinct tendency to intermarr}'.
Further, the Melgarsol, who form a special group standing
somewhat apart from the rest, distribute their marriages fairK*
equall)', but ha\-e often married with Pam, a clan seated near
them geographically.

The analysis of the genealogies shows that the geographical
distribution of the Tartharol on the hills has had a definite
influence on the intermarriage of the different clans.

Among the Teivaliol, intermarriage has been greatly influ-
enced by the enormous size of the Kuudrol as compared with
the other clans of the di\ision. In order to marry outside
their own clan, the people of Kuudr have married nearly
all the available members of the other clans of the Teivaliol,
leaving very few to intermarry with one another. Thus the
genealogies record 161 marriages between Kuudrol and
members of the other five Teivali clans, leaving only sixteen
marriages between the members of those five clans. Owing
to the enormous development of one clan, the Teivali division
has almost come to be in the position of a community with a
dual marrying organisation in which ever}' member of one
group must marry a member of the other group, but there is
no reason whatever to think that this is due to any other
reason than the excessive development of one clan in
numbers.

:o8 • THE TODAS CHAP.

On stud3'ing the marriages in detail, it is found that the
Kuudrol have married members of the Piedr clan most
frequently, but this is chiefly because the Piedrol stand second
to the Kuudrol in point of numbers, although it is also
furthered by the restriction in marriage between Piedr and
Kusharf The marriages of the Kuudrol with other clans
seem to be determined more by the numbers available
than by any predilection for special clans.

Both Pedrkars and Kulhem are said to be offshoots of the
Kuudrol, but apparently the separation is so remote that
the common origin is not regarded as a bar to marriage.
It is possible that the necessity of providing spouses for
the Kuudrol has tended to break down a restriction which
[probably once existed.

The Todas have never married people outside their own
community, and a strong prejudice against such marriages
still exists. This may be illustrated by two recent cases.

A woman, married in the usual way, was divorced by her
husband because she became ill. She returned to her own'
home, where she was visited by a Tamil blacksmith. The
latter was very anxious to marry the woman and on one
occasion took her away to the plains, but she was followed
by her relatives and brought back to her home. Later she
married two Toda brothers and was taken b)' them to their
village, but she was followed by the blacksmith, who brought
her back to the village of her parents. The Todas seem
to have no strong objection to her relations with the stranger
so long as she remains among themselves.

In the other case a woman about twelve years ago was
visited by a rich Mohammedan who gave money to her
husbands, and it was said also that he bribed the chief Toda
people, i.e., the members of the council. The Mohammedan
wished very much to marry the woman and for a sum of
money the Todas consented. After the woman had lived
for a few daj-s in the bazaar with her new husband, her
relatives came and took her away, and I was told that the
Mohammedan took the loss so much to heart that he died
of grief, but my informants were doubtful whether his grief
was due to the loss of his wife or whether it was because

XXII MARRIAGE 509

he had impoverished himself by the bribes which he had
given. Here again the people appear to have had no
objection to the relations of the woman with the Moham-
medan so long as she remained in the community.

Kinship and Marriage

The members of his own clan are not the only kin whom a
man is not allowed to marry. The Todas have a general
term, pilliol, for those relatives whose intermarriage is
prohibited. The term is applied by a man not only to the
women whom he may not marry, but also to the families
in general into which he may not marry ; thus a man ma}'
speak of other men as his piiliol, meaning by this that he
may not marry their sisters. This, however, is only a loose
way of using the word, and, putting on one side this sense
in which the word may be used, the following are \X\q piiliol
of a man : —

(i.) The daughters of his father's brothers, whom he would
call akka or cnda, according to age.

(ii.) The daughters of his mother's sisters, also akka or
enda.

. (iii.) The sisters of his father and conversely the daughters
of his sisters, i.e., his miuni and his iiiaiikugh.

(iv.) The daughters of the sisters of his father's father, i.e.,
of the sisters of his plan.

The relatives under the first head will be members of the
same clan as the man, and the prohibition of marriage between
piiliol under this head may be regarded as a restriction
dependent on either clanship or kinship.

There seemed to be no doubt, however, that in connexion
with marriage, a man always thought of these relatives as
piiliol, a term which denotes certain kin, to whatever clan
they may belong. So far as I could ascertain, if a man thought
of a given woman, he thought of her as one, or not one, of his
piiliol, and it seemed to me in several cases as if it came
almost as a new idea to some of the Todas that his piiliol
included all the people of his own clan.

If I am right in this, it means that it is the bond of blood-

5IO THE TODAS CHAP.

kinship which a Toda has chiefly in his mind when he
considers whether he may or may not marry a given woman.
He has not two kinds of prohibited affinity, one depending on
clan relations, and another on relations of blood-kinship, but
he has only one kind of prohibited affinity, to which he gives
the general term piiliol, including certain kin through the
father and certain kin through the mother, and there is no
evidence that he considers the bond of kinship in one case as
different from the other as regards restriction on marriage.

The fact that the Toda includes all those kin whom he may
not marry under one general term, and that the kin in question
include members both of his own and other clans, goes to show
that the Todas recognise the blood-kinship as the restrictive
agency rather than the bond produced by membership of the
same clan.

The analysis of the genealogical record has shown that
these restrictions on marriage are enforced. I have already
stated that the genealogies show no single case in which
marriage has occurred between members of the same clan, i.e.^
between piiliol who come under the first head in the list
given above.

I have also failed to find a single case in which marriage
has taken place between the children of two own sisters, or of
marriage between the children of two women who would call
each other " sister " whose names occur in the same genea-
logical table. Thus I have found no case in which a marriage
has taken place between the children of two women so closely
related to one another as Punzucleimi and Nasturs, of Table
3, these women being first cousins according to our system of
kinship.

It would be a prolonged task to ascertain whether marriage
ever takes place among the Tartharol between the children
of two clan-sisters in the widest sense, and I do not know
whether such marriage may not sometimes occur.

Among the Teivaliol marriages between clan-sisters even
in the widest sense must be \Qxy rare owing to the fact that
ncarl}- all marriages take place between people of Kuudr on
the one hand and members of the five other Teivali clans
on the other. Since in most cases two women of any one

xxii MAKRiA(;E 'SM

of these five clans many men of Kuudr, marriage between
their children would be restricted under the first prohibition,
and similarly the children of two Kuudr women could only
intermarry in those cases in which members of the other five
clans have married one another. Among the Teivaliol, I do
not believe that marriages take place between the children of
sisters in the widest sense, and I have little doubt that they
are very exceptional among the Tartharol.

There is no case in the genealogies in which the third
restriction has been broken, in which a man has married his
father's sister or his sister's daughter, his nuiiiii or his Diankugh.

There is at least one case in the genealogies in which there
has been an infringement of the fourth restriction given on
page 509, The marriage of Nargudr (62) with Tolveli (58)
is an example of the marriage of a man with the daughter
of his grandfather's sister. I believe that this restriction is
part of a wider regulation. Using Toda terms of kinship
the law would run : a person must not marry the child of
his matcJiiini. The marriage of a man with the daughter of
his grandfather's sister, such as that of Nargudr with Tolveli,
would be an infringement of this law. I ha\e only found one
other case in the genealogies in which this law would have
been broken, i.e., in the marriage of Teitnir (52) and Tersveli
(S>^:^. Tersveli's father, Teikudr, is the son of Kavani, the
sister of Pareivan, Teitnir's father. Teikudr is therefore the
matcJiuni of Teitnir, who has married his daughter.

I was told that though a man might not marry the daughter
of his sister, he might marrx' the children of this woman. I
do not know of any such marriage and it is improbable that
it would often come about, since it would involve the marriage
of a woman with the brother of her grandfather. There is,
however, at the present time an example of the marriage of a
woman with her father's mother's brother, whom she would
therefore call pia, or grandfather. This is the marriage of
Kancrs and his brother Kudrievan (63) with Edjog (56), the
daughter of Tuliners, the son of the sister of the two men. I
was told, however, that this marriage met with a good deal of
disapproval among the Todas, but I could not learn that
there was any definite prohibition against it.

5.12 THE TOD AS chap.

The Marriage oe Matchuni

While marriage with the daughter of a father's brother
and a mother's sister is prohibited, the daughter of a father's
sister or a mother's brother is the natural wife of a man. The
orthodox marriage is marriage between matchuni, the children
of brother and sister. Thus it is obviously not nearness of
blood-kinship in itself which acts as a restriction on marriage,
but nearness of blood-kinship of a certain kind,

I have analysed the genealogies to ascertain the frequency
with which marriages between viatchnni occur. The genea-
logical tables record about 550 marriages, of which ■^'j^ are
Tarthar and 177 Teivali. Only a small proportion of these
are marriages between children of own brother and sister.
Among the Tartharol there are 40 and among the Tei-
valiol 25 such marriages, making together 65 or i r8 per
cent.

Since, however, the uiatchuni of a man include a much
wider circle of relatives than the children of his mother's own
brother and father's own sister, the number of marriages
between matcJiuni is very much larger than this.

Nearly all the Teivali marriages are marriages between
matcJiiini in this wider sense, while among the Tartharol
there are also many other marriages of this kind.

One of the reasons why the orthodox marriage custom is
not still more commonly followed is the existence of the
practice called tererstJii, to be considered later in this chapter.
According to this practice wives are transferred from one man
to another, and in this transference no attention appears to be
paid to the kinship tie. The woman, or rather girl, originally
married to a man may have been his iiiatcJiiini, but the woman
who finally becomes his wife by the working of the terersthi
custom may not be and probably in most cases is not his
matcJiiDii. In many cases in the genealogies, the original
infant marriage may have been forgotten, and the marriage
recorded may be the result of the terersthi custom. If I had
a complete record of all infant marriages, I have no doubt
that the proportion of marriages between niatcJiuniwovXA have
been larg^er.

xxn MARRIAGE 513

In sonic families marrias^^es between viatcluiiii in the near
sense occur much more frequent!}' tlian in others. Thus out
of the forty matchiiiii marriages among the Tartharol, the
husband or wife belonged to the Taradrol in fifteen cases, and
in one large Taradr family, that of Parkeidi (21), six out of eight
children married their matchnni in the near sense. It is per-
haps significant in this connexion that the Taradrol have
been comparatively little affected by outside influences. They
are a clan which might be expected to keep up the orthodox
Toda custom.

Another e.xampie of a family in which the orthodox
marriage custom has been frequently followed is that of Table
52, where there may be found eight cases of the marriage of
iJiatchuiii in the near sense, and several others where the
matchnni relationship is more distant.

In some cases marriages have taken |jlace between the
children of matchnni. Thus the marriage of Uvolthli (15)
with Sinmundeivi (20) among the Tartharol, and of Pangudr
(66) with Xelbur (54) and Kanokh (56) with Sanmidz (63)
among the Teivaliol, are all cases in which marriages have
taken place between the children of two men who called one
another matcJinni. There may be other cases, but these
examples are perhaps sufficient to show that these marriages
may be held to take the place of the orthodox matcJinni
union.

While marriages between matchiini are the rule and mar-
riages between the children of matchnni certainly not unlaw-
ful, we have seen that marriage with the child of a matcJinni
is prohibited. From our point of view, this means that while
marriage with a first cousin is orthodo.x, marriage with a first
cousin once removed is unlawful, while again it seems that
marriage with a first cousin twice removed may be lawful.
The more distant tie of kinship from our point of view is un-
lawful, while the nearer is commanded.

Marriage with a matcJinni may often involve considerable
disproportion of age. In one case at the present time a boy
of about two years of age is married to a woman of about
twenty. The woman, Nulnir (10), was still unmarried when
she reached this age, so she was married to her matcJinni,

L L

514 THE TODAS chap.

Kagerikutan (25), the son of her mother's brother. In this
case the orthodox marriage was resorted to when the woman
had failed to obtain a husband in any other way, although it
involved marriage with a baby.

In another case, the marriage of Keitkarg(38) and Potoveli
(49), in which the woman is considerably older than her
husband, the husband and wife are niatcliuni.

There is one ceremonial marriage in which the husband
always stands in the relation of niatchuni to the wife. This
is in the performance of the pursiitpimi ceremony at the
funeral of a girl unmarried at the time of her death. The boy
who is chosen to give the bow and arrow and to act as
the husband is always, so far as I could discover, the uiatcliuni
of the dead girl.

Similarly, if an unmarried boy dies, the girl who is chosen
to act as his widow should be his matckuni. In one case of
which I have a record, the son of Tiatners (58) died and Sotidz
{66) was chosen to act as widow. None of the brothers of
Puvizveli (65), the mother of the dead boy, had at that time a
son, so the duty was undertaken by the daughter of Fangudr,
of the same clan as Puvizveli, but belonging to a different
family. In this case the matcJiuni was the daughter of a clan-
brother because there was no nearer niatcJinni available.

Keinba, who acted as husband at the funeral of Sinerani
(see p. 394), was the niatchuni of the dead girl in two ways, as
the son of her mother's brother and as the son of her father's
half-sister.

A uiatcIiHiii may be either the child of a mother's brother
or of a father's sister, and I have examined the genealogies to
see if a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother or
of his father's sister the more frequently, and find that there
is no great difference, though the former marriage is some-
what the more frequent. There are among the Tartharol
twenty cases in which a man has married the daughter of his
mother's brother, two of marriage with the daughter of a step-
mother's brother, and one with the daughter of a stepmother's
half-brother, making twenty-three cases in all. On the other
hand, a man married the daughter of his father's sister in
fourteen cases, twice he married the daughter of his father's

XXII MARRIAGE

half-sister, and once the stepdaughter of his father's sister,
making seventeen cases in all.

Among the Teivaliol marriages with the daughter of a
father's sister are the more frequent, there being fifteen of
these as compared with ten cases of marriage with the
daughter of a mother's brother. There is evidently no special
preference for either kind of marriage.

POLVANDKY

The Todas have a completely organised and definite system
of polyandry. When a woman marries a man, it is understood
that she becomes the wife of his brothers at the same time.
When a boy is married to a girl, not only are his brothers
usually regarded as also the husbands of the girl, but any
brother born later will similarly be regarded as sharing
his older brothers' rights.

In the vast majority of polyandrous marriages at the
present time, the husbands are own brothers. A glance
through the genealogies will show the great frequency of
polyandry,^ and that in nearly every case the husbands are own
brothers. In a few cases in which the husbands are not own
brothers, they are clan-brothers, i.e., they belong to the same
clan and are of the same generation. Instances of such
marriages are those of Toridz (65) with Kulpakh (52) and
Kiladrvan (60), and of Sintharap (68; with Kuriolv (52; and
Onadj (57).

There is only one instance recorded in the genealogies
in which a woman had at the same time husbands belonging
to different clans, viz., the marriage of Kwelvtars (60) with
Nidshtevan of Piedr (64) and Tlitners of Kusharf (67), and
in this case the men were half-brothers by the same mother,
the fathers being of different clans. While I was on the hills,
there was a project on foot that three unmarried youths
belonging to three different clans should have a wife in common,
but the project was frustrated and the marriage did not take
place.

^ III cases of pulyandry ihe iiiiincs of Uie liusbands are eiiclused in square
brackets.

L L 2

ii6 THE TOD AS CHAP.

It is possible that at one time the polyandry of the Todas
was not so strictly ' fraternal ' as it is at present, and it is
perhaps in favour of this possibility that in the instance
of polyandry giv'en by Harkness ^ the husbands were
obviously not own brothers. It must be remembered, how-
ever, that this case came to the notice of Captain Hark-
ness because the polyandry had led to disputes, and, as we
shall see shortly, it is in those cases of polyandr)' in which the
husbands are not own brothers that disputes arise.

The arrangement of family life in the case of a polyandrous
marriage differs according as the husbands are, or are not,
own brothers.

In the former case it seemed that there is never any diffi-
culty, and that disputes never arise. The brothers liv^e
together, and my informants seemed to regard it as a ridi-
culous idea that there should ever be disputes or jealousies
of the kind that might be expected in such a household.
When the wife becomes pregnant, the eldest brother performs
the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow, but the brothers
are all equally regarded as the fathers of the child. If
one of the brothers leaves the rest and sets up an establish-
ment of his own, it appeared, however, that he might lose his
right to be regarded as the father of the children.

If a man is asked the name of his father, he usually gives
the name of one man only, even when he is the offspring of
a polyandrous marriage. I endeavoured to ascertain why the
name of one father only should so often be given, and it
seemed to me that there is no one reason for the preference.
Often one of the fathers is more prominent and influential
than the others, and it is natural in such cases that the son
should speak of himself as the son of the more important
member of the community. Again, if only one of the
fathers of a man is alive, the man will alwa}-s speak of the
living person as his father ; thus Siriar (20) always spoke of
Ircheidi as his father, and even after Ircheidi is dead, it seems
probable that he will so have fallen into the custom of speaking
of the latter as his father that he will continue to do so,
and it will only be when his attention is especial!)- directed

' Sec his accounl ;U llic liuI of this cliaptci.

XXII MARRIAGE 5 '7

to the [joint that he will say that Madbeithi was also his
father.

In most of the genealogies, the descent is traced from some
one man, but there can be no doubt whatever that this man
was usually only one of several brothers, and the probable
reason why one name only is remembered is that this name
was that of an important member of the communit}', or of the
last surviving of the brother-husbands.

When the husbands arc not own brothers, the arrangements
become more complicated. When the husbands live to-
gether as if they were own brothers there is rarely any diffi-
culty. If, on the other hand, the husbands live at different
villages, the usual rule is that the wife shall live with each
husband in turn, usually for a month at a time, but there is
very considerable elasticity in the arrangement.

It is in respect c>f the ' fatherhood ' ^ of the children in these
cases of non-fraternal polyandry that we meet with the most
interesting feature of Toda social regulations. Wlien the
wife of two or more husbands (not own brothers) becomes
pregnant, it is arranged that one of the husbands shall per-
form the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow. The hus-
band who carries out this ceremony is the father of the child
for all social purposes ; the child belongs to the clan of this
husband if the clans of the husbands differ and to the family
of this husband if the families only differ. When the wife
again becomes pregnant, another husband may perform the
piirsiitpiuii ceremony, and if so, this husband becomes the
father of the child ; but more commonly the pursiitpimicQXQ-
mony is not performed at all during the second pregnancy,
and in this case the second child belongs to the first husband,
i.e., to the husband who has already given the bow and arrow.
Usually it is arranged that the first two or three children
shall belong to the first husband, and that at a succeeding
pregnancy Tthird or fourth), another husband shall give the
bow and arrow, and, in consequence, become the father not
only of that child, but of all succeeding children till some one
else gives the bow and arrow.

' I use the term ' fatherliood ' instead of ' paternity ' because the latter term
seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda notion of ' fiither,'

;t!^ the TODAS chap.

The fntherhood of a chilcPdepends entirely on \\\<i piirsiit-
ptmi ceremony, so much so that a dead man is regarded as
the father of a child if no other man has performed the essen-
tial ceremony.^

In the only case in the genealogies in which the husbands
of a woman were of different clans, it happened there were
only two children, and that one father gave the bow and
arrow for the first child and the other for the second.

If the husbands separate, each husband takes with him
those children who are his by virtue of the pnrsi'itpinn cere-
mony.

There is no doubt whatever as to the close association of
the polyandry of the Todas with female infanticide. As we
have seen, the Todas now profess to have completely giv^en
up the practice of killing their female children, but it is highly
probable that the practice is still in vogue to some extent. It
has certainly, however, diminished in frequency, and the con-
sequent increase in the proportion of women is leading to
some modification in the associated polyandry.

It has been stated by most of those who have written about
the Todas that the custom of polyandry is dying out, but a
glance at the genealogies will show that the institution is in
full working order even in the case of the infant marriages
which are being contracted at the present time. There is,
however, some reason to believe that it is now less frequent
for all the brothers of a family to have one wife only in
common. A study of the genealogies shows that often each
brother has his own wife, or tliat several brothers have more
than one wife between them. It seemed to me, however,
almost certain that in these cases the brothers have the wives
in common. In compiling the genealogies, one informant
would give me the names of two or more brothers each with
one wife, while another would give me the name of one
brother with two or three wives, and would say that the other
brothers had the same wives. When I pointed out the dis-
crepancy and asked which was the true account, the}- usually-
said it made no difference and were almost contemptuous
because I seemed to think that there was any disagreement
' For an instance, see p. 535.

XXII MARRIAGE 519

between the two versions. I think it [probable that it has
become less frequent for several brothers to have only one
wife in common, but I am very doubtful whether this indicates
any real decrease in the prevalence of polyandry.

It seems to me that the correct way of describing" the present
condition of Toda society is to say that poh'andry is as
prevalent as ever, but that, owing to the greater number of
women, it is becoming associated with polygyny. When
there are two brothers it does not seem that each takes a
wife for himself, but rather that the}' take two wives in
common.

It is probable that this will lead in time to a state of
society in which each brother will come to regard one wife as
his own ; and in a few cases it seemed to me that there was
already a tendency in tliis direction. If this forecast should
be fulfilled, the custom of monogamy among the Todas will
have been developed out of polyandry through a stage of
combined poh^andry and polygyny.

One case happened during my visit which seemed to indicate
that though several brothers might be regarded as husbands
of a woman, the part of husband for ceremonial purposes
might be taken only by one or two of them. In this case I
was told that four brothers had one wife, but when the wife
died only two of the brothers acted as widowers and performed
the ceremonies associated with that condition. When I asked
for an explanation of this, I was then told that the other two
brothers were not husbands, but I strongly suspected that this
was a mere device to enable two of the brothers to avoid the
disabilities attendant on the condition of widowerhood. I have
very little doubt that while the woman was alive, all the four
brothers were her husbands, but after her death it became
convenient to assume that only two had been husbands,
leaving the others free from the restrictions of widower-
hood.

Mail}' writers have believed that the widely spread custom
of the Levirate is a relic of polyandr}^ If it were true that
the custom of polyandry is dying out among the Todas, this
people might have provided material for the study of the
relations of polyandr}'' and the Levirate. It will be obvious,

THE TOD AS CHAP.

however, from the account alread)' given, that polyandry is still
strongly established among the Todas. Still, there are a few
cases in the genealogies which seem to show that when two
brothers had different wives, and one brother died, the widow
might be taken by the surviving brother. Thus, in Table 34, two
brothers, Matovan and Kemners, had one wife, Sargv'eli, while
Atcharap had his own wife, Puners. When Matovan died,
Sargveli was regarded as the wife of both Atcharap and
Kemners.^ Again, after the deaths of Mulpolivan and
Peigvan (3), the widow of Nersveli was married by Perol, the
clan-brother (first cousin) of the husband.

In other cases, the widow of one brother has not become
the wife of her husband's brothers, but has married elsewhere ;
and though the evidence is necessarily very unsatisfactory,
it seems on the whole probable that the Todas show
no special relation between poh-andry and the Levirate
custom.

If the widow marries a man who is not one of the brothers
of her dead husband, the new husband has to pay a certain
number of buffaloes. He does not, however, give these
buffaloes to the brothers of the dead man, but to his children ;
thus, when Karnisi of Pam (37) died, his widow, Nersaveli,
married Mutthuvan (34) of Kanodrs, who paid fourteen
buffaloes to Pungievan, the son of Karnisi. This payment of
buffaloes is known 2js, terkudricJiti, "compensation he gives,"
and it is the custom for the number of buffaloes in this case
to be twice the number given by the dead man for his wife ;
in this case Karnisi had taken Nersaveli from another man
for seven buffaloes.

In relation to the Levirate, the important point here is that
the buffaloes are paid to the sons of the dead husbands, not to
his brothers.

I do not think that the Todas provide any definite evidence
towards the solution of the vexed question of the relation
between polyandry and infanticide. It is possible that at
their first arrival in the Nilgiri Hills, the Todas had {q.\\
sources of food, and had a severe struggle for existence ; that

^ It will 1)0 noticed that I am using the term 'Levirate' in a wider sense than
that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was nf)t a childless widow.

MARRIAGE

they therefore adopted the practice of female infanticide, and
that polyandry followed as a consequence. At the present
and during recent times there has certainly been no economical
motive for infanticide, and I am very doubtful whether it has
ever existed. I think it far more probable that the Todas
brought the practice of pol}'andry with them when they came
to the Nilgiris ; but if this view should be adopted, there is
still no evidence to show whether they also brought infanticide
with them, or whether this custom developed owing to the
fact tliat po]\'andr\- diminislicd the need for female children.

Polygyny

In the last section we have seen that there is a tendency
for the polyandry of the Todas to become combined with
polygyny. Two brothers, who in former times would have
had one wife between them, may now take two wives, but as
a general rule the two men have the two wives in common.
In addition, polyg}'ny of the more ordinary kind exists
among the Todas, and is probably now increasing in fre-
quency, as one of the results of the diminished female
infanticide.

One example of pol}'g}-n)' is the marriage of Kuriolv (56)
with two wives, one of about the same age as himself, the
other a }-oung wife whom he shares with Onadj (57;. In
another case Odrkurs (i), has two wives, the second wife
being a young girl recently married in the hope of obtaining
a son (see p. 550J.

There is one example of polygyny in the genealogies in
which a young boy, Mokudr of Nidrsi (42), has two wives,
both young girls. He has been doubly married in order that
he may get rid of one of his wives by the tererstlii custom
and so become rich. He has been married to two wives
in order that he may sell one.

When a man or a group of men have more than one
wife, the two wives usuall}' live together at the same village,
but sometimes the\' live at different villages, the husband
or husbands movinof about from one village to the other,

522 THE TODAS CHAP.

Exchange of Brother and Sister

Although I was not told that it was the custom for a
brother and sister of one clan to marry a sister and brother
of another, examination of the genealogies makes it clear
that this frequently happens. A good example which may
be cited is the marriage of Kuriolv (52) with Punaveli (65),
while Sinkors, the sister of Kuriolv, married the three brothers
of Punaveli. Two other similar instances may be found in
Table 52, and they are of general occurrence throughout the
genealogies.

In some communities this custom of exchange is definitely
connected with the bride-price, which may be so large as
almost to compel a man to give his sister in exchange for the
wife he takes from another clan. In the case of the Todas
the bride-price is so inconsiderable that it is unlikely that it
would form a motive for exchange, and I think it improbable
that in such marriages as those cited above, the idea of
exchange is even definitely formulated, but that the com-
bination of marriages comes about for such obvious reasons
as may occur in any communit}'. The marriage of luatcJntni,
if widely practised, would obviously lead to an appearance of
exchange, and it may be that among the Todas this is the
chief cause of its occurrence.

Similarly, instances will be found in the genealogies of two
brothers (or two groups of brothers) marrying sisters. An
example may be given from Table 53, where Orzevan
marries one woman and his two brothers marry her sister.
Another instance may be found in Table 58.

In several cases in which a man or group of men ha\c had
two wives the wives have been related. Thus, Kutthurs (12)
and his brothers first married Tedjveli (16). After her death,
Kutthurs, the onh- surviving brother, married Sabnir (34), the
daughter of Arsner, Tedjveli's sister. Again, Paners (23) and
his brothers first married Pergveli, and when she died they
married her brother's daughter. Pungusivan (53) married
his viatcJiuniy Sinodz (68), and when she was taken from
him by the tercrsthi custom, he married Sintharap, her sister.

MARRIAGE

There is often very threat dispruportioii of age in Toda
marriac^cs. I have ah'eady given two cases in which the
woman is the older, in each of which the disproportion of
age is due to the custom of marrying a matclniui. More
commonly the man is much the older, and there are at the
present time many cases in which elderl}- men are married
to }'Oung girls. This is partly due to the practice of infant
marriage. Unless a widower can take advantage of the
terersthi custom, which is always expensive, he may have
to marry a child and wait till she has reached a marriage-
able age. Thus, Kodrner, my guide, lost his wife some years
ago, and then married a girl whose present ^ age is only
thirteen, Kodrner being fort)-two. The girl is still living
with her parents, and will probably not go to her husband
for another three or four }'ears.

The Custom of 'Terersthi'

The marriage tie among the Todas at the present time has
become very loose. Wives are constantl}^ transferred from
one husband, or group of husbands, to another, the new
husband or husbands paying a certain number of buffaloes to
the old. The amount of the compensation or ter is settled
by a council, and from this the transaction has received its
name o{ fcrerst/ii, or "compensation he tells (decides).'"^

There is much reason to believe that this custom has
altered its character in recent times. I was told that
formerly the custom onh' applied to cases in which a man
had lost his wife b}' death. If he wished to marry a woman
who was already the wife of another or others, he went to the
father of the woman and asked for his consent. The father
would consult with two other elders, and if they were in favour
of the proposed transaction the three elders would go to the
woman, and if they obtained her consent they then went to
her husband for his. If husband or wife were unwilling to be
parted nothing was done, but if both consented, the new and

' In 1902.

- 'J'er is also used in the sense of ' fine,' but is only used when the fine takes
the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is called saver,

524 THE TOD AS chap.

the old husband, the father of the woman, and the two elders
met and decided on the number of buffaloes to be given as tev
or compensation. This meeting was called tercrstJii. The
tcr had to be paid within a month, and all the buffaloes given
had to be females. The man who was giving up the woman
went to the village of the new husband and received his
buffaloes, of which he was allowed to choose a certain number.
If he had been awarded more than four buffaloes, he might
choose three, if four or less, he might only choose two. Among
the Tartharol, a man would usually choose -.vursnlir, and
among the Teivaliol,/'/?^-//''//-.

At the present time the number of buffaloes given as ter
varies very greatly ; the most frequent number is three, but
often more are given, and in one case, about ten years ago, a
man had to give twenty-five. The number seems to depend
largely on the size of the herd possessed b}^ the man taking
a new wife. The more buffaloes he has, the more he has
to pa}'.

When the buffaloes are given, the new husband has to give
a feast, after which the old husband drives away his buffaloes.
In a recent case Teigudr of Nodrs (4) had taken Uwer from
Nertolvan and Palpa of Pan (16) for nine buffaloes. These
two men went to the \illage of Tedshteiri, where Teigudr was
living, and were feasted, the food being cooked on nine ovens,
corresponding to the number of the buffaloes. This cor-
respondence between the number of the ovens and of the
buffaloes given as ter, suggests that there may have been some
definite ceremonial in connexion with this feast of which I
failed to obtain an account.

The custom of tcrerstJii has some reason on its side.
Wherever infant marriage exists in a small community, it
must often happen that a widower finds all the women of his
community married, and without some machinery by which
he is allowed to take the wife of another, he must remain
unmarried or be content with marriage to a mere child.
Even at the present time, we have seen that an adult man
who has lost his wife may marry a girl onl}- a few years
of age.i

^ \'o\ an instancf in tlic past sec p. 53S.

Xxii; MARRIAGE 525

At the present time the custom of terci'stJu has a far wider
ranc^c. It is obvious that when a widower takes the wife of
anutlier lie is simply transferring his difficult}^ and the man
whose wife he has taken will have to seek a new partner. It
often happens that a man takes the wife of a boy married,
l.)erhaps, to a girl of about the same age as himself, and when
this boy reaches manhood he will have to seek a wife and
will naturally try to obtain the wife of another rather than be
content with a child perhaps only three or four years of age.
It would be impossible that such a custom as that of tercrstlii
should remain limited in scope, but there is no doubt that at
the present day it has become the custom for any man who
takes a fancy for the wife of another to endeavour to obtain
her for himself, and I was told that he would give large bribes
to the elders of the Todas to attain his object. It seems
quite clear that, at the present time, it is not considered
nccessar)- to obtain the consent either of the wife or of the
husband, and in some cases the wife has been taken from her
husband b}' force. ^

In some recent cases the aggrieved parties in such disputes
have appealed to the Government, and during my visit a
petition was being drawn up for presentation to the Governor
(jf Madras, asking that the abuses of the tercrstlii custom
should be remedied.

Divorce

Divorce exists among the Todas quite apart from the trans-
ference of wives just considered.

I was told that a man divorces his wife for two reasons,
and for two only, the first reason being that the wife is a fool
and the second that she will not work. Barrenness is not
generally regarded as a reason for divorce, though I was told
of one case in which a man had sent away his wife on this
account. It seemed more usual in such a case to take a
second wife. In some cases the illness of the husband has
been regarded as a ground for divorce. Intercourse between

^ Kor an instance see p. 535.

526 THE TODAS CHap.

a wife and another man is not regarded as a reason for divorce
but rather as a perfectly natural occurrence.

When a man divorces his wife, the woman's people usually
complain to the naijii or council, but if it is decided that the
man shall take his wife back, there appears to be no way of
compelling him to do so. In any case the husband pays
a fine {kzvadr) of one buffalo to the wife's people, just as
he would have done if he had refused to take her when
she reached the marriageable age, but he receives back
any buffaloes he may have given as pbdri. Even if the
council decides that the man ought to take his wife back
and he refuses, a fine greater than one buffalo cannot be
inflicted.

If the divorced woman re-marries, the previous husband
does not receive anything, and any buffaloes given become
the property of the woman's family.

The Mokhthoditi Institution

In addition to the regular marriage, there is another re-
cognised mode of union between men and women, which
is called niokhthoditi. The man who becomes the consort
of a woman in this way is called her niokhtliodvaiol — viz.,
" man who keeps -mokh^' ^ and the woman is called sed-
vaitazmokh — viz., *' woman who joins." The mokhthoditi
union differs from the regular marriage in one important
respect. It may be, and usually is, formed between Tarthar
men and Teivali women, or between Teivali men and Tarthar
women. The great majority of instances of which I heard
were of this kind. One woman might have more than one
niokhthodvaiol, the largest number of which I heard being
three. Similarly, a man might have more than one sed-
vaitasnwkh, but as the custom entailed considerable expenses
on the man, this was not common, and I did not hear of any
instance in which a man had more than two.

The mokhtkodvaiol has no rights over any children who
might be supposed to be his ; they are regarded as the
children of the regular marriage. This would be the case

^ Mokh here means ' child ' in general, not son.

xxir MARRIAGE 5^7

even if the husband were dead or separated from his wife.
If a Teivah man took a Tarthar widow as sedvaitazniokli, and
a child were born, the child would belong to the Tartharol,
and would be regarded as the son of the dead husband of the
woman, and would belong to his clan. The child might live
with the mokhthodvaiol, and be spoken of ordinarily as the
child of this man, but yet for all social and legal purpo.ses,
the child would be a member of its mother's husband's clan.
The dead husband is regarded as the father because it was he
who last performed the piirsiitpimi ceremony.

There are two forms of the mokhthoditi union. In one
the woman lives with the man just as if she were his real
wife, almost the only difference being that any children
would be legally the children of the legal husband of the
woman or of some man of her division called upon to perform
the ////'j7>Yy>///// ceremony. In the other and more usual form
the man visits the woman at the house of her husband.

Owing to the restriction on the visits of Teivali women
to Tarthar villages, there is a difference in the nature of
the inoklithoditi union in the two divisions. A Teivali
mokhthodvcxiol may take his wife to live with him at one
of the Teivali villages, but in those cases in which Tarthar
men live permanently with Teivali women, the mokhthodvaiol
must live at the woman's village. There are two examples
of this practice at the present time in which Tarthar men live
altogether at Teivali villages.

When a man wishes to have a given woman as his sedvait-
azinokk he goes to the husband or husbands of the woman
and asks for his or their consent. As a sample of the kind
of negotiations which ensue, I will give a definite instance.
A Tarthar man wished to become inokhthodvaiol to the wife
of two Teivali brothers. He went to them and asked for
their consent, which they gave, but said they should like to
have the agreement confirmed by a third party {nedrvol), and
they settled on a nedrvol to whom all went. The nedrvol
asked each if he consented to the arrangement, and it was
decided that the Tarthar man should give a putkuli worth
three rupees annually to the woman's husbands, and the
former became mokhthodvaiol to the woman on that day.

thp: to das chap.

A few days later the two husbands and the iiiokJitJiodvaiol
went to the woman's father and brothers (called collectively
paiol), and the mokhthodvaiol promised that he would i^ive
the woman either a keivali (necklace) or a sin (gold earrings),
each worth about thirty rupees. [A poorer man might only
give a pulthi (bracelet), worth about twelve rupees]. He
also promised that he would give a three -year-old buffalo
to the son of the woman, this being called mokJi ir kwadrti,
/.'•., "son buffalo he gives." After making these promises,
the uiokhtJiodvaiol performed the salutation of kalmelpudithti
t(j all the paiol, i.e., he bowed down before each, and placed
his head beneath their feet.

As we have seen earlier, not only are the relatives of the
scdvaitazmokJi called paiol, the term in use for the relatives
of a real wife, but the father of the woman is called ;//////
and her mother mnmi, names which are also terms of blood-
relationship.

When a man or woman dies, the mokhthodvaiol of the
woman and the scdvaitar.mokh of the man have definitely
assigned duties at the funeral ceremonies. Each wears a
ring on the ring finger of the left hand and has to put
various things with the left hand into the pocket of the
piitknli of the dead person.^

The mokhthoditi institution was first described by Ward
in 1 82 1,- the man being called by Ward the coonibhal (the
knmbliol, cloak or blanket man). This is the Badaga name,
and it has usually been adopted by those who have since
referred to the institution.

The custom is said to ha\e originated with the god
Kulinkars, who was the niokhtJiodvaiol of the goddess
Notirzi, but I could obtain no details of the wa}' in which the
custom is supposed to have arisen.

The ceremonial connected with the process of becoming
a mokhthodvaiol is very much like that of the real marriage.
A garment is given or promised and the salutation of
kalmelpudithti is paid to the woman's relatives. The
chief difference is that the gifts are more numerous

^ For ;i full accoiinl sec [). 366.

- Grigg's Nil^iri Manual, .\ppenclix, p. Ixxiv.

XXII " MARRIAGE 529

and expensive for the inokhthodvaiol than for the husband.
Further, in some cases the sedvaitazniokh of a Teivali man
may Hve with him exactly in the same way as a wife.
Except for the prohibition against TeivaH women Hving at
Tarthar villages, and the important difference in the mode of
descent of the children there seems to be little essential
difference in some cases between the uiokJitJioditi union and
marriage. In describing the institution, one of my informants
laid great stress on the disability of a man of one division to
perform the pnrsiitpimi ceremony for a woman of the other
division and treated this as the essential point of difference.
He seemed to regard this ceremonial disability as primary
and the other differences as the secondary results, but I do
not know how far this is the general Toda view.

Sexual Morality

From the foregoing account it appears that a woman may
have one or more recognised lovers as well as several
husbands. From the account given of the dairy ritual, it
appears that she may also have sexual relations with dairy-
men of various grades — that, for instance, the zviirsol, on the
nights when he sleeps in the hut, may be the lover of any
Tarthar girl. Further, there seems to be no doubt that there
is little restriction of any kind on sexual intercourse. I was
assured by several Todas not onl\^ that adultery was no
motive for divorce, but that it was in no way regarded as
wrong. It seemed clear that there is no word for adultery in
the Toda language. My interpreter, Samuel, had translated the
Commandments shortly before my visit, and only discovered
while working with me that the e.xpression he had used in
translating the seventh Commandment really bore a very
different meaning.

When a word for a concept is absent in any language it by
no means follows that the concept has not been developed,
but in this case I have little doubt that there is no definite
idea in the mind of the Toda corresponding to that denoted
by our word ' adultery.' Instead of adultery being regarded as

M M

530 THE TODAS CHAP.

immoral, I rather suspected/ though I could not satisfy my-
self on the point, that, according to the Toda idea, immorality
attaches rather to the man who grudges his wife to another.
One group of those who experience difficulty in getting to
the next world after death are the kashtvainol, or grudging
people, and 1 believe this term includes those who would
in a more civilised community be plaintiffs in the divorce
court.

In nearly ever}' known communit}', whether savage,
barbarous or civilised, there is found to exist a deeply rooted
antipathy to sexual intercourse between brother and sister.
In savage communities where kinship is of the classificatory
kind, this antipathy extends not only to the children of one A
mother, but to all those who are regarded as brothers and
sisters because they are members of the same clan or other
social unit. In some communities, such as those of Torres
Straits, this antipathy may extend to relatives as remote as
those we call second and third cousins, so long as descent
through the male line from a common ancestor and member-
ship of the same clan lead people to regard one another as
brother and sister.

It is very doubtful whether this widespread, almost
universal abhorrence is shared by the Todas. I was told that ■
members of the same clan might have intercourse with one ^
another, and in the preliminary ceremony for the office of
palol, a special part was taken by a woman who possessed the
qualification that she had never had intercourse with a man of
her own clan, and it was said it was far from easy to find such m
a woman. When I collected this information, it seemed clear ^
that this meant that a woman who, before marriage had
belonged to a given clan, had never had intercourse with a man
of that clan. But since a woman joins the clan of her
husband, and since, marriage taking place at an early age, the
woman belongs to her husband's clan from this early age, it
has since occurred to me that an alternative explanation
of the restriction is possible, though it does not seem to me to
be likely. It is possible that what is meant is that the woman

1 The dc'finiie appearance of jealousy in the hisluiy of Kwoten nuisl, however,
he noted ill this connexion.

XXII MARRIAGE 53I

should never have had intercourse with an}- of her husband's
clan except those who are properly her husbands. If this ex-
planation were the correct one, the prohibition would seem to
be directed against practices resembling communal marriage,
and would be interesting evidence in favour of the existence of
this t}'pe of marriage, since there are no prohibitions against
what does not exist nor has ever existed. As I have said,
however, I think it very unlikely that the prohibition is to be
interpreted in this way, but I regret very greatly that it did
not occur to me to inquire carefully into this point on the
spot.

So far as I could tell, the laxity in sexual matters is equally
great before and after marriage. If a girl who has been
married in infancy, but has not yet joined her husband, should
beconie pregnant, the husband would be called upon to give
the bow and arrow at the pursiitpiini ceremony and would be
the father of the child, even if he were still a young boy, or if
it were known that he was not the father of the child. I only
heard of one case in recent times in which an unmarried girl
had become pregnant. In this case a man who wdiS d^matchnni
of the woman was called in to give the bow and arrow, but
he did not regard himself as married to the woman and did
not live with her. That some stigma was attached to the
occurrence may possibly be shown by the fact that this woman
remained unmarried for some years, and then only married a
man who was certainly below the general standard of the
Todas in intelligence. The child, a daughter, of the woman
died soon after birth, so that I had no chance of ascertaining
whether the irregularity of her birth would have had any
influence on her position in Toda society. If, however, a
child is born without the piirsiitpinii ceremony having been
performed, it is called padinokh and an indelible disgrace
attaches to it throughout life.

From any point of view, and certainly from the point of
view of the savage, the sexual morality of the Todas among
themselves is ver}- low. It is an interesting subject of
speculation how far this laxit}' is the result of the practice of
polyandry, for since low sexual morality brings in its train
various factors which tend to sterility, we may have here, as

M M 2

532 THE TODAS chap.

Mr. Punnett has suggested elsewhere/ a reason why polyandry
is so rare a form of marriage. The practice of polyandry
must almost inevitably weaken the sentiment of possession
on the part of the man which does so much to maintain the
more ordinary forms of marriage.

The low sexual morality of the Todas is not, however,
limited in its scope to the relations within the Toda community.
Conflicting views are held by those who know the Nilgiri
Hills as to the relations of the Todas with the other inhabi-
tants, and especially with the train of natives which the
European immigration to the hills has brought in its wake. The
general opinion on the hills is that in this respect the morality
of the Todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a question
whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour
of the inhabitants of one or two villages near the European
settlements, and I think it is probable that the larger part of
the Todas remain more uncontaminated than is generally
supposed.

That the Todas are perhaps not so black as they are
painted is suggested by two considerations. There is little
evidence of the existence of many half-breeds. I examined
in one way or another over 500 Todas and must have seen
nearly the whole of the 800 people who form the Toda
population. I saw few who suggested Tamil or Badaga
intermixture and only one boy whose appearance suggested
European parentage. A more careful examination than I
gave might, however, have revealed other suspicious cases,
and perhaps in a race which practices infanticide the absence
or paucity of half-breeds may not carr)- much weight.

The other consideration is of a different kind and tends to
show not only that the Todas are not so black as they are
painted, but that they are not so black as they paint them-
selves.

By means of the genealogical record I was able to work
out the relationship to one another of forty-three individuals
suffering from colour-blindness. Since this condition runs
mainly in the female line, it does not afford ver)- cogent
evidence of paternit\- ; but a full examination of my records

1 Loc. al.

XXII MARRIAGE 533

seems Uj show that ccjlcjiu'-blincl men, or rather males of
colour-blind families, had colour-blind descendants more
often than perhaps might have been expected if the Todas
are in practice quite as promiscuous as their social regulations
allow them to be. The record of the affinity of the colour-
blind suggests that in spite of the theoretical promiscuity, the
husbands are, in practice, very often the fathers of their
children.

A few histories of individuals ma}- be given as examples of
the various marriage customs which have been described in
this chapter. One of the most married of Toda women is
Puvizveli of Kusharf (65). She was married in infancy to
Singudr (55), of the same clan as Sinkors, the mother of
Puvizveli, and the two were probably the niatcJiiini of one
another, though only in a distant way. Puvizveli was taken
from Singudr by Madsu and Koboners (58), who gave for
her three buffaloes. From them she was transferred to
Kangudr of Piedr {(>2), it being arranged that he should pay
eleven buffaloes. Soon after joining Kangudr, Puvizveli
became ill, and since there is a prohibition of marriages
between the clans of Piedr and Kusharf, it was agreed that
the pair should separate, and the woman was taken b}-
Tiitners and Etamudri (58). The eleven buffaloes had never
been paid by Kangudr, so Tiitners and his brother gave their
buffaloes directly to Madsu and Koboners, but only four
instead of eleven. All these transactions took place while
Puvizveli was still )-oung, but by her new husbands she had a
son who died soon after birth. During her second pregnane)-,
she was taken by Perpakh and Tebkudr i^'^), who gave six
buffaloes. The transference took place before t\\Q pursiitpiini
ceremony had been performed. Perpakh gave the bow and
arrow, and the daughter since born is regarded as the child
of Perpakh and Tebkudr. Puvizveli has also a Tarthar
Dioklithodvaiol.

Edjog of Kuudr (56) was married in infancy to Xargudr
(62), the son of her mother's brothers, and therefore her
viatcliiuii in the nearest sense. From him Kiudners (70) and
his two brothers took her for five buffaloes, Kiudners died

534 THE TODAS CHAP.

before the bufifaloes had been paid, and Edjog was taken
by Mavodriners (65), who arranged to pay the five buffaloes
to Nargudr. He did not do so, but after having a son
by Edjog, he sent her back to the father, paying a kivadr
of one buffalo. So far, Nargudr had not received his five
buffaloes, but he now obtained them from Kaners and
Kudrievan (63), who took the woman although she was
the granddaughter of their sister Narskuti. The marriage
met with disapproval among the Todas on this account,
though there does not appear to be any definite regulation
against such a marriage ; and at the time of my visit Edjog,
a young woman of about twenty-seven, was still the wife of
the two old men, aged about seventj' and sixty-seven
respectiveh'.

Kuriolv of Kuudr(52) first married Punaveli (65), by whom
he had two children. He then took to live with him Pilimurg
(7), a Tarthar woman, giving to Pepners (44), the husband of
the woman, fifteen buffaloes. Though Pilimurg is only legalh'
his sedvaitaz})wkli, Kuriolv treats her as a wife. She lives at
one of the Kuudr villages, while Punaveli lives at another.
Pilimurg has had one son, Meilitars, since she has been living
with Kuriolv, and Kuriolv al\va}'s speaks of the boy as his
son, though legally he is the son of Pepners, and his name
will be found in the genealogies among the children of
this man.

Recently Kuriolv has also married Sintharap (68). sharing
her with Onadj (57), of the same clan as Kuriolv, but belonging
to a different family. Sintharap has had three children, for
the first of whom Kuriolv performed the ///rjr//'///;;// ceremony,
and since no one has performed this ceremony for the suc-
ceeding children, they are also regarded as the children of
Kuriolv. One of these children was Sinerani, whose funeral
ceremonies have been described.

Kuriolv's son, Kulpakh (52), married Toridz (65), sharing
her with Kiladrvan (60), of the same clan as Kulpakh, but of
a different family. At the first pregnancy Kulpakh gave the
bow and arrow, and was regarded as the father of that child and
of two succeeding children who were born while Kulpakh
was alive. After the birth of the third child Kulpakh died.

xxn MARRIAGE 535

and Toridz has since continued to live with Kiladrvan and
has had two more children. Kuriolv, the father of the dead
man, succeeded in preventintj Kiladrvan from performing the
pnrsutpimi ceremony before the birth of either of these
children, and consequently they are re^^arded as the children
of the dead Kulj^akh and belong to Kuriolv's division {pblm)
of the clan and not to that of Kiladrvan. Here, by virtue of
the pnrsilipiuii ceremony, a dead man is the legal father
of two children who are known to be really the sons of his
fellow-husband.

In the preceding cases the people belong to the Teivaliol.
Among the Tartharol there are similar histories.

Pupidz of Kwodrdoni (35) was married in infancy to two
brothers, Kalgeners and Kinagudr, belonging to the same
clan as the mother of Pupidz, so that she would probably
have called them matcJiniii, though they were not nearly-
related. From these boys Pupidz v/as taken by Patser (26;,
who gave for her three buffaloes. From Patser she was taken
by Siriar ('20) for five buffaloes. Some time later Pepob (44)
wished to m^rry Pupidz, but both she and Siriar were unwill-
ing to be separated. Pepob, however, persuaded the council
to arrange that he should have the woman for three buffaloes,
and soon after five or six men carried off the woman by force-
entering Siriar's hut at night. Two of the men held Siriar
while the others carried off his wife, who became pregnant
by Pepob, but Siriar, who had been trying to get back his
wife, succeeded when she was about at the sixth month. The
hand-burning ceremon\' had already been performed, but
Siriar gave the bow and arrow, and is therefore the legal
father of the boy born afterwards, although Pepob is known
to have been the real father. Siriar had to give Pepob eleven
buffaloes, though he had 'only received three, and had given
five to the previous husband.

Xanbarvan of Kars (f) first married Pothenir (47), by
whom he had one son. Nanbarvan went to England with
a party of Todas, and Pothenir then married Kutadri,
Xanbarvan's first cousin. On his return from England,
Xanbarvan married Sindod (38), by whom he had a second
son. Then he fell ill, and in consequence sent Sindod away^

536 THE TODAS chap.

and since that time he has had no wife, though he claims
that Iraveh, his brother's wife, is also his. There seems to be
no doubt, however, that he does not live with his brother in
the same way as in most cases of polyandry, and is a wanderer
with no regular home of his own, but I could not discover
the cause of this.

A dispute about a marriage was in progress while I was
on the Hills, which I did not understand completely, but it
appeared that Oselig (24), who had been first married to
Teigudr (4), was then taken by Punog (14). Punog was said
to have treated his wife badly, andj to have failed to perform
his duties when there was a funeral in the family of Nertiners,
the brother of Oselig. He had not given the proper podri,
nor had he taken part in the cloth-giving ceremony, so Oselig
ran away from him and took refuge with her brother. After
a month Punog demanded back his wife and also twelve
buffaloes which he had left with Nertiners for grazing pur-
poses. Nertiners refused to send back his wife, and returned
only eight of the buffaloes. He also proceeded to arrange
that Oselig should marry Udrchovan (36), and Punog accused
Nertiners of having got up the whole quarrel in order that
Oselig should make this marriage. The matter was referred
to the council, and it was decided that Oselig should become
the wife of Udrchovan, but I did not hear for how many
buffaloes, nor how the other disputes about buffaloes and
podri were settled.

At this time Udrchovan had another wife, Pandut (45).
She had been the wife of Udrchovan and his brother Popners
from infancy, and after having three children, who died young,
she had been sent awa}- and Udrchovan married Kavener (3),
while his brother married Silkot (10). Later Kavener was
taken from Udrchovan by Kudrvas (11), and Udrchovan
remarried Pandut, who in the meantime had had two other
husbands.

To the foregoing accounts, which I give as exceptional
and not as typical examples of the uncertainty of Toda
married life, I add one taken from the book published b)-
Captain Harkness in 1832, p. 121. The notes are added by
myself.

W'll

MARRIAGE ' 537

The History of Pinpurz Kutan

" I was not seven years old, when m}- father, takini^ a
child's garment, in value about a 'quarter of a rupee, and
selecting one of the best of our herd, desired me to accompan}'
him to the morrt^ of Kinori. This Kinori had, a month or two
before, a daughter born to him. Soon after we had arrived at
the morrt, it being understood that Kinori gladly consented
to the propositions which had been made by my father, I was
directed to bow myself down, and in the presence of the
whole family to ask his foot. This I did ; and touching it
with my forehead, the buffalo and the garment were presented
him, and I was considered to be affianced to his daughter.
We remained there for some days, during which period it was
agreed upon, what number of kine I was to receive in dower,
on my intended spouse coming of age, and we again set out
to return to our own morrt. I had no brothers, or they
also would have been affianced to my intended, as this was
part of the agreement, in case of my father having any more
sons born to him. In this case Kinori's daughter would have
been wife to us in succession as we arrived at manhood, and
we should have formed one united family — -the supreme
authority, however, still resting with me. The next year,
m)' father presented to my intended bride a garment, double
in value to the first which he had presented, and in each
succeeding year, one proportionately increasing in value. We
also sacrificed a buffalo, and presented a kutch "' on ev-ery
occasion of a death among any of the relations of m}- in-
tended's family, and one also at their obsequies. In case
of an}' accident of the kind in our family, we expected the
same to be observed towards us, except the presenting of
the kutch, from which my bride's father was exempted on
account of the dower he had to give with her, which would
greatl}' exceed in amount an}' expense which I could be

^ This is evidently the same word as ntarth, which occurs in Chapter Xl\' as a
word for village.

■■^ This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece of dyed or
printed cotton as at present,

538 THE TODAS chap.

to my father. My father died, and when I had attained
man's estate, I was not pleased with my betrothed ; and
presenting her father with three kine, the contract was by
mutual consent dissolved. Had the reverse been the case,
and the bride or her father had declined to allow of con-
summation, I could have claimed of the latter a fine equal
to fifty kine, and till this fine was paid the former could
not marr)' any other. Freed from my contract with my first
bride, I sought to affiance myself in a manner more to my
own inclinations, and wishing to be connected with the family
of my present wife, Pilluvani, who was then only six years
of age, I spoke to her father, and, obtaining his consent, pre-
sented her with a garment in value, according to her age, of
about a rupee and a half, and a milch buffalo. I continued to
present her with a garment every succeeding year ; and on
the occurrence of a death among any of the relations of
her famil}', and at the obsequies, I always sacrificed a buffalo,
and presented the kutch. Pilluvani was afterwards betrothed
to two others, Khakhood and Tumbiit. When she had
arrived at a certain age, and had for eight days been living
with one of her female friends in a dwelling separate from
those of the family,^ intimation was sent to me, and I went to
her father's morrt, that is, Kerjwan's, her second father, the
first one being dead. I was feasted and bedded ; and after a
itw days, Kerjwan, laying on his hands, gave us his blessing,
and I returned with my wife to my own morrt, receiving with
her in dower four buffalo kine ; her father also presented
to her on this occasion a pair of ear-rings, a pair of armlets, a
necklace, a brazen salver, and five rupees.

" Now, according to our customs, Pilluvani was to pass the
first month with me, the second with Khakhood, and the third
with Tumbut ; and the two latter, waiting in succession on
the father-in-law, were to ask his blessing and claim their
privilege in right. I was to give her raiment the first year,
Khakhood the second, and Tumbut the third. I had the
option of claiming the first three children, Khakhood the
second three, and Tumbut the third three ; when the option
again revolved to me. It was my place to go to her father

' This is a cuslnm of wliicli I failed to olitain any accounl.

xxir MARRIAGE 539

two or three months prior to the birth of a cliild, and, deliver-
ing to him a small piece of wood, which we call a billu,^ tf)
claim the forthcoming infant, wiiether male or female, and
acknowledge before him and his relations that I would protect
and nourish it ; and that, whatever might happen, I allowed
this to be in satisfaction of one of my claims. On this
occasion, also, I was to present him either five or ten rupees,
and in return he was to allow me to select, if I presented him
five rupees, three ; if ten rupees, six of the best kine of his
herd. If the child proved a boy he would have to present me
with a heifer, and another one also on the birth of each son,
but not on the birth of a daughter, as it is supposed that she
will soon be betrothed, and that a fortune will accrue to her in
that way.

" After the third birth the same observance and privilege
would have fallen to Khakhood and Tumbut successively,
or if I chose to give up any of m)' rights the two latter would
successively have had choice of adoption, &c., &c. We all
three should have been equall}- bound to protect the whole of
the children, to marry, and to give them in marriage ; but the
superior authority would always have rested with me.

" The case of Pilluvani and myself, however, was at variance
with this custom. We were very fond of one another and
determined not to separate. I offered to pay the usual fines,
but the other part}' would not accept of them. I had been
unfortunate. A murrain had attacked my herd ; the greater
part of Korrorr,- and which belonged to my fathers, had been
forsaken by the Marvs and Cuvs,^ from the oppression of
some of their rulers, and from being a leading man among
my own people I was now reduced, but principally by the
oppressions of my wife's relations, to comparative poverty."

' This is evidently due to niisunderstandino; of {he piii-n'i/piiiii ceremoii}-. The
Tamil word for ' how ' is vil.
- Probably Keradr.
■' Badagas and Kotas,

CHAPTER XXIII

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

In this chapter I propose to bring together a number
of matters connected with the social organisation ; to
consider the various sections into which the clan is divided
for social or ceremonial purposes, the method of government,
the laws concerning property and inheritance, and the position
of women.

We have already seen that the primary fact in the social
organisation of the Todas is the existence of two divisions,
the Tartharol and the TeivalioV and the last chapter has
shown that these divisions form endogamous groups, each
of which is divided into a number of exogamous septs or
clans. In some respects the clan is a definite unit in the
social organisation with a certain amount of power in regulat-
ing its own affairs, owning property and having in many
cases social or religious usages peculiar to itself

THE CLAN

The clan system is territorial, and I could discover no trace
of its ever having been totemic. The clan owns a number
of villages and takes its name from the chief of these, the
etudniad. The connexion of the clan with the village is
so generally recognised that in some cases in which the
etudmad of the clan has disappeared, or is rarely visited,
there is a tendency to name the clan after the chief village

' A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one another will be
given in Cha))ter XX I. \.

CH. xxiii SOCIAL ORGANISATION 54«

still in use. Thus the people nf Pirspurs have now become
the Pamol and the Kusharfol are cjften named after Umgas,
a village in more frequent use than Kusharf In general the
villages belonging to a clan are situated in the same part
of the hills, but a clan often possesses outlying villages at
a considerable distance from the chief group. Sometimes
these outlying villages are of comparatively recent origin, and
in other cases they have been established on account of
"■razing necessities ; thus several clans which have their chief
seats near Ootacamund have villages in the Kundahs or in
the district near Makurti Peak, which are visited in the dry
season.

The members of a clan have many common rights and
privileges which bind them together, so that the clan-tie has
a very real meaning. Property, however, as we shall see
shortly, is largely centred in the family or the individual,
and the Todas are in a state of social evolution in which
the common bond constituted by membership of the clan
has been largely replaced by the bond constituted by the
family. They are in an intermediate condition between the
state of society in which the clan is the social unit and that
in which the family has taken this position.

\early all who have previously written about the Todas
have described them as divided into five clans — viz., the Peiki,
Pekkan, Kenna, Todi, or Tothi, and Kuttan, These are the
five divisions recognised b}- the Badagas, and a Badaga knows
each Toda as belonging to one of them. The Todas are also
perfectly accjuainted with these divisions, and they could
always say, if asked, to which of them a given village or
a given man belonged. If a Toda is asked by a European to
which clan or division he belongs, he will probably give one of
these names, but I do not believe that they are in use among
themselves, being reserved for their intercourse with Badagas
and other Indian castes and with Europeans.

The Peiki of the Badaga classification are the Teivaliol ; the
Pekkan correspond to the Melgarsol, the people of Kidmad
and Karsh being also usually included in this group. Kenna
is the Badaga name of the Karsol ; the Todi or Tothi include
two clans, the Xodrsol and the Panol, while the Kuttan com-

542 THE TODAS chap.

prise the remainder of the Tarthar clans — viz., those of Taradr,
Keradr, Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni, Pam and Nidrsi, I could
obtain no direct information from the Todas which would
explain why the Badaga classification should differ from their
own. It is possible that it is an old classification of the Todas,
but this is unlikely, since it is probable that the intercourse
with the Badagas is not very ancient. It seems to me
possible that it may have arisen out of the constitution of the
)iaini or council. This has four Toda representatives belong-
ing to Kuudr (representing the Teivaliol), Kars, Nodrs and
Taradr. This would correspond to four of the Badaga
divisions, and the fifth, the Melgarsol or Pekkan, would
certainly be well known to the Badagas through their
privileges as mbrol. It is possible that the Nodrs representa-
tive used also to represent Pan, and that the Taradr member
represented the remaining clans, and, if so, it would point to
there having been some old five-fold division of the kind
believed in by the Badagas. It is cjuite clear that the five-fold
division has no influence on the marriage regulations and
Peiki, Todi and Kuttan all marry freely within their divisions.
Except in connexion with the naiin^ I could learn of nothing
which would show that the five-fold division has any social
significance, and I know of no other way in which the Panol
are associated with the Nodrsol nor of any other way in which
the six clans included in the Kuttan are associated together.
It is possible that the five-fold division is connected with some
customs regulating the payment of the Badaga tribute to the
Todas, but I could learn nothing of such customs.

Each clan has divisions of two kinds called kiidr and pbbii.
The kudr is a division of ceremonial, the polni of practical,
importance.

The Kudr

Normally each clan has two kudr and two only, and, as we
have seen in Chapter XIII, these divisions become of the
greatest importance in connexion with the irnortiti ceremony,
the whcjle regulation of which is dominated by the division
into kudr. So far as I c(juld ascertain, the kudr has now no

win SOCIAL ORC.ANlSATION 543

ulhcr siy,"nificancc, and I do nut know whether the division is
one which formerly possessed a social significance which it has
now lost, so that the kudr only persists in ceremony, or
whether it is a mode of division of the clan which has arisen
purely in connexion with the irnortiti and other allied
ceremonies.

In one or two cases there was some doubt as to whether a
certain division of the people was a clan or a kudr. This was
especially the case with the Kwaradrol, now extinct, who
were said by some of my informants to have been a clan, but
it seemed clear that they only formed a kudr of the Keadrol,
and were not properly a distinct clan. This is one case
in which a kudr has a distinctive name, and another example
occurs in the Panol where the kudr have separate names, one
the Panol or Pandar, the other the Kuirsiol or Peshteidimokh.
In general, each kudr\s named after its leading man, thus the
two kudr of the Nodrsol are spoken of as the kudr of
Mudrigeidi (i) and Kerkadr (2). The man who gives his
name to the kudr is probably responsible for the general
management of the ceremonies in which the kudr is
concerned.

In a few cases a clan was said to have more than two kudr,
but on cross-examination it turned out in each case that the
statement was due to the fact that the clan contained a
section which had no part, or only a subordinate part, in the
inwrtiti ceremony and that this section might sometimes be
spoken of as a kudr. Thus, in the Kuudr clan there are
three sections, two which have reciprocal relations in the
iruortiti ceremony, and a third consisting of the family of
Tovoniners (61) which lost certain privileges owing to a
dispute many generations ago (seep. 675). This family could
perform the irnortiti ceremony, but in such a case the buffalo
would go to the members of the two other divisions and
Tovoniners would receive nothing if either of the other
divisions performed the ceremony. Another example of a
clan said to have three /7/<:i'r is that of Piedr, where the family
• >f Nongarsivan (62) stands in the same relation to the other
divisions as is the case with the family of Tovoniners in the
Kiuidrol. In this case Nongarsivan's exceptional position is

544 THE TODAS chap.

probably due to the fact that his family lives at Kavidi in the
Wainad.

When a kudr becomes extinct a new division of the remain-
ing kudr may take place, but, as a rule, this is not done till
an occasion for the irnortiti ceremony arises. There are
several cases in which one ^7/<^rof aclan has now been extinct
for several years, but though the re-division is often a subject
for discussion, it is not probable that a new kudr will be
instituted till the necessity arises. Occasionally, however, it
would seem that a new X'Wrt^r may be decided on apart from an
occasion for the irnortiti ceremony, for about the time of my
visit the people of Keadr, who had lost one kudr by the dying
out of the Kwaradrol, decided that the family of Karem (69),
of which the sole living representatives are three boys, .should
form a new kudr. I could not learn what had been the
motives for the decision. Some unimportant clans which have
arisen by fusion from other clans, such as those of Kidmad
and Kulhem, have no kudr, and do not appear ever to have
possessed these divisions.

The Polm

The word polm means ' portion,' and is the name of the
section of the clan by means of which is regulated the sharing
of any expenses which fall on the clan as a whole. Any
expenses which the clan may incur as a whole are not equally
divided among the individual members of the clan, but are
equally divided among the polui. The chief occasion on
which such expenses arise is in the repair or rebuilding of
a dairy.

When a clan owns a ti and a dairy of the // needs to be
rebuilt or repaired, the expense also falls on the clan, and is
equally divided among the polm, as in the case of the village
dairy.

The outlay is equally divided among the polui, however
much they may vary in size. Thus in the Kars clan owq polm
has sixteen adult male members, while another has only one,
but this one man would contribute exactly the same amount
as the other sixteen.

xxiii SOCIAL OR(iANISATlUN 543

Occasional!)- a //'//// is so poor that it cannot pa\- its share,
and in one such case at the present time the po/m, in this
case consistini^ of two bo\'s onl\', has been incorporated into
another.

The number of /^V//^ in a clan varies greatly, from ten in
the case of Kars to one only in the Pedrkars clan. There is
no definite relation between the kiidr and the /o/f/i as regards
numbers ; thus, one /ii/dr of a clan may consist of one po/^/i
only, when the other Xv/^/r is divided into many po/fJL When
there is a ijjreat degree of inequality in the sizes of different
p'ohn, a redistribution may take place, and this is probably the
more likely to happen the more influential are the members
of the smaller pbbn.

I believe that redistribution in the case of both pbhn and
kudr is usually decided by the members of the clan itself, but
in cases of doubt it is probable that the general council may
have a voice in the matter.

Each/^Vw has a headman and is spoken of as \.\\& palm of
this man. He is responsible for collecting the amount due
from it,'but as the poll n often consists of a number of brothers,
who hold much of their property in common, the collection is
not usuallx' a matter of difficult}-, and I never heard of any
disputes arising from this source.

The Todas recognise the e.xistence of the family {kiidupel
ox kiidiibel)\\\\.\\\\\\.\\Q clan, meaning by this a group of people
bound together by near blood kinship. As a general rule,
the family corresponds with the pblni, but sometimes there
may be more than one pbhn in the same family. It seemed
to me that the term kiidupel had not the same clear meaning
as the pblin. The family has no important function in the
social organisation except in so far as it corresponds with the
pbhn, but it is taken into account when \.\\e pblni and kudr are
readjusted.

The term was chiefl>- used when the Todas were speaking
of certain families as being noted in certain ways or as having
certain privileges. Thus, some families are noted for their
powers as sorcerers, and these are called piUkiidiipcl ; others
are known as manikudupel, or chief families, whose members
are important in government and can hold the office of

546 THE TODAS CHAP.

vioiicgar and serve on the iiaiin. Other families important in
government whose members can serve on the naivi or council
are called tiiikanipuntth kudiipel or tinkaiii knditpcl and
pabitth kndupel. The members of certain other families have
certain duties of a lower order in connexion with the naim.
The}' take messages and act generally as servants at the
meetings, and the families with these functions are called
kavodipiitipol kudiipel, or servant families. They are also
sometimes called annaiiol or palace people, because at one
time the Rajah of Nelambur in the Wainad put his buffaloes
into their charge.

Laws of Descent

Descent among the Todas is alwa}*s reckoned in the male
line. A man is always of the same clan as his father, if by
his " father" we understand the man who has gi\-en the bow
and arrow to his mother at the pursiltpimi ceremonx'. In
the case of the offspring of a moklitlioditi union, there is
at first sight an appearance of female descent. "The child
of a Teivali mother and a Tarthar father belongs to the
Teivaliol and vice versa, but on further inquiry it is found
that the child does not belong to his mother's clan, but to
that of her legal husband. The child of a Teivali mother in
such a case is not Teivali because his mother is of this
division, but because a Teivali man only is allowed to
perform the pursiitpiini ceremony with a Teix'ali woman and
become the legal father of her child. If, in such a case, the
piirsiitpimi ceremon}' had not been performed, the child would
belong to the division and clan of neither father nor mother,
but w(juld be a padiiiokli, of no division and of no clan.^ I
did not definitely inquire into the point, but from my general
knowledge of the position of such an individual, I have little
doubt that he would not be allowed to perform \.\\q pursiitpiini
ceremony, and could therefore never become the legal father
of a child.

In this as in all cases the clan to which a child belongs

' Another name for a man of no clan is /«:»//, but I do not know wliclher tliis
is merely a synonym oi padiiiokh or whether a man can lose the riglit of belonging
to a clan for any other reason tlian that describfd above.

xxnr SOCIAL ORGANISATION 547

is determined entirely by the pnrsittphni ceremony. If in a
polyandroLis marriage the husbands belong to different clans,
a child belongs to the clan of the husband who has last
performed this ceremon)', and, as we have already seen, in
the case of the death of one of the husbands, the dead man
may become the legal father of several children, if the surviv-
ing husband does not perform the ceremony of giving a bow
and arrow to the wife.

Again, in the case of a woman becoming pregnant while
still unmarried, the father of the child is the man who is
called in to give the bow and arrow, although he may have
had nothing to do with the woman before the ceremony.
Further, if for any reason the husband of a woman should be
prevented from performing the pursiitpinii ceremony, some
other man is called upon to give the bow and arrow and
he becomes the father of the child. Lastly, in the numerous
cases of transference of wives from one man to another by
the tcrerstlii custom, one man may be the real father of a
child, but another will become the legal father if the trans-
ference should take place in time for him to perform the
essential ceremony.

The Todas show few traces of mother-right. In some
communities there is little reason to doubt that such acts
as are performed by a Toda towards his sister's son are
survivals of a condition of society in which the mother's
brother was responsible, largely or altogether, for the welfare
of the child. Among the Todas, however, the imiu stands
in two relations to a child. He is the mother's brother, and
he is also the prospective or actual father-in-law, and we have
no means of telling in which of these two ivies he performs
his duties. If the duties of a man towards his sister's son
among the Todas be a relic of mother-right, there can
be little doubt that this condition must have been \-ery
remote.

The Todas have a special name for the village of a man's
mother — viz., kanivnbdr, or " honoured place," and when a
mamnokh gives a buffalo or other contribution on the occasion
of a funeral, he speaks of it as a gift to his kaniviiodr. When
a man visits his kaniviiodr, he goes to the door c;f the dairy

x\ N 2

548 THE TODAS CHAP.

and bows down with his head to the ground at its threshold,
and then goes to the huts, where he is greeted with the
appropriate greeting, but this differs in no way from the pro-
cedure of a visitor to any etudmad.

Marshall in his book ^ on the Todas has suggested that the
existence of female succession among the buffaloes of the
Todas may be a relic of female descent among the people
themselves. He suggests that at one time the scheme of
descent and kinship was the same for the Todas and for their
buffaloes, and that with the introduction of polyandry there
came in inheritance through males among themselves, while
they continued to reckon the descent of the buffaloes in the
female line.

\\ e have seen (see p. 471) that the method of reckoning-
descent among the buffaloes is clue superficially to the absence
of names for male buffaloes and more deeply to the lack of
interest in paternity. Nevertheless, Marshall's suggestion,
wild as it may seem, should not be utterly scouted. The
Todas regard their buffaloes so much as fellow creatures that
any of their ideas concerning the relations of their buffaloes
to one another should not be without interest to the student
of social regulations.

If one may speak of social organisation among buffaloes —
and in the case of the Toda herds we are justified in doing
so — we have a state of society in some wa}'s analogous to that
which many sociologists suppose to have existed at one time
in the earl}- stages of human society. We have various
groups of buffaloes, and each buffalo — certainly each female
buffalo — belongs to the same group as its mother. There is
complete promiscuity, and the buffalo belongs to its mother's
group because paternit)- is unknown or disregarded.

It is true that this condition is artificial, but it is this very
artificiality which gives it its interest, for it shows that people
like the Todas, whose whole lives are devoted to the buffalo,
to whom the breeding of the buffalo should have the deepest
interest, have allowed this state of things to come about. If
the}' liad attached iinportance to paternit)- nothing would
have been easier th.in to regulate breeding, t<» record paternit)',

1 v. 111.

\-xin SOCIAL ORGAXISATIOX 549

anil c\en to haxc clc\clu})e(l a system of male descent amonj^f
their buffaloes such as exists among their.sel\e>.

The nature ul' w hat ma\- be called the social rei^ulations of
the buffaloes shows that the Todas take little interest in the part
played by the male in the process of mating, and, as we have
seen, this lack of interest is almost as great among themselves.
Side bv' side ^ith the strictest regulation of marriage as a
social institution, such great laxity prevails in regard to sexual
relations that the Todas may almost be said to li\e in a
condition of promiscuity, though, as I ha\e endeavoured to
show, the degree of promiscuity is in practice perhaps hardU'
as great as their statements would lead one to expect.

Adopt lox

It is clear that the custom of adoption of children is
not practised b\- the Todas. They denied its existence
cmphaticali}-, and I met with no instance v/hich led me to
suspect its presence in compiling the genealogies.

If a child is left an orphan, it is looked after by the people
of its clan, but it is always clearly recognised that the child
retains the father's property and belongs to the iiiadol and
polui of the father.

There is, so far as I could ascertain, no religious custom
which makes it necessary that a man should have children.
The duties of a child at the funeral ceremonies can quite well
be performed by some other member of the clan.

There is a social reason which makes it inconvenient in
some cases that a man should die without male issue. If a
man is the only representative of his kudr, and has no
children, the laidr will become extinct, and the clan will be
put to the trouble of rearranging the families of which it is
constituted. If such a man is childless he may take another
u ife in the hope of having a son to carry on the kudi\ but
the adoption of a child for the purpose is never thought of.
A good case is that of the two brothers Mudrigeidi and
Odrkurs in Table I. They are the last two representatives
of one kndr of the Xodrsol. They have had two wives, one
of u horn has had a daughter and a boy who died, and in the

550 THE TODAS chap.

hope of having a son, one of the brothers had recently
married a \oung girl, ObaHdz, as his third wife, the others
being still alive, though one had been taken b}' another man,

GOVERNIMF.NT

The most important feature of Toda government is the
iiaini, or noim} a council having a definite constitution. The
naiin proper has to do with the affairs of the Todas in general,
and, in addition, more informal councils,- consisting of the
chief members of a clan, may be held to settle matters arising
within the clan. It seems, however, that the supreme nniiii
may sometimes be called upon to settle the internal affairs
of a clan.

The naiiu of the general bod\- of Todas should have five
members, or, if more than five members, the}- should be drawn
from five sources. Four of these sources are the Tarthar
clans of Kars, Nodrs, and Taradr, and the Teivali clan of
Kuudr. The fifth source is the Radaga village of Tuneri,
from which a Badaga man ma}' be sent to take part in the
iinini. He is only called upon to sit, however, on special
occasions ; and in the man\' councils which I saw during \y\y
visit a Badaga was rarel}' present. He probably only sits, as
a rule, when questions arise \\hich involve the relations
between the Todas and Badagas.

The Toda representatives should be drawn from certain
families of their respecti\-e clans. The Kuudr representative
should belong to the famil)- known as the inaiiikndiipcl, and
the representatives of Kars, Nodrs, and Taradr to the families
known as tinkanikiidiipcl. A few years ago the Toda re-
presentatives were Kuriolv of Kuudr (52), Parkurs (8)
and Piutolvan (10) of Kars, Kudodrsvan (3) of Nodrs, and
Ircheidi (20) of Taradr, though there was some question
whether Ircheidi was on the uaiiu, or whether his place had
not been tak'en by Piutolvan, the second Kars representative.
All these men are at present living, but, with the exception of

^ A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kulkftdrili, " llie assembly
assembles," or kuipuiuti, " the assembly makes."

- It seemed clear that the term uaim is also applied to these clan councils.

XXIII SOCIAL ORGANISATION

KurioIv,thc\'arc too old or infirm to ser\-c. Kuriol\' is still on the
iiaini, and his influence is entirely predominant, and it appears
that he lias been instrumental in altering the constitution of
the council \-ery largel)-. The number of representatives has
been increased, and the following were the members in 1902 :
— Kuriolv and Ivievan ("52) of Kuudr, Perner and Tebner ("68),
of Keadr, Parkcidi '21 , Paners 23) and Siriar ('20 ) ofTaradr
and Pidrvan (9) of Kars. Thus several members of the
Kuudrol and Taradrol are serving, while there appears to be
no representative f)f the Xodrsol ; and I was told by several
Todas that Perner and Tebner are on the council because
they are friends of Kuriolv, though, as members of the Keadr
clan, they have no riglit whatever to the position.

On the slopes below the hill called Mirson, near Paikara,
there are the remains of ruined walls marking a place where
the iiaiin used to meet. This place is called Idrgudipem, and
seems to have been at one time the chief meeting-place.

At the present time the iiann meets anywhere. I have
seen the council sitting in the compound of the bungalow at
Paikara and on one occasion, when I was working in a bunga-
low at the Ooty Club, the Jiaiui sat in the grounds of the
club. In general, they now meet at the places which happen
to be most convenient for the chief members.

The members usually sit in a semicircular row. If they are
considering a dispute between two parties, representatives of
the parties take part in the sitting, and in these cases the
members of the naiin sit in the middle of the row while
the representatives sit on either wing.

During my visit the council was chiefly occupied with the
various complicated transactions which are always arising out
of the custom of transferring wives from one man to another.
This custom is the chief source of disputes among the Todas,
and at times the 7iaijii may sit for several days before one
case is settled.

I am doubtful whether the naim should have a definite
head, but at the present time it certainly has such in the
person of Kuriolv of Kuudr. He is the senior representative
of the manikndupel of Kuudr, and is therefore the natural
representative of this clan on the naim. He is highly intel-

352

THE TODAS

li^ciU, ami L;avc mc the iinprcssioii that he iiiiL^bl liavc rist-ii
to a hiL;"h place in any conimunitx'. He has the reputation
among the Todas of being ver)' eloquent and of having great
persuasive powers. When persuasion fails, there is very little
doubt that he resorts to intimidation of some kind, though
I could not discover what his means of intimidation are.

I'K;. 6o. — KURIOI.V AND I'lUMURt;

On one occasion the naim spent a whole day discussing a
marriage case in the compound at i'aikara. On the following
day they met in a distant part of the hills to continue the
discussion of the case, and I was told that this was arranred
by Kuriolv because he hoped to enforce his wishes in some
secluded spot more effectively than in the publicity of Paikara
where the evidences of the ' government ' probably lent moral
support to his opponents.

However Kurioh- effects his purpose, there is no doubt that

XXIII SOCIAL ORGANISATION 553

he almost ciitiivl\- doniiiicilcd Uic Todii jjcuplc at the time of
my \isit. We have already seen that he has succeeded in
altering the constitution of the /lai'm, and several examples
are given in this book of his interference in the normal course of
Toda affairs ; interference usually in favour of his own famih'
or friends. In at least one case (see Chap. XVI) during m\-
\'isit he considered himself superior to ceremonial laws.

He seemed to me to afford an excellent example of the
[process by which one man ma)' bring about considerable
changes in the laws and regulations of a community ; though
I was told in several instances that the Todas would revert
to their old customs as soon as Kuriolv died.

I did not obtain a full account of the duties of the /idn//
and of the affairs which come under its jurisdiction. There
is no doubt, however, that it is largely concerned with the
settlement of civil disputes arising between individuals,
families, and clans. As I have already mentioned, it seemed
to me that it was almost exclusively engaged during my visit
in the regulation of the disputes arising out of the tererstJii
custom. In one such case the question of funeral contributions
was involved, and I ha\-e no doubt that the settlement of an}-
dispute arising from this source would come within the
province of the iiaim, and probabh' an)' doubtful point in the
working of the social regulations would be submitted to it.

In addition to its functions in disputes between individuals,
the iia'utt has wide functions in connexion with Toda cere-
monial. It decides when many ceremonies take place, and
has the chief word in regulating the affairs of the //
dairies. Thus it appeared that the various arrangements and
alterations of arrangements in connexion with the migration
of the buffaloes of the Nodrs // which were made during m)'
visit were the work of the naim, or, at an)' rate, of its chief
members.

Crime

I have no knowledge about the power of the naim in
criminal as opposed to civil matters. I never heard of inquir)-
by the naim into any criminal offence committed by one man
against another or against the community. It is, however,

554 THE TODAS chap.

doubtful whether crime can be said to exist amonp^ the
Tod as.

Acts such as infanticide are committed which would be
regarded as crimes by others, but since these are the outcome
of custom they are not crimes from the Toda point of view.
Again, we have seen that the Todas have a code of offences
against the dairy, but these must be regarded as sins rather
than as crimes, for they are neither investigated nor punished
by the ci\'il authorit}', the )iaiin, but are punished directly b\*
the gods, and the various ceremonies described in Chapter XIII
are expiatory and not punitive.

The list of offences given on p. 295 includes quarrelling
between people of the same clan at a festival and quarrelling
in the dairy. In both cases the quarrelling is an offence
against the dairy, and I have no information to show whether
quarrels ever lead to acts of violence which might in other
places become the subject of criminal investigation. So
far as I could learn, any investigation b}' the iiaiui would
only deal with the causes which had led to the quarrel ; it
would deal only with the civil and not with the criminal
aspect of the case.

.Again, the custom o'i terevstlii, or transference of wives, w hich
is the chief subject of the deliberations of the naiiii, some-
times leads to acts of violence. A woman who has been
transferred by the naivi from one man to another may be
carried off by force from the home of the former, but,
however such an act may be regarded from our standpoint, it
is not a crime from the Toda point of view, but merely the
carrying out of the decision of the judicial authorit}-. So
many Todas are, however, discovering that such an act is
regarded as a crime by Europeans that there will probably
soon come about a state of public opinion which will regard
such abduction as a crime, and possibly the same idea may
become attached to the whole custom of transference of a
woman from one man to another unwillingly. It seemed not
unlikely at the time of my visit that this conversion of a
custom into a crime might be assisted by the action of the
Government.

In the legend of Kwoten, this hero kills Parden, but so far

xxin SOCIAL 0R(;AXIS.\TI0\ 555

as I know this is the only example of murder, either legendary
or historical, among the Todas. The Todas may take part
in the murder of a Kurumba who has been working magic,
but this is of course no crime from the Toda point of view,
but an obvious method of self-defence, for it is believed that
the only way of stopping Kurumba sorcer}' is to kill the
sorcerer.

With the exception of the occurrences accompanj'ing the
transference of wives, which I ha\'e already considered, I
heard of no case of assault by one Toda on another.

Similar!}', I heard of no offence against property except
in connexion with the dair\\ So far as I know, ornaments
or clothing are never stolen. In the list of offences against
the dair}', stealing ghi is included, but it was clear that this
is regarded as sacrilege, as an offence against the dair}' and
not as an offence committed against the individual.

Suicide

In the legend of Kwoten there is a record of suicide b)-
strangling, and since the suicide of Erten and his confederates
this- is said to have been a recognised custom among the
Todas. Several instances have occurred in recent times ; thus,
about four generations ago, at a village called Podzkwar, near
Taradrkirsi, a woman and her husband had a dispute and the
woman strangled herself. About three generations ago a man
strangled b.imself in the dairy at Melgars, and when a Toda
is very angr)- he will threaten to commit suicide, saj'ing '■'on
nicdr kati kcdraividikin' — "my neck t}'ing, I will die."

Another way of committing suicide, said to have been
borrowed from the Badagas, is that of taking opium. There
has been a recent case of suicide, b}- this means, and when
angr}', a Toda sometimes sa}-s, " viiid tid kedraividikin " —
" Opium eating. I will die."

The Monegar

The Todas have a nioiicgar, or headman, who is responsible
for the assessment which the Todas pay to Government for
their grazing rights, &c. (see below).

556 THE TO DAS chap.

The CcU'licst iiioiicgar wlu^m the T<j(las rcint'iuber is Tcitchi
or Tcili (5^;. He was .succeeded by his fourth son, Mutevan,
who is still ali\e. The two eldest sons had died before their
father, and Persevan, the third son, was said to be weak-
minded, and Mutevan was therefore chosen to succeed.

Mutevan is now a very old man, probably about eighty
)'ears of age, and his office was taken over some }'cars ago
by his eldest son, Ivievan. Though Ivie\an is the monegar
he is not the chief representative of his famih' on the iiaivi,
this position belonging to Kurioh-, the son of Pareivan and
Persevan. Ivievan is helped in collecting the assessment
b\' an assistant nwnegar, and till lately this place belonged
to Parkurs of Kars.

It does not appear that the monegarship is a real Toda
office, but that the earliest monegar was appointed b}' Mr.
Sullivan, the first British official of the Xilgiris. The famil}',
however, to which the monegar belongs is called the mani-
knditpe/, which may mean the monegar family, but I could
not discover definitely whether this title is older tlian the
institution of the monegarship. It is possible that Teitchi
was one of the chief men of the naim when the Europeans
first came to the hills and that he was therefore appointed
as monegar.

It is quite clear that at the present time the monegar,
Ixicvan, is not the most important man among the Todas,
but that the predominant position belongs to his cousin,
Kuriolv, the representative of the family on the naim.

PIeadmen

Though it is very doubtful whether the institution of
monegar is not an innovation, and whether the Todas as a
whole have properly any true chief, it is fairly clear that
the clan and its divisions have definite leaders.

PLach clan has a headman or etndol \ usually, it seemed to
me, one who had come to the top by virtue of his character
and ability. I did not learn how far his position was
generally recognised nor by what means he was chosen. It
was c|uite clear, however, that the leading man of a clan

xxm SOCIAT. ORGANISATION 557

might lose his position in old age or as the result of illness,
and at the time of m\' \isil there were several men who had
been the heads of their clans but no longer occupied those
positions.

Similarl}', as we ha\-e seen, both kiidr and pblin ha\e their
leading men, who gi\e their names to the divisions and are
probabK' responsible for the conduct of their business.

PrOI'EKTV

Among the Todas, property may be held by the clan, the
famih' or the individual. I am not clear whether there is any
case in which property is held to belong to the Todas as a
whole, or to either of the two divisions. There were two
villages, Padegar and Ki Perththo, said to be common propcrt}',
so that an\' one might live at them. At the time of my visit
both were occupied by Melgars people, and I could not
satisfy m\-self as to what was meant by sa}-ing that they were
common propert\'.

In general, land, the dairies of the chief villages, and some
buffaloes ma)- be said to be the property of the clan. The
house, and probably also some \illages, are the property of a
famil}', and most buffaloes, household goods and ornaments
are the propert}- of the individual.

Land. — The relationof the Todas to the land has been a much
discussed theme, and for man)' years after the first settlement
of the hills by Piuropeans it was a subject of controvers)-.
The fact that the l^adagas paid what seemed to be a tribute of
grain to the Todas was held to show that the latter were
regarded as the "lords of the soil," and the view was strongly
upheld that the)- should be so regarded b)- the Indian
Government. The other \-iew taken of the matter was that
permanent rights in the soil throughout India belong to the
State. The contro\-ersy ^ was not settled till 1S43, when it
was decided that the Todas should have the privilege of
pasturing their herds on the State lands on pax'ment of a
small tax. At the present time the 'Podas recei\-e an annual

' Fur a full accdunt of lliis controversy sec llie Manual of the Nilagiri /'>is/rii/,
hy H. 1!. C.ri.^L;, Madras, 1880. Sec al.so Thurston, Bull. i. 182.

558 THE TODAS chap.

sum from the Government as compensation for land taken
from them in Ootacamund and elsewhere.

Although thcTodas have thus had much difticuity with the
Government in relation to the ownership of land, it does not
seem that they have trouble in this matter among themselves,
and I heard of no disputes between members of different
clans or different villages about grazing rights.

In the account of the marriage dispute between Punog and
Nertiners (see p, 536) the former had evidently put many of
his buffaloes in the charge of his brother-in-law for grazing
purposes, but it was quite clear that no question of grazing
rights came into this dispute. The buffaloes only came into
the quarrel because Nertiners happened to have them in his
charge when the marriage dispute arose.

I did not ascertain definitely how grazing rights between
two clans or families are regulated, but I think it is quite
clear that there is no individual ownership in land.

Certain dairies, and probably all the chief villages {etiiduiad),
are regarded more or less as the property of the whole clan.
There probably never arises any real question of ownership,
but as regards the dairies, it was clear that any expenses
incurred in the repair or rebuilding of a dairy fall on the whole
clan, Qd.c\\ pblm of the clan contributing an equal share.^

The buffalo herds of the //are also regarded as the property
of the whole clan, but the rights of ownership are in these
cases very shadowy. It does not appear that the owning clan
derives any pecuniary benefit from its possession of the
herd, while, on the other hand, the possession involves con-
siderable expense, chiefly o\\ing to certain feasts which have
to be provided, and these expenses are given as the reason
why certain of the sacred dairies are unoccupied. The people
of the owning clan have, it is true, the right of choosing the
palol, but as the choice is limited, and there is, in most cases,
little competition for the office, this is a very cm})ty honour.

Houses. Each house belongs to a certain famil}'. The
normal Toda family consists of a number of brothers with

' I am nol clear on whom llic expense of rebuilding and repairing a dairy wonid
fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by one family only, and used
e.xclusively for buffaloes which are the ])rivate pro])erty of that famil) .

xxin SOCIAL ORGANISATION 559

one wife, and each house belongs to a family of this kind,
and is handed on to the children of the brothers.

If the brothers quarrel, the affair is settled by the uaiui,
and it is usually decided that one brother or more than one
of the brothers shall occupy the house for a certain period,
usually a year, and that at the end of this period he (or they)
shall move to another village, when another brother or brothers
will occupy the house.

Such disputes do not seem to be frequent, but one was in
existence during my visit. The two younger of three
brothers had taken a wife without the knowledge of the
eldest. The latter did not approve of the choice, and wished
his brothers to send the wife away, which they refused to do.
As the dispute had not yet been settled, the eldest brother
at the time of my visit was living in the house, while the
other brothers were living at the village of their newly chosen
wife.

If a family dies out, it seems that the house is not, as a
rule, taken on by another family. It falls into disuse, and
in time disappears. As a village may sometimes consist
of one house only, villages may disappear in this way, and
the ruins of some villages were pointed out to me which had
fallen into disuse owing to the dying out of the families which
formerly occupied them. A really important village, i.e., one
with an important dairy, would of course never disappear in
this way, but it is possible that the reason why some villages,
such as Nasmiodr and Kanodrs, now consist of a dairy only,
is that the families which possessed the houses at these
villages became extinct. I do not, however, know positively
that a house at such an important village may not, in some
cases, be taken over by another family.

Breeks has stated that the Toda custom is that the house
shall pass to the youngest son. It seems quite clear that this
is wrong, and that this custom is absolutely unknown among
the Todas. It is, however, a Badaga custom, and among them
I was told that it is due to the fact that as the sons of a family
grow up and marry, they leave the house of the parents and
build houses elsewhere. It is the duty of the youngest son
to dwell with his jjarents and support them as long as they

56o THE TODAS chap.

live, and when they die he continues to live in the parental
home, of which he becomes the owner.

Buffaloes. These are to a very large extent individual
propert}-. In practice, owing to the fact that brothers
usually live together, a herd of buffaloes is treated as the
property of a famil\- of brothers, but whenever the occasion
arises there are definite rules for the division of the buffaloes
among them.

I have alread)' referred to the fact that certain herds of
buffaloes, such as the // herds and the kugvalir of Taradr, are
the common property of a clan, but the great majority of both
sacred and ordinary buffaloes belong to families or individuals.^
When a man who owns a certain number of buffaloes dies,
the buffaloes are not necessarily divided among his sons. If
the sons are all living together, the buffaloes may be treated
as if they were common propert)-. The milk of the ordinary
buffaloes is churned in the dwelling-hut, and that of the sacred
buffaloes in the dairy, and the produce in each case is regarded
as the property of the whole famil}'. It is onh' when
dissensions arise, or when some reason makes it desirable that
the brothers should separate and live in different villages, that
the laws regulating the partition of buffaloes come into force.

When such an occasion arises the buffaloes are equally
divided among the brothers, with the exception that the
eldest son and the youngest son each receive one buffalo in
excess of the rest. This custom is known as irvakhtiiudr
tneilkudr, or "if divide buffaloes, superior portion."

If there are only two sons, each will get nieilkiidr, and the
buffaloes are equally divided ; but if there should be an
unequal number of buffaloes, the odd buffalo is taken by the
elder son.

If there are more than two sons, the buffaloes are equalh'
di\"ided with meilkudr to the eldest and youngest, and any
odd buffaloes are in this case sold and the proceeds equally
divided, or, more commonh', one of the brothers takes the odd
buffaloes and gives the right proportion of their value to the
other brothers.

' On p. 70 I liavi- yiwn an i-xaiiii)l(.' dI llie i>\\ nLisliip uf sucilcI hulTalncs in ilir
K.irs clan.

xxiir SOCIAL ORGANISATION 561

Tlui.'^, if sixteen buffaloes are to be divided amoiiLj four
brothers, the eldest and youngest would each take four, the
second and third brothers would each take three, and the
remaining two buffaloes would either be sold and the purchase
money equall\- divided, or taken by one of the brothers, who
would divide three-quarters of the value of the buffaloes
between the other three men. If there should be onl\'
fourteen buffaloes, the eldest and youngest sons would each
take four buffaloes and the others three.

The i)icilkudr'\<, also operative if a man divides his buffaloes
among his sons in his lifetime. In this case a man usually
keeps some buffaloes for himself; thus I was told that a man
who had sixteen buffaloes and three sons might give four
buffaloes to the eldest, three to the next, and four to the
youngest son, keeping five for himself.

The Todas told me of one apparent exception to the law of
mcUkudr. If, in a family of four brothers, the two elder
brothers marr)- one wife and the two younger marry another
and the two groups separate, the buffaloes would be equally
divided, but this is because each would receive a nicilkudr.
If, on the other hand, the eldest and youngest son married
one wife, and the other two sons married another woman, the
first group would receive two buffaloes in excess of the
second. The former example is, of course, an obvious
consequence of the law of nicilkudr. I only mention it
because the Todas told me of it especiall)', and seemed to
regard it as a case which might be thought to be a departure
from custom.

I gave the Todas a number of hypothetical problems of
buffalo division, and all were solved in accordance with the
law of iiieilkiidr. I have not been able to learn of any
exact parallel in other parts of the world, and it seems
possible that it is an independent invention of the Todas.
The division is called kndr, or horn, and it seems to me quite
possible that at some time it occurred to an ingenious Toda
that the two extremities of the family should be regarded as
the two horns of the famil\-, and that this fact should be
recogniscfl in the division of property, or, it may be, that the
custom of endowing the eldest of the famil\- above his fellows

562 THE TO DAS chap.

existed among the Todas as among so many other races, till it
was pointed out that this was like a buffalo with one horn, and
the youngest son was therefore similarly endowed to restore
the symmetry of the family. The buffalo influences the Toda
mind so much that I do not think this is a far-fetched
explanation of a custom which appears to be the unique
possession of this people.

The word kndr is also the name of one of the divisions of
the clan, and it seemed clear in this case that the proper
number of kndr in each clan is two.

There is much transference of buffaloes from one man to
another, or from one family to another. Many ceremonies
involve gifts of buffaloes, and these are usually presented by a
member of one clan to a member of another. Marriage is
one of the chief occasions of such gifts. Refusal to fulfil the
marriage contract and divorce involve the payment of
buffaloes, and the terersthi custom is a great source of the
passing of buffaloes from one clan to another. Similarly,
buffaloes are given at the ceremonies of naming, ear-piercing,
&c., and as I have already pointed out, these transferences
have led to great confusion in the classification of the
different kinds of sacred buffaloes, as a man may have in
his possession animals belonging to several named groups.

In the case of ordinary buffaloes, ox pntiir, it seemed that a
distinction is made between buffaloes ^\■hich have been
acquired by a man and those descended from animals which
had been in the possession of his father and grandfather. My
attention was drawn to this point by the occurrence at the
funeral of Sinerani. The recalcitrant buffalo on this occasion
was one of the latter kind, and I was told that it should not
have been killed at the funeral of a girl because, being
descended from a buffalo which belonged to Kuriolv's grand-
father, Kuriolv's heirs had a right to it of which they were
deprived by its slaughter for a girl. If the dead child had
been a boy the slaughter of this buffalo would ha\-c been
proper, for the dead child in this case would have been one of
the heirs.

Transferences of buffaloes also take place between Todas
and Badagas, as we have seen in connexion with the ear-

xxiii SOCIAL ORGAxXISATION 563

piercing ceremony described in Chapter XIV. In this case
the gift appeared to be nothing more than a friendl)' com-
pHment, but it is possible that transferences of buffaloes may
in some cases be connected with the other complicated rela-
tions between the two tribes.

Household Goods. These are equally divided among the
sons, though, as in the case of the buffaloes, they are used
in common so long as tlie sons live together. If household
goods have to be divided among the members of a family
they are shared as equally as possible, and this is also the
case with any ornaments. If the man had only one ring,
it was said that this ring would either be broken up and
shared eciualK', or its value would be dixided. Money is
shared equally among the sons.

If one of several brothers who has his own wife should die
and leave children, the sons would take their father's share at
any division of property. Thus, at the time of my visit,
I'iutolvan and Piiljeidi (10), two ver)' old men, were thinking
of di\'iding their buffaloes among their descendants. In this
case IMenkars would receive the number which his father
Tagners would have received if he had been alive. If Tagners
had left two sons, the portion which their father would have
receixed would be dixided between the two boys or tle\oted
to their common use.

Daughters inherit nothing. The)' only receive from their
parents what they are given as dowry [adrpani).

Any {property given to a woman as dowry goes w ith her
if she changes husbands, but any ornaments or other property
given to a wife by her husband arc kept by the husband
if the wife is transferred to another man or group of men.

Harkness records a case in which a dispute about jjroperty
cU'ose. In this case a woman bore two children to three
husbands. One of the husbands died and the other two
husbands married other wives. The two children claimed
one-third of the property of the mother and her first husband,
and Harkness was told that this was generally recognised
to be a just claim. I did not inquire into this special case
but according to the laws of inheritance of property which
1 have given, it would seem that the children were entitled to

0 u 2

564 THE TOD AS CHAP.

one-third of the whole of the property of the three brothers.
If the property had been divided among the three brothers,
the man who died would have received one-third, and the
children should have received his share.

In all cases of distribution of property, inheritance depends
on descent as determined by the pursi'itpiuii ceremony, and
not on the real descent, even if this should be well known.
Thus the boy Meilitars (44), who is really the son of Kuriolv,
but is legally the son of Pepners, should not inherit any of
Kuriolv's buffaloes, but will receive those of his legal father,
Pepners, of whom at present he is the only son.

If the whole of a family, such as is given in one of the
genealogical tables, should die out, the inheritance of the
buffaloes and other ])roperty is determined by the nearest
links of descent, of which a tradition may be jjreserved, even
if the actual relationship cannot be definitely traced.

Several interesting features of Toda law are illustrated by
a case out of which a lawsuit may one day arise. If the
lamil)' of Kiugi (57) should become extinct, there would
arise a dispute about the succession to the propert}-, which
would turn largely on a case in which i\\Q pnrs/itpnni ceremony
was performed several generations ago. When the eldest
child of Tudrvan (52) was about to be born, Tudrvan was
away from home, and had not performed the pursiltpimi
ceremon}-. There was a danger that the delivery might take
place before the ceremony could be performed, and Kors (57)
was therefore called in to give the bow and arrow, and Teitchi,
who was born soon afterwards, was, according to Toda custom,
the child of Kors. When Teitchi grew up, however, he
decided to regard himself as the son of his real father, Tudrvan,
and being a powerful and influential person like his grandson
Kuriolv, he appears to have had his way, and his descendants
have been regarded as the descendants of Tudrvan. Tudrvan
himself gave the bow and arrow in the succeeding pregnancy,
and there is therefore no doubt about the legitimac}' of
Pushciri and his younger brothers and sisters.

Owing, however, to the part pla\'e(l In- Kors before the
birth of his grandfather, Kurioh- has !atel\- directed that
Kiugi, the son of Kors, should belong to the same pbhn as

xxiii- SOCIAL ORGANISATION 56;

himself ill order thai ho or his family ma}- succeed to the
buffaloes of Kiugi's //'//// if this should die out. It is known,
however, that Kiu^^i's poliu is closely related to that of
Tuliners (56,1, so that should the p'olui of Kiugi become
extinct, there would arise a lawsuit between Kurioh- and
Tuliners or their representatives for the possession of Kiugi's
buffaloes.

The essential point of the situation is that Kurioh- is trj-ing
to make use of his double position as the descendant of
Tudr\-an b\- real paternit}^ and of Kors b}- virtue of the
pursiitpimi ceremon\-. According to the latter he is of the
same polui as Kiugi, but if equit}- prevails in the decision of
the naiiii which may have to settle the dispute, Kurioh- or
his representati\-e will have to decide whether he is descended
from Tudrvan or Kors, and will not be allowed to take advan-
tage of both lines of descent.

As a matter of fact, I was assured by several Todas that
though they have apparently fallen in with Kuriolv's wishes,
the}' still regard Kiugi's /rVw as most closel}' allied to that of
Tuliners, and if Kuriolv should die before the extinction
of Kiugi's famil}-, I have little doubt that the naim would decide
that the buffaloes of Kiugi should go to the family of Tuliners.

This potential lawsuit is important as showing the role
played b}' the genealogies in the social regulations of the
Toda community. We see that an eventualit}' which ma}'
never arise and probabl}' will not arise for many }"ears to
come is alread}' the subject of consideration and discussion,
that the crucial point upon which the lawsuit will turn is
an event which occurred probabl}- about 120 years ago, and
that the ties of kinship which will be involved in the dis-
pute are carefull}' preserved in the memories of the people.

The histor}' is also very interesting in showing that a
century ago a man of force was able to set aside a funda-
mental regulation of Toda society, and that his grandson,
who has apparently inherited the powerful character of his
ancestor, is following in his footsteps, and, as we have seen
frequently during this volume, is able to \)\\\. on one side
Toda customs or laws when the}- conflict with his interests
or desires.

566 THE TODAS chap.

Debt and Servitude

It seems to be not uncommon for a Toda to die in debt,
and it is the duty of the sons to pay off the debts of their
father. If there are no children, the payment of the debt is
regarded as the duty of the brothers of the dead man.

When children have to pay the debts of their father, the}'
may give their services to others, receiving in return mone)-
and other recompense. The usual pa}- is six rupees a }-ear,
two cloaks, and food. To this is often added the loan of a
milking buffalo.

This custom of working for another is called kulvatkcrtJicJii
or kfdvatkerthiti. Several of the eight sons of Pushteidi and
Keitan (6) are now working to pay their father's debts. Two
of the sons are married to one woman and live at one of
their own villages, where they look after the buffaloes of the
famil}'. Another brother is unmarried, but lives with a
Teivali woman. The other five sons are unmarried and work for
various people. One is employed on a tea estate, and the
others are working for different Todas, who reward them in
the manner alread}' described. The milking buffaloes lent
to them are handed over to the charge of the brothers who
are married.

It is very exceptional to find a famih- in which so many of
the men are unmarried, and this was said to be due to the
necessit)' of paying off their father's debt. In this case the
two eldest brothers have remained unmarried, but this was
said to have been due to their own choice. It seems that it
is left to the family to decide which of them shall marry and
whicli shall undertake the duty of paying the debt. As
soon as the debt is paid off, all the sons are allowed to
marr\'.

The Position oe Women

There is no doubt that \\-omcn have a subordinate
position in the Toda communit\-. The ceremonial of the
dair)' has a predominant place in the lives and thoughts of
the people, and the exclusion of women from any share in
this ceremonial must have influenced the attitude of the

xxiir SOCIAL ORGANISATION 567

community towards the sex. The laws regulating the
relations of the dairymen with women also can hardly have
contributed to raise the esteem in which they are held.
The special ceremonies in which women are concerned
involv^e various disabilities due to the ideas of impurity
connected with these ceremonies. The seclusion-hut of a
woman has attached to it the same ideas of impurit)' which
attach to a corpse or its relics.

Xot onl\' are women excluded from an)- share in the
work of the dairies connected with the sacred buffaloes, but
they are also prohibited from any part in the milking
of the ordinary buffaloes or in the churning of their milk,
which is performed solely by males in a part of the hut with
which women have nothing to do. It seems that at one
time women had the one function of tending the buffaloes
at the time of calving, but even this is no longer allowed
them.

In other household matters, the duties of women are very
limited in scope. Their chief work is the pounding and
sifting of grain, the cleaning of the hut, and the decoration of
clothing. I am doubtful whether they are allowed to cook,
at any rate to cook food in which milk forms one of the
ingredients. With such occupations as divining and sorcery
they have nothing to do, but one woman has the reputation
of possessing the powers of healing which belong to the
ntkoreu.

I could not learn of an\- matters of social importance in
which women are consulted. When collecting genealogies in
Torres Straits, I found that women were often repositories
of this important branch of knowledge, but I received no
indication that this was the case with the Toda women,
though I cannot say definitely that they may not have
possessed some knowledge of this and cognate subjects.

Though thus unimportant in ceremonial and of little
influence in the regulation of social affairs, women have
nevertheless much freedom. In general social intercourse
the two sexes always seemed to be on the best of terms, and
I never saw or heard anything to indicate that women are
treated harshly or contemptuously.

-6R THE TODAS chap.

In my ps\-chol()gical tests it certainly seemed to me the
general intelligence of the wonien was very much lower than
that of the men. Some of the younger women \\ere as acute
and intelligent as the men, but the older women seemed to
me hopelessl)' stupid. The\' did not try to give their minds
to the tasks I set them with an}'thing approaching the
keenness and interest shown by the men, and again and
again I failed to obtain results of any value in tests which
men understood readih'.

It seems probable that the intelligence of the two sexes
is not appreciably different in )'outh, but that the social life
of the women does nothing to develop this intelligence
and ever\-thing to force its exercise into the narrowest
channels.

It might, I think, be expected that polyandr)' would be
associated with a subordinate position of woman, and there
can be no doubt that the Todas show the association of the
two conditions.

When a woman marries she becomes of the same clan as
her husband, and this is a matter of some importance in
connexion with religious and social ceremonial. Thus, in the
funeral ceremonies of a woman, the choice of appropriate da}-
and place, of the people who are to take part in the funeral
rites and other features of the ceremonial are determined, not
by the clan of the woman's father, but by that of her husband,
and this even when the marriage itself forms part of the
funeral ceremonies.

While I was on the hills, the widow, Kiuneimi (3), who
had been living with her father at Nodrs, died. Her husbands
had belonged to Kanodrs, and as a member of this clan she
should have been taken to its burning-ground. This was,
hov/ever, so far from Nodrs that it was decided not to go
there, but to hold the funeral ceremonies near the place where
she had died. The proper funeral place for Nodrs women
could not, however, be used, for she belonged to another clan,
and the body was therefore taken to a village which was not
a true funeral place, and so no laws were infringed.

The funeral of Sinerani (p. 391) is an excellent example
which shows how all the details of a funeral ceremony are

XXHI SOCIAL ORGANISATION 569

clc[)cnclent on the transference of a younc^ girl \.o the chin of
a bo\' who acts as husband to the corpse. B\' her marriage to
Keinba.the dead girl became a member of the Keadrol, and
lur funeral .should lia\e been lu'ld at the burin'ng-gruund of
this clan. Many c^f the features of the ceremonies were in
accordance with this change of clan, and .since all were not so,
the x'arious mishaps which occurred at the funeral were
ascribed by the Todas to the departure from prescribed
custom.

CHAPTER XXIV

ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS

The arts of life among the Todas are extremely simple.
The fact that their agriculture is done for them by the
Badagas and that all the objects they use in their daily life
are made for them by the Kotas leaves them free to devote
their uhole attention to the care of the buffalo and the dairy.
This employment has acquired so ceremonial a character
that, having dealt with the ceremonies of the Todas, we find
little left to consider in connexion with the regulation of the
affairs of daily life.

The artistic side of life among the Todas is but little
developed. Their interest is so much absorbed in ceremony
that little is left for the development of art, even of a
primitive kind. The decorative arts are of the simplest and
are directed only to the adornment of the clothing or the
person, and even here we shall find that the methods of
wearing the clothes or the hair are quite as much influenced
by ceremonial as by .-esthetic considerations. In their
amusements again we shall find that the influence of
ceremonial is so great, that many of the games are merel)-
imitations of ceremonial occupations.

I have included in this chapter an account of the ideas
which are held about the heavenly bodies, the primitive
astronomy of the people. To the Todas, though in a less
degree than to many people of low culture, it is the sun,
moon, and stars which are the chief objects of those observa-
tions and speciilations which are the beginnings of science.

CH. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 571

Clothinc.

The clothing of the men consists of a large cloak called the
putku/i, a loincloth called tadrp, and a small perineal cloth
called kuv}i, kept in its place by a string round the waist
called pen liar.

')^\\Q putkiili is made of a large piece of double cloth, which
is usuall)- worn by placing one side over the left shoulder and
then throwing the whole garment round the back and over
the right shoulder and across to the left shoulder, so that
it completely envelops the bod}-. This method of wearing
the cloak, which is shown by the third man of Fig. 61, is called
kai nlk lit nidvai, "hand into laid who stands," or "who
stands with hand placed within the cloak."

The double layer of cloth of which the cloak is made is
sewn together at the edges except at the upper part of one
side, leaving the opening of a large pocket which is bounded
b}' lines where the two la}-ers of the cloak are again sewn
together. This pocket is called kiidsh and is very capacious,
so that a Toda may produce a surprising number of articles
from it. As we have seen, man\' of the articles given to the
dead are placed in this pocket.

There are two methods of wearing the cloak adopted on
special occasions. One of these is that called kevenanit
(adopted by the second man in Fig. 61), with which we
have already often met. The right arm is put out of
the cloak, so that the arm and shoulder are bare whenever
a Toda approaches certain sacred personages or objects.
The cloak is worn kevenanit whenever the wearer is engaged
in pra}'er or employed in any way at the dairy. It is also
worn in this way when approaching s. paid, when performing
the kaimiikJiti salutation, and when crossing either of the
sacred streams.

The other method is that shown by the fourth man in
I'^ig. 61 and is called Diad ar mitcJi nidvai, "head on covered
who stands." The cloak is worn in this fashion by a
widower between the middle of the first funeral ceremony
and the final scene of the azaranikedr. It is also worn in

572 THE TODAS CH. xxiv

this way by those who throw earth in \\\q piizJnitpiuii ceremon\'
of each funeral.

The tadrp is a loincloth worn in the ordinary way, as
shown by the first man in Fig. 6i. The tadrp of a \'oung
child has a pocket called tcrigs, but I do not know whether
this pocket also exists in the tadrp of an adult.

I^oth piitkuli and tadrp are manufactured by Hindus,
probabl}' in the Coimbatore district. Thirty years ago,
according to Breeks, the cloth was procured from weavers
who came from Serumuge in Coimbatore, but at the present
time the garments are bought by the Todas at the bazaar.
When obtained b}' the Todas they have certain red and blue
lines, and sometimes the Todas supplement this decoration
by embroidery called pukiini, which is the work of the women,
and a cloak so decorated is called pukuruputkuli. The
decoration is shown in Figs, i and 9. Some women are
especially expert at this work, and one woman who has
recently had to change her name is now called Pukuruveli on
account of her special skill.

The chief point of interest in connexion with the kuvn is
the string by which it is supported. This string is called
pennar, or " butter string," and forms a special contribution
made by relatives, and especially the sister's son, at a funeral.
Further, the string is of especial significance in the dairy
ceremonial, where it is sometimes called kerk.

Both putkuli and tadrp are also worn by women. The
garments are of the same kind as those of the men and are
worn in the same ways.

The higher grades of dairymen wear garments called ///;//,
made of a different material, a grey cloth, which has been said
to be manufactured by the Badagas of Jakaneri, but is
probably onh' procured by their help. A cloak of similar
material called an is, or should be, used to enwrap the bodies
of the dead ; and, as we have already seen, there is some
reason to believe that garments of this material ma}-
have been the original clothing of the Todas, for in the
legend of Kwoten, the wife of this hero wore a cloak of this
kind.

The Todas themseh-es manufacture a special kind of

2/0

574 THE TODAS chap.

material called tiuadriiiar from the bark of a plant, and this
.is largely used in the ordination ceremonies. In the ordina-
tion of a Teivali palikartmokJi, it may take the place of the
pctuni ; at that of a zviirsol, tzvadrinar may be used as a girdle ;
and on the fourth day of the ordination ceremonies of the
palol, the candidate manufactures and wears a rough kuvii
made of this material. Its use in ceremony appears to be
limited to the Teivaliol, and it is possible that it also is a
survival in ceremony of clothing once in general use by this
(jr both divisions of the Toda people.

Many of the older and more important Todas now wear
the turban called }nadpdn\ but there is no doubt that this is
an innovation. The Todas themselves sometimes speak of
the Badagas as "they who wear the turban," and it seemed
clear that the custom has been adopted in imitation of these
people. Harkness and other of the earliest writers state that
the Todas never wear any covering to the head, and there is
little doubt that the practice has been adopted during the last
cen tur)'.

At the present time a man always removes his turban \\hen
performing any act of reverence (see Fig. lo) and when
crossing one of the sacred rivers.

Mr. Thurston mentions that on his first visit, the man whom
he chose as his guide adopted the turban in honour of his
appointment, and my guide, Kodrner, although much younger
than most of those who wore turbans, also adopted this
custom when he was with me.

Methods of Wearing the Hah<

There are various methods of wearing the hair, each of
which has its special significance. The ordinary method for
men is to allow it to grow to a certain length, so that it forms
a compact mass, as shown by the first man of Fig. 6i, or as in
Fig. 15.

When a member of a clan dies, all the men of the clan tie
their hair in knots in front till the funeral ceremonies are
com[)lcted. This is called mad tutvai, " head (or hair) who

XXIV

ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS

575

rolls," and the second man in Fig. 6i is wearing his hair in
this fashion, a girl of his clan having died not long before,
whose second funeral ceremonies had not yet taken place.

Another method of wearing the hair is shown by the third
man in Fig. 6i. This method is called mad iiadrk vai,
" head (or hair) long to who." It is adopted by anyone who

FIG. 62. — TILIIW (12) WEARING HIS HAIR LONG OX ACCOUNT Ol''
A VOW MADE AT A HINDU TEMPLE.

has made a vow. In Fig. 62 another man is shown in the
same condition, but his head has a different appearance
owing to the fact that he has tied two locks behind in order
to keep the long hair awa}- from his face. This tying back
has no other significance.

Women wear their hair as shown in Figs. 3 and 11, in long
ringlets, and there do not appear to be any differences in

576 THE TODAS CH. xxiv

the method of wearing the hair under different conditions
corresponding to those of males.

After a funeral the Tarthar division of the Todas except the
Melgarsol shave their heads, and this may also happen in
connexion with vows made at the Hindu temple at
Nanjankudi or elsewhere.

The hair of a child is shaved about the third month of life
(see p. 332), so that the head has the appearance shown in
Figs. 6^ and 64. The head is shaved on the top and sides,
and in a strip from the top to the forehead, so that three
locks are left, two in front, called the uiikuti (? mcikuti), and
one behind, called the knt.

In the case of a girl, there is some difference in the method
of shaving according to the position of the child in the family.
If a girl is the eldest of the family, she wears three locks like
a boy, but younger girls and thxi eldest girl, if she should
have an elder brother, wear onl\- the two front locks, the
inikuti.

SKIN->rARK.S

The onl)- kind of skin-mark made on males takes the form
of a cicatrix on the right shoulder and, less commonly, on the
elbow. It is produced by means of a stick made hot by the
drill method of producing fire, exactly as in the production of
fire for ceremonial purposes. The operation is not, however,
accompanied b\' an\' ceremonial and may be performed by
anyone. The marks are made when a boy is about twelve
years old, at which age he begins to milk the buffaloes. The
object of the marking is to cure the pain arising from the
fatigue of milking. If the operation has not the desired
result and the boy still feels the fatiguing effect of milking, a
second mark is made, and occasionalK- a third or fourth maj'
be necessar}-. In one case, in which a man had three marks
one on the shoulder and two on the elbow, the third mark was
not made till lie was fifteen or sixteen )'ears of age, three or
four )-ears after the first mark had be(Mi produced. This
was done because, even after this lapse of time, he still sufftn'ed
from achinu in his arm after milkini-" the buffaloes. Another

577

P P

578 THE TODAS chap.

man had four scars on the shoulder, this being the largest
number I observed.

Occasionally I observed a man without any of these scars,
and, in more than one of these cases, the reason given was
that the man had been one of a large family and had not had
to do much milking. The cicatrices are usually raised well
above the surrounding skin and are often distinct lumps of
scar tissue (keloid). This appears to be the result of special
treatment of the burn. A leaf called kudiers is put on the
wound with butter, and this keeps it open for a considerable
time. If the wound remains open too long, another leaf,
caWed poturers, is used to hasten the healing.

Similar, but less raised, marks are occasionally seen on the
wrist or elsewhere. In men these are always the result of
treatment for pain or illness and are made in the same way
by means of a hot stick. Sometimes a metal instrument
called sunurkiidi is now used for this purpose.

The ceremonial burns made on the wrists of women
during the first pregnancy have already been fully considered.

Tattooing is only practised by women. The patterns
consist of rings and dots arranged in straight lines, and they
are most commonly to be seen on the chest, shoulders, and
upper parts of the arms.^

I believe that there is some kind of ceremonial connected
with tattooing, but unfortunately I failed to obtain satisfactory
information about it. When I began the subject one day, I
received an intimation that it was not a matter to be discussed
in public, and later the subject slipped my attention and was
never properly investigated.

The tattooing is performed by certain women, but it seemed
that any woman who had learned how to tattoo might under-
take the business. The following are at present recognised as
experts : Achaveli (43), Sinpurs and Edjog (20), Sinpurs
being probably the same woman who acts as one of the
titkbren. The woman who tattoos is given eight or twelve
annas and she also receives food.

The tattooing must not take place before puberty, but it
may be done either before or after childbirth.

^ Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pi. xii.

XXIV. ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 579

Little use is made by the Todas of pigments. The juice of
a fruit called ilpotn, which has a red colour, is sometimes used
to adorn the forehead, and another reddish juice from a fruit
called putliinmlpoin ^ is used for the same purpose. The
yellowish juice of t\\Q pelknrthpom is rubbed on the face, but
this was said to be done in frosty weather only, as a protection
against the cold. Ashes are now occasionally rubbed on the
face and head, especially by women at the ceremony of going
to the seclusion-hut after childbirth. The last is certainly a
recently borrowed custom, and I suspect the other adornments
just mentioned to be modern imitations of the forehead marks
of the Hindus.

Ornaments

The men usually wear silver rings on the fourth digit of
one or other hand. Often earrings are worn by the men and
these are not uncommonly of gold. Harkness says that men
sometimes wore chains of silver round the neck, but it is
doubtful whether these are ever worn now. Formerly it
seems that men used to wear far more solid rings, and one
such ring is preserved which is said to have belonged to the
hero or god Kwoten,

The ornaments of the women are more numerous and take
the form of bracelets or bangles ; armlets, often adorned with
bunches of cowries ; necklaces, sometimes made of silver
coins ; earrings ; and a brass circlet worn round the waist.
These ornaments are usually of brass or silver. At one time
they seem to have been very massive, Breeks recording
that a pair of brass armlets worn on one arm weighed six
pounds. Formerly gold ornaments seem to have been
commonly worn, and, so far as one can judge from older
accounts and illustrations, it seems that Toda jewellery has
greatly degenerated and is of a very paltry kind compared
with that worn in the past.

^ This is the fruit of one of the plants {Rubiis lasiocarpiis) of which the leaves
are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen of Taradr and Kanodrs.

P P 2

58o THE TODAS chap.

Food

The chief foods are milk, buttermilk, ghi, grain, rice, and
sugar. The chief drink is buttermilk, and milk is used
chiefly when boiled with rice or grain.

In clarifying their butter the Todas add some grain or rice,
and this forms a sediment on the bottom of the cooking
vessel which is called al, which is the chief food of the
dairymen, and it is probably also used largely as a food in
ordinary life.

A list of various herbs, fruits, &c., eaten by the Todas is
given by Mr. Thurston.^ There is very little doubt that at
one time these were used much more largely than at present,
when the grain provided by the Badagas is supplemented
by rice and grain bought in the bazaar. The Todas have
a tradition of a time when they lived chiefly on roots, herbs,
fruits and honey, and the importance of honey comes out in
several of their legends.

A much prized substance called patdieiski is made from
samai grain {^Paniciun miliare)^ which is roasted and pounded
so as to get rid of the husk. It is used in the preparation
of a food which is eaten on all the chief ceremonial occa-
sions. When they prepare it the Todas say " asJikkartpimi"
and this verbal form is used as the name of the food. In
making asJikkartpimi, patcherski is put into a basket {tbdri)
which has been carefully cleansed by rubbing it all over
with dried buffalo-dung. Buttermilk and jaggery are added
and the whole mixed together and rolled into balls, each
about as large as a cricket ball. When eating, a hole is
made in the ball into which ghi and butter, sometimes honey,
are poured, and then the hole is covered with rice.- A man
will usually eat two of these balls at a feast, but a greedy
man may manage three or four.

The Todas do not like others to see them eating, and if
this happens, the same consequences may ensue as are

^ Bulletin, vol. iv. , p. i6.

- Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food is therefore
derived from this substance.

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 581

produced by the evil eye. Their natural politeness also
makes the Todas uncomfortable when they see others eating,
and in the early part of my visit I sometimes dispersed a
group surrounding me by taking sandwiches out of my
pocket and beginning to eat.

I did not ascertain definitely who cooks among the Todas.
I had some reason to suppose that all the cooking is done
by the men and that the women have nothing to do with
this part of domestic economy, but I am not clear about this.
It is possible that it is only food containing milk which must
be cooked by the men.

The Todas are an example of a people who have no
native intoxicant, but they have now taken to alcoholic
drinks, though I do not believe that they indulge in these
habitually. The only occasions on which I saw Todas under
the influence of alcohol were when they were returning from the
bazaar on market days. I was only once asked by a Toda for
alcohol and then by a woman. Tobacco is now largely used
and opium is certainly also used, though I do not believe
that it is taken in excess. It may be employed, however, as
a means of committing suicide.

Fire-making

We have already seen that the fire used for several sacred
purposes must be made by friction with the fire-sticks. The
method employed is a variety of the drill method shown in
Figs. 65 and 37. In the former the wiirsoloi Taradr is making
fire in order to enable me to procure a photograph ; the latter
is the result of a snapshot taken when the fire was being
produced during a ceremony. In the horizontal stick, which
is held firmly by the foot, a hole is made for the insertion of
the vertical stick, and in this a little charcoal is placed. A
small groove is cut on one side to assist the falling of the
spark on the tinder beneath. The vertical stick is inserted
into the hole and twirled between the two hands. In the
only case in which I saw fire produced by friction in a
ceremony (Fig. i"]^, the continued efforts of the two old men
were unavailing, and a third younger man was called upon,

582

THE TOUAS

CHAP.

and with a few powerful manipulations he was rapidly
successful.

Several kinds of wood are used for the fire-sticks, the Toda
names of these being kiaz or keadj, mors, parskiiti, and main.
Only the first of these, however, may be used if fire is being

MG. 65. — KAKOl, (04), HIE 'WLKSOL' OF TARAUK, MAKING FIRE.

made for sacred purposes, and I was told that it was much
easier to make fire with this than with any other.

In some Toda villages a stone is kept called tfitmAkal,
which was used at one time for making fire by striking it with
a piece of iron. Probably this method was employed for non-
sacred purposes in the period between giving up the fire-sticks
for ordinary purposes and the introduction of matches.

The Todas have two kinds of fireplace, the waskal, con-

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 583

sisting of three stones, and the kudrvars, with four stones.
The former is found in the dwelHng-hut, in the wursuli, and
in the // dairy, and the latter in the tarvali and kudrpali ;
but I did not discover why the more sacred dairies should
have the same kind of fireplace as the house. According to
one account waskal is the name used by the Teivaliol and
kudrvars by the Tartharol, and it may be that this is the
explanation of the apparent anomaly.

The House

Various parts of the house have definite names, and may
only be used for certain purposes. As we have already seen,
there are raised seats both outside and inside the house, the
latter being used as beds. These are made of earth, the
upper surface of which is made level, and the whole is usually
well coated with a layer of dried buffalo-dung, sometimes
nearly half an inch thick. The general name for these raised
parts is ///;/, the seats outside the building on either side of
the door being called kwottiui, while the bed on the right side
of the interior is the nieitiin, and that on the left side the
kitiln. The part of the hut where the bed or beds stand is
called the idrtiil.

The floor is called kuter, and this is divided into two parts
by the hole in which the women pound the grain. The part
near the door is called kikiiter, and it is in this part only that
dairy operations may be carried on. The part behind the
pounding hole is especially assigned to the women and is
called nieilknter}

The end wall, on which various objects, such as sticks, are
kept is called tashten, and the fireplace, usually on one side,
is called zvaskaL The part above the fireplace where firewood
is kept is called ivaskalkfibi, and the place of the cooking
vessels is called adikudi. The western side of the hut is
sometimes called the ineilniakol, and the eastern side the

^ It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the door used for
the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is not so. Afeil also nfieans
' west ' and the explanation may be connected with this.

584

THE TODAS

CHAP.

kimakol, but I do not know if this implies any rule as to the
orientation of the houses.

The method of building is illustrated by Fig. 66, which
shows a hut only partially built. Certain Todas have special
reputations as architects, and the most famous of these at the
present time is Kijievan (50), who superintended the building
of the hut at Kiudr shown in Fig. 7, the most spacious and
artistic of the strictly Toda dwellings which I saw on the

FIG. 66. — TO SHOW A STAGE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF A HUT.

hills. Especial care is often taken with the arrangement of
the rattan on the front of the hut, which is shown in Fig. 20.
This is a picture of a dairy, but it shows the arrangement
which is also found in the best of the houses.

The hut used for the seclusion of women before and after
childbirth is a rough structure of wood and thatch, but its
name, puzhars, means " mud house," which suggests that
huts made of earth may at one time have been used by the
Todas,

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 585

Implements and Utensils

The most important objects in the economic life of the
Todas are their dairy vessels, which have been already amply
considered. Cooking vessels and implements used for cutting
wood or for any other purpose are, like the vessels of the
village dairy, procured chiefly from the Kotas, though at the
present time the source of supply is probably supplemented
by purchases in the bazaar.

As the Todas practise few arts, their need of implements is
very small. At one time they used thorns as needles, but now
steel needles have taken their place. Thorns are also used
for tattooing. Leaves are used as plates and cups, and the
fingers take the place of forks. The only definite implements
used are knives and axes, the latter being especially needed
for procuring firewood.

In some of their ceremonies, the Todas have preserved
practices which may possibly be survivals of the use of stone
implements. In the funeral ceremonies the buffaloes destined
for the next world are killed with the back of an axe, but the
buffaloes killed at the kobtiti ceremony and at the ceremony
of purifying the funeral places must be killed with a stone.
Further, the bark of the tiidr tree used in so many ceremonies
must always be knocked off the tree by means of a stone.
The latter of these practices must certainly be very ancient,
and may well be a relic of an age in which implements were
made of stone.

The Pounder, Sieve, and Broom

The interest of these articles lies in the fact that they are
evidently regarded as the emblems of woman. When the
wursol sleeps in the village hut, these articles are removed
from the hut, and when the ti buffaloes pass the village of
Kiudr, the women who leave this village take with them the
pounder, sieve, and broom.

In the case of the wursol, this sacred personage may
associate with the women themselves if the three objects
which seem to be emblematic of womanhood are removed.

586 THE TODAS chap.

The pounder, sieve, and broom are burnt at the funerals of
women, who use the pounder on their journey to the other
world, A special kind of sieve called kudshmiirn is also
burnt at the azaramkedr, but I believe that this is burnt at
all funerals, both of males and females.

The pounder, sieve, and broom are widely endowed with
magical properties, and this is especially the case in India,^
but I do not know of any other instance in which they are
especially regarded as the emblems of woman.

Weapons

At the present time it cannot be said that the Todas use
any weapons, but they retain in their ceremonies weapons
which were, no doubt, formerly in use. These are the club
and the bow and arrow.

The club only remains in the funeral ceremonies, in which
it is called nanmakiid (see Fig. ^y'), and is burnt at the
azaramkedr, and several other special sticks are also burnt,
which may have been of the nature of clubs.

The bow and "arrow have left more traces of their former
importance. They are burnt at the azaramkedr of a man,
and the weapons for this purpose are provided by the Kotas.
The bow and arrow are also used in the kootiti ceremony of
a Tarthar funeral. In the pursiltpimi ceremony the husband
gives an imitation bow and arrow to his wife. The bow gives
its name to the ceremony and its gift forms the essential
incident of the ceremony. Further, the bow has a special
name different for each clan. The use of an arrow lingers in
name in other ceremonies. In the erkinnpttJipimi ceremony,
the knife used for cutting up the sacrificed calf is called ab, or
arrow. In the ceremony of tersamptpimi a lock of hair is cut
from a young child with a piece of sharpened iron called
kanab, or " eye arrow," but this name is only in use among the
Tartharol. The use of these words seems to point to a time
when iron-tipped arrows were used as cutting instruments,
and it is even possible that this is a survival of a time when

^ See Crooke's Popular Religion and Folk- Lore of Northern India, 1896,
vol. ii. pp. 187-191.

XXIV

ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS

587

the Todas were so much isolated that their only iron was that
of the tips of their arrows.

The bow and arrow are also mentioned in the legend of

FIG. 67 (from BREEKS).— the FIRST MAN ON THE LEFT IS HOLDING A BOW
AND ARROW; THE SECOND A CLUB (PROBABLY THE 'NANMAKUD') IN
HIS RIGHT HAND, AND THE ' TADRI ' IN HIS LEFT; THE THIRD MAN IS
CARRYING A CLUB, AND THE FOURTH MAN IS PLAYING THE ' BUGURI.'

Kwoten. Teikuteidi was killed by an arrow shot by a lame
man who lay down when he shot. It is possible that this
legend points to an ancient custom of shooting the bow and
arrow by means of the legs.

THE TODAS

CHAP.

Measures and Numerals

The Toda measure of length is the vwgai or viogoi, which
corresponds to the cubit, being the length from the elbow to
the tips of the fingers. The word is probably related to
viogal, the term for fore-arm.

The usual measure of capacity for liquids is the kiidi, said
to be equal to about four pints. Another measure is the kbni^
two of which make one kudi. The kbni probably corresponds
to the milking vessel, ox pun.

For measuring out grain, the Todas use a special table of
measures consisting of dk and kwa, eleven dk making one
kzvd. When measuring out grain, modifications of the
ordinary numerals are used.

In the following lines I give these on the right-hand side of
the page, those on the left being the ordinary numerals. Urdk
is the equivalent o{ nd dk^ or one measure.

erd

inHd

nonk

udz

0 or eu

tmpoth

poth

pound

ponerd

ponimid

potinonk or pdnk

ponudz or podz

pdr

po or for

pnt

poiipoth
evoth
evoth ud
evoth erd
evoth m{td

one

two

three

four

five

six

seven

eight

nine

ten

eleven

twelve

thirteen

fourteen

fifteen

sixteen

seventeen

eighteen

nineteen

twenty

twenty-one

twenty-two

twenty-three

urdk

irdk

indk

oponi

oiak

drdk

cdk or ciidk

btdk

iinpdk

pothdk

vkwd

ponerddk

ponninddk

poniionkdk

poniidzdk

pdrdk

pbdk

putdk

poll pot hak

evothdk

evothuddk (doubtful)

ikwd

ikwd urdk

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 589

mopolh thirty ikwci otak

nio/-o:h viM thirly-three iiinkhwd

n'l/o.'h forty iiiukhi.vd Inik

iidpolh n vik forty-fuur mVchwci

epoth fifty ndkhwd drdk

epoth uiiz fifty-five aihvd

droth sixty aihvd oidk

droih dr sixty-six drwd

ovotk seventy drwd opoiti

ovo/h 0 seventy-seven okwd

otvoth eighty okiva indk

otvolh ot eighty-eight olkivd

iinvolh ninety ctkwd drdk

jinvo/k iiupotli ninety-nine uiipawd

anitr hundred impaivd ml

Above a hundred the numbers of kwd are continued to

potkivd, potiitdkivd, &c., up to twenty kzvd, which make one
siligh, and then the people begin again at the beginning.

This occurrence of the number eleven is probably a
consequence of the transactions between Todas and Badagas.

590 THE TODAS CHAP.

There was some reason to believe that the true Toda measure
is the ak (probably a contraction of achok) and that the
Badagas brought their grain to the Todas in vessels called
kivd. The kivd contained eleven of the Toda dk, and
hence came about the very unusual proportion between two
measures.

In giving ages or any other period of time, the word for
year, kwbdr, is often abbreviated to wd ; thus ndpotJi kwbdr,
forty years, becomes ndpothwd.

In counting the Todas use their fingers largely and have a
special method of indicating the numbers. To signify one,
the thumb is placed against the tip of the little finger ; for
two, against the tip of the ring finger ; for three, against the
middle finger ; for four, against the forefinger ; for five, the
tip of the index finger is placed over the nail of the thumb ;
the same position is used for six, while that for seven is the
same as for four, and so on, so that when ten is reached the
thumb is resting again on the tip of the little finger.

Money

The Todas use the ordinary Indian currency. In their
legends and ceremonies there is frequent reference to the
panni, or four-anna piece.

Among the coins used by the Todas at the funeral cere-
monies there are many of considerable age with Arabic
inscriptions, and the earlier visitors to the hills describe the
Todas as possessing old Venetian gold pieces. In the legend
telling how the kaltmokh of the Nodrs ti dispersed the in-
vading Coorgs (p. 114), the boy made use of a small gold
coin called pirpanm, which he had in his possession.

The CalExNDar

The Todas have twelve months, each of which begins with
the new moon. The first month of the Toda year is Tai,
which begins with the new moon in October, so that this
month usually includes part of October and part of November.
Some of the chief Toda ceremonies, such as that of teiitiit-

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 591

itsthchi and the more important ceremonies of erktimpttJipimi,
take place soon after the new moon marking the commence-
ment of this month, and these ceremonies were sometimes,
said to signalise the beginning of a new year. The following
are the names of the Toda months, with the periods of our
year to which they approximately correspond : —

Tai

October — November

Emioti

November — December

KMrl

December — January

Aldni

January — February

Naldni

February — March

Ani

March— April

Atheri

April — May

Adi

May — June

Ovdni

June — ^July

Perit&thi

July — August

Tudeivi

August — September

Kirdivi

September — October.

Each month has thirty days. A record is kept of the
number of days from one new moon to the full moon, and
from that to the next new moon. The full moon is counted
as being on the fifteenth day after the new moon, and the new
moon as being on the sixteenth day after the full moon.

The Week
The names for the days of the week are as follows :—

Asvo/n

Sunday

Ttivom

Monday

Otn

Tuesday

Pilthvom

Wednesday

Tarn

Thursday

Pilivoin

Friday

Thanivoin or

Tanivoin

Saturday.

According to Schmid, who wrote in 1837, Otn is regarded
as the first day of the week. Schmid also notes that the
names for Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday agree in etymo-
logy with Tamil, Wednesday being Buddha's day and Friday
the day of Venus. He gives Etnat as an alternative name
for Saturday.

592 THE TODAS chap.

Astronomical Ideas

We have already seen that the Todas reverence the sun,
and that the period of the moon is of the greatest importance
in the regulation of the times for their ceremonies. In this
chapter we have to deal with their views as to the nature of
these bodies and of the stars.

The Sun

The Todas believe that when the sun goes down in the west,
it goes to Amnodr. The same sun illuminates both worlds,
and this is shown very well in the story of Kwoto ; when
this demi-god tied down the sun, there was darkness both in
this world and in the other, and the people of Amnodr joined
with those of this world in imploring that the sun should be
restored to its proper place.

When the Todas know that there is going to be an eclipse
of the sun, they abstain from food, but they do not shout out
during the eclipse as we shall see they do in the case of the
moon. When the eclipse is over, they have a feast with
ashkkartpinii.

The Moon

The new moon is called inut and the full moon nerv. We
have already seen the enormous influence of the period
of the moon in Toda ceremonial and I have given above
the method of counting between the periods of new and
full moon so as to know the correct day of the new moon
if for any reason it should not be visible.

The Todas see a figure in the moon which they call niilrs,
the hare.^ The following story not only shows how the hare
comes to be there, but also furnishes the explanation of
eclipses of the moon and the origin of the Paikara river.^

Two men who were viatcJiuni (see p. 501) went out one
day to fetch honey. After a time the}^ separated, and one

^ In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to represent a hare.
^ For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see Bulletin,
iv. p. I.

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 593

found hone)-, while the other found none. I'hc man who
found the honey put it into a dairy vessel called /////, which
he hid in a tree, and when he met the other did not tell
him of his good fortune. After a time the piui containing
hone}' which had been put in the tree suddenly broke, and the
vessel became a snake, while the honey became the Paikara
river. The snake ran after the man who had hidden the
honc)', and when the man saw the snake coming after him, he
ran awa\-. As he w as being pursued, a hare came between
the man and the snake. Then the man threw his cloak over
the hare and hid himself, and the snake ran after the
hare. The hare ran to the sky followed by the snake, and
they came near the sun, which said, " Don't come near me
because I am very hot. Go to the moon ! " So the hare went
to the moon, and the moon said, " Do not be afraid ; I will
protect you till the end of the world." The snake still goes
sometimes to catch the hare in the moon, and when he goes
the moon becomes dark and some people fire guns and send
up rockets and the Todas shout. When it is known that
there is going to be an eclipse the Todas abstain from food,
and when the\- see the moon being eclipsed they shout
out.

I was told that there was another incident of the story
connected with shooting stars, but I was unable to obtain an
account of it.

1'1,A\ETS

The Todas know \^cnus, which they call /*///, and they also
speak of the " morning star."

Constellations and Stars

The Todas have names for several stars or constellations.
The Pleiades are called Kadsht and the constellation is
believed to be composed of six stars.

Another heavenly body which I could not identify is called
Keirt. Keh'thd^s already been mentioned in Chap. XIV., and
it is the evil influence of this body which is chiefly feared after

Q Q

594 THE TODAS chap.

childbirth. It is said to be a star which is never present
in the same part of the sky as Kadsht. The reason for this
is that once Keirt and Kadsht fought together. Kadsht had
six men and Keirt only one. Keirt broke the leg of one of
the six men, so that now there are five stars close together in
the Pleiades and one lags behind. On account of this quarrel
Swami ruled that Kadsht and Keirt must never be together,
but that when Kadsht is on one side of the sky, Keirt must
always be on the other.

When talking about Keirt in connexion with the ceremony
of going to the seclusion-hut, it was said that Keirt was near
the sun and that the sun was dangerous because Keirt was
near it. It seemed that Keirt was always near the sun, which
led me to suspect at first that it was Venus. It was quite
clear, however, that this was not so. No one could show me
Keirt, nor was anyone clear as to the part of the sky in
which it was to be seen at any time in the night, and I think
it most probable that this mysterious inhabitant of the sky is
not a star at all, but a being allied to the Hindu Ketu. On
the other hand, at a funeral attended by Samuel, the setting
of Kadsht and the appearance of Keirt was taken as the
sign that the proceedings of the azaraDikedr might begin,
which looks as if Keirt was a real heavenly body. I think
it is most probable that the whole idea of the injurious
influence of Keirt is borrowed from the Badagas, and, if this
is the case, the Toda word is probably merely an altered
form of Ketii. I was told that Keirt was a Badaga word
and that the Badagas feared its influence on women after
childbirth.

A group of stars called Pbdiniin^ or porcupine star, corre-
sponds to the stars in th^ sword of Orion. They are regarded
as a porcupine from which the three stars of the belt are
trying to escape.

A constellation of seven stars is called Katikdhnin. From
the description it appeared to be the Great Bear. This
constellation was not visible, but when I made a drawing
of its seven chief stars, it was at once recognised as
Katikalmin.

A single star called Ishtkati is almost certainly Sirius.

XXiV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 59:

Thi.s star was not visible in the eveniiiu^s during ni)- visit, and
at first Jupiter was pointed out to me as IsJitkati, but this
was certainly wrong. Ishtkati appeared to correspond to
the Badaga etukadicJii, which means " bull deceiving." The
origin of the name is that one night a Badaga went out from
his house and saw a very bright star, so bright that he thought
it was the morning star. So he let his bulls out from the
enclosure in which he had put them for the night. When a
long time passed and it did not become day, the man said,
" Let the star be called etukadicJii^

A pair of stars to which the Todas give the names of
TiidrvaluiokJi and Tidiishti are near Aldebaran, forming part
of the Hyades (probably 7 and e Tauri). The following
story tells how these stars come to be in the sky.

Once on the hills there was a bird with young. The mother
went away to get food and a snake came to eat the young
ones. When the young birds saw the snake climbing up the
tree, they called out to Kudursami, who is above. He heard
their cry and took them to the sky. The name of the bird
was tftdrval, and so one star is called tudrvalmokJi. The
tiidrval still sings " Kiidursmni trrrrrrr

According to another version, the bird tiidrval had offended
Swami, and as a punishment Swami took its young and they
became the two stars.

This story appears to be a well-known Indian folk-tale, and
it has certainly been a recent acquisition of the Todas.

It will be seen that there is much reason to believe that the
greater part, if not all of the ideas of the Todas about the
stars have been borrowed. In their own folk-lore there seems
to be very little concerning the heavenly bodies except in the
story of the man and the honey, and I even suspect this to be
a borrowed legend which has been somewhat modified b}-
Toda ideas.

It is interesting, and I think important, that references to
Swami occur in these stars-myths. In an earlier chapter I
have given it as my opinion that the idea of Swami has only
recently been acquired by the Todas, and I attach importance
to the occurrence of the name in legends which have certainly
been borrowed from another race.

Q Q 2

596 THE TODAS chap.

Games

It is not altogether easy to draw the Hue between Toda
games and Toda ceremonies. The sport which is practi.sed
with the greatest zest is undoubtedly the catching of the
buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies, and in the old days when
the ))iarvainolkedr lasted two days, the first day, devoted to
catching the buffaloes and putting them in the pen, must
have been largely of a sportive character. Even now it is
evident that the catching of the buffaloes is a spectacle which
is much enjoyed by all in spite of the sad event which has led
to its taking place.

The Todas have, however, pure games, though it is doubt-
ful whether some of them have not acquired in a certain degree
a ceremonial character.

In one of these games called narthpiiiii, a boy squeezes
through a narrow tunnel formed by a flat slab of stone over,
two upright slabs. Two boys start from different distances,
and the object of the nearer boy is to squeeze through the
tunnel before the other can touch his feet. I did not
ha\'e an opportunit}' of seeing this game, and I onl}' saw the
stones with which it is played at one village. This was at
Nodrs, where the three stones are called nienkars and mark
the spot at which one of the ordinary buffaloes is killed at the
funeral ceremonies. The menkars is shown in Fig. 12 in
front of and a little to the right of the entrance to the dairy.

Another game resembling tip-cat is called eln, and at some
villages there is a special stone where the game is played. A
piece of wood pointed at both ends is propped against the
stone and struck with a stick, and should be caught by some-
one at a distance. The name for this game is probably!
Badaga,^ and this suggests that the game has been borrowed]
from this people.

According to Breeks another game called kdrid/apinii,\
resembling ' puss in the corner,' is played by the Todas. Tht
name suggests a true Toda game and I regret that I know^
nothing about it.

' The game is described by Breeks ami Tlnuston under llic name of ila/a, biitl
this again is certainly not Toda.

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 597

One day I observed a stone near the village of Pakhalkudr,
and, asking whether it was for tip-cat, was told of a different
game. If a man jumped high enough at the stone, he could
see the top of a certain hill. On jumping at the stone I
could not see the hill, but by going a little way back, I found
that it became visible, and as far as I could judge, the jump
necessary at the stone would be a possible though a good
[performance.

At man\' villages there is a large globular stone called
tiikittlik(xrs (lifted stone) and in another of the Toda games
this stone is lifted. A man should be able to lift it to the
shoulder, but this can now rarely, if ever, be done, and some
of the stones can only be lifted a little way from the ground.
Mr. Thurston saw the stone at Nodrs lifted as high as the
pit of the stomach. These stones seem to afford clear
evidence of the degeneration of the Todas in physical
strength. There is little doubt that they could be lifted
much better by the Todas of a generation or two ago. Thus
there is a stone at Nidrsi which was brought by the grand-
father of Kudrmaskutan (43) in the pocket of his piitkuli
from a place called Attibadi at a considerable distance fron^
Nidrsi. At the present time no Toda can do more than lift
the stone a little way from the ground. The tukittthkars
may not be lifted either on the niadnol or the palinol.
Feasts are prohibited on these days, and it is probable that
the stone was often lifted on festive occasions. There is
evidence that, in some places at any rate, the stone has
acquired in some degree a sacred character. Thus, at the
village of Kiudr, one of the most sacred of Toda dairies, the
tiikitthkars lies on a raised wall surrounding the dairy and
in this situation would most certainly acquire some of the
sanctity of its surroundings.

The Todas are very interested in athletic feats performed
by any of their number and sometimes put up memorials of
such feats. Thus, at Pishkwosht there are two stones marking
the distance once jumped by a Toda. Such an athletic feat may
be made the subject of a bet. Thus, four generations ago,
one of the ancestors of Kudrmaskutan (43) jumped a stream
called Kavageir, winning eighteen nakJt (three-year-old

598 THE TODAS CHAP.

buffaloes) from a l^adaga by doing so. Bets of this kind are
probably only made with Badagas, and betting is almost
certainly not properly a Toda custom.

In addition to developed games, the Todas, and especially
the children, often play with mimic representations of objects
from practical life. Near the villages I have seen small
artificial buffalo-pens and fireplaces made by the children in
sport. On the hill of Mirson, where the chief council used to
be held, I found a small pen, well built and with a gate, and
was assured that it was made in sport by the children only a
few years ago. This hill is one on which there are many
cairns and such mimic representations may possibly mystify
some future archreologist.

The commonest toys with which the children play are little
imitation buffalo horns made of wood (see Fig. 35). In the
legend, the boy Kuzkarv played with such horns, and even
little children in arms may be seen fondling these play-
things. The horns are burnt with the body at the funeral
ceremonies, but only at those of males, though this rule was
infringed at the funeral of Sinerani. In the funeral lament
for his wife Teitnir speaks of their playing with imitation
horns and imitation bracelets, so that adults evidently amuse
themselves in this way as well as children.

Another imitation sport I have often seen is that of boys
or youths hanging on the horns and round the necks o( <
buffaloes exactly as is done when catching the animals at the
funeral ceremonies. The skill shown at these ceremonies
is probably the result of long practice in play of this kind.

Nearly all thes mes are connected in some way with the
buffalo or the dairy, in some cases only remotely, as when
the menkars of Nodrs is used for the narthpimi game,
while the tukitthkars may be kept by the dairy. Only one
of the games so far described is wholly unconnected with
the dairy, and this, the eln game, has a name which suggests
that it has been borrowed.

Though the Todas have, as we see, a fair number ofi
games, they are not much given to playing them. I never
saw one of the more developed games in progress, and this
formed a great contrast to my previous ethnological experience

XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 599

in Torres Straits, where hardly a day would pass without
seeing games being pla}'ed.

The chief interest in the case of the Todas is the clear
evidence they give of games arising owing to the sportive
imitation by children of the more serious occupations of their
elders. In some of these cases the games so arising are
useful in providing the younger members of the community
with practice in feats which they will in later life be called
upon to perform.

Riddles

The Todas are very fond of riddles, which they call werat.
The following are examples : —

Mers illath karfhii, pot illath I'ldti? Md, tie /it.

Udder without milks, mouth without drinks ? Rain, earth.

I.e., What is it that gives milk without an udder, what is it
that drinks without a mouth ? Rain, earth.

Urk liters illath, kadak kal illath, athiiiti? Kfidi,

In (or to) village udder without, in forest leg without, what is it ? lien,

pob.
snake.

Kcn'td iiiokh pcriid aiii, pcri'id inokh kciiid aiii ? Ki'idr,

Little son big hecomes, big son little becomes? Horn,

kcvi.

ear. .

This riddle depends on a comparison of the horn and ear
of the buffalo. The horn of the calf is very small, the ear
is relatively large.

Pitv

pi'ivadi, kaini

kaiiiiadi ?

Tdf.

P'lower

does not blossom, berry

does not ripen ?

Fern.

IViiyddr

iioliii, inokh pachtaiii.

pir dirhtaiii,

ithithaiiithi

Whole year

days, son begetting,

pregnant,

this is custom

ank ? Pishk

'.iiiiiin.

to it?

Pishkiiniiti is a tree which bears flowers or is giving fruit
the whole year round.

6oo THE TODAS chap.

Puzhardiiudr adetpolo(p]u? Ki'idi Mgili.

Calls out if why that says no ? Cock crows.

What is it that calls out and no one replies ? The cock.

Neln tiri kai, poii tin' pi1v ? Eln.

Earth goes round fruit, sky goes round flower ? The tip-cat game.

Mudal pir vatvai, pin viarsvati ; pin pir

First pregnant who becomes, later is delivered ; later pregnant

VJ/vai, uutddl niarsvati? Taini, kodj.

who becomes, first is delivered ? A grain, barley.

Taini or samai {patju) is the grain from which patcherski,
one of the chief Toda foods, is made. It shows above the
ground later than barley, but is reaped earlier.

I did not hear of any mechanical puzzles or tricks used by
the Todas, and it was quite clear that they had no knowledge
of cat's-cradle.

PUETRV AND MUSIC

I have given two samples of Toda poetry in the chapter
on funeral ceremonies. These are the chief occasions on
which songs are composed, but they are also made when
a new dairy is being built, and may be composed and
sung on any festive occasion. The general name for com-
positions of this kind is kiiuedsti, and certain men hav^e
special reputations as composers. The most noted of recent
times was a man named Mervoin belonging to the family of
Kiugi.

Of those now living, Teitnir, whose two funeral songs I
have given, is a noted composer, and I was told of six other
men who were especially gifted in this way.

Though I have called these compositions songs, they
.should, perhaps, rather be called recitations. They are
certainly not songs with any musical accompaniment. I
understood, though I am not clear about this, that the clauses,
or kxvarzam, of the funeral poems are said in a low voice "in
the throat," so that they are not understood by the people
who hear them. If this is correct, the funeral kzvar::am
resemble in this respect those of which the prayers consist.

The Toda poets also compose songs on any festive

xxrv ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 601

occasion, and Mr. Thurston ^ has recorded examples of
several such compositions.

Dancing takes place at the funeral ceremonies, and
exhibitions of these or other dances are sometimes given by
the Todas. The only dancing I saw was at a funeral and
it was of the simplest possible description, the men who
took part forming a circle and moving slowly round and
round.

The only musical instrument of the Todas is a simple
flute, called the buguri. It is shown in Fig. 68, where it is
being pla)ed by the man on the right. The instrument is
not much used by the Todas and is not, so far as I know
pla\'ed on any ceremonial occasion. The music at the
funeral ceremonies is always performed by Kotas.

' lUill. iv. p. 7.

CHAPTER XXV

LANGUAGE

My chief purpose in writing this chapter is to give informal
tion which, I hope, may increase the value of the Hnguistic^
material which is scattered throughout this book, and es-
pecially to describe some of the doubts and difficulties which
I encountered in my attempts to reduce the Toda language
to writing.

At the end of the chapter I give some new facts relating to
the sacred and secret languages of the Todas, and I will
begin with a brief sketch of the views commonly held on the
linguistic position of the Toda language.

The Nilgiri Hills are situated at the point of junction ofi
three of the chief linguistic districts of Southern India. Ini
the country on the South and East, Tamil is spoken ; on the
West, the language is Malayalam, and the people of MysoreJ
to the North speak chiefly Canarese. The Todas live at this!
meeting-place of three languages, but owing to their isolated]
position their language is not a blend of these, but has very]
definite and distinctive characters of its own, as might, indeed,!
be expected from the character of the people. The Badagas
with whom the Todas have much intercourse speak a corrupt]
form of Canarese, and the Todas have undoubtedly borrowed j
many words from their language.

Previous writers have differed in their views on the special!
affinities of the Toda language. No one has now, I think,]
any doubt that the language is Dravidian. Bernhard Schmid,'^
who wrote in 1837, appears to me to have known more ofj

' Madras Jouni. Li/, and Sci., J 837, vol. v. p. 155.

CH. XXV LANGUAGE 603

the true Toda language than anyone who has written since,
and he ascribed two-thirds of the Toda vocabulary to Tamil
and was unable to trace the remaining third to any other
language. Caldwell ^ believed the language of the Todas to
be most closely allied to Tamil. According to Pope- the
language was originally old Canarese with the addition of a
few Tamil forms, but he has included in his vocabulary
words which have probably been borrowed from the Badagas.

The linguistic material which I have collected is far more
extensive than that which was available at the time Pope
wrote his sketch, and though the material is in one way less
satisfactory since it has been collected after thirty more years
of Toda intercourse with the outside world, it is in another
way more satisfactory than any previous material in that by
far the larger part of it is derived from the formulae used in
the religious ceremonies and in magic. It is, of course, well
known that an ancient language may linger on in religious
and magical formulae long after it has disappeared from
ordinary speech, and when I discovered how many of these
formulae were preserved by the Todas, I made a point of
collecting as many as possible in the hope that they might
preserve relics of the ancient speech of the Todas.

In collecting this material I suffered under grave dis-
advantages ; firstly in not being a phonologist, and secondly,
in my ignorance of any Dravidian language. I had had,
however, a fairly large experience in taking down unwritten
languages phonetically, and, whatever the errors into which
I have fallen, I hope that they are consistent throughout my
record. As a matter of fact, I find my spelling to be fairly
constant, words taken down from different individuals and on
different occasions being written in the same way.

From one point of view my ignorance of Dravidian
languages is not an unmixed evil. When anyone hears a
language which is allied to one he knows, it is almost
impossible to avoid being influenced by this knowledge. This

' A Com para/ ivc Graimnar of the Dravidian Langiia'^LS, 2n(l cd., London,

'!<75. P- 557-

- Outlines of the Titda Grammar appended to Marsludl's P/neno/o^ist amoii^

the Todas.

6o4 THE TO DAS chap.

influence has not been escaped by some of those who have
previously recorded words from the Toda language. Thus
in his Comparative Dictionary of non- Aryan Languages of
India and Higher Asia} Hunter gives two vocabularies from
different sources which he calls Toduva and Toda, and from
the differences between these he thought they might be
different dialects. According to Breeks these differences are
due to the fact that the compiler of one vocabulary paid
exclusive attention to the sounds he heard, while the compiler
of the other was influenced by his knowledge of the deriva-
tion of the words. I have very little doubt that many of
those who have recorded Toda words have not written them
down exactly as the Todas said them, but as they ought
to have said them according to the usual rules of Dravidian
pronunciation.

We find, in consequence, very great diversity in the spelling,
of Toda words, and when there is agreement, it is of very!
little value, for many of those who have written on the Todas
have evidently adopted the spellings of previous writers, even
when they quite misrepresent the real sounds.

Another difficulty which besets the investigation of the
Toda language is the presence of dialectical differences even
in the small community of only eight hundred people. Metz'^
noted such differences, and I found undoubted variations in the
vocabularies of the two divisions of the Todas (see p. 687) and
suspected variations in pronunciation.

Still another difficulty is the large use of sounds, chiefly
sh, ch, and th,^ euphonically inserted in words. Pope notes
this as quite a Toda peculiarity, and it adds greatly to the
formidable character of this language, though a word of the
most appalling complexity may become quite simple when
these euphonic (!) sounds are eliminated.

Another of the sources of discrepancies in Toda vocabu-
laries is the influence of the Badagas to which I have already
referred. The Todas are a bilingual people speaking Badaga
in their intercourse with other races and keeping Toda for

1 London, 1868.

■^ Madras founi. Lit. and ScL, 1857, N..S., vol. i., ji. 104.
^ These sounds liave usually been omiUcd in llie Toda words as wriUcn in ihis
book.

xx.v languA(;e 605

themselves. I liave already pointed out that the great
majority of the names of Toda places and institutions which
have been recorded by previous writers are the Badaga
names and not the Toda names, and, as might have been
expected, many Badaga words have found their way into
[previously published Toda vocabularies.

In my own work my procedure was to take down a sentence
first through the interpreter, then to go through the words of
the sentence one by one asking the Toda to say each word
carefully, and often he had to repeat it many times before I
could satisfy myself about the nature of the sounds. Often I
would get a second or third Toda to say the word, and I have
frequently spent many minutes over one word, and have
perhaps then been baffled in my attempts to write the word
satisfactorily.

I noticed continually that the Toda words as pronounced
by my interpreters were quite different in sound from those
which came from the mouths of the Todas themselves. This
was especially the case with the vowels, and in the addition
of the initial j, so well known in the Tamil pronunciation of
English. So far as I could detect, there was no trace of this
initial j' in Toda, although it occurs occasionally in some of
the previously recorded Toda vocabularies.

These differences between the pronunciation of my inter-
preter and that of the Todas may often be the source of incon-
sistencies in my record, for on some occasions, owing to lack
of time, I was unable to listen carefully to the Todas them-
selves, and had to content myself with the words given to me
by the interpreter.

Phonetics

In order to indicate the sounds of the Toda language, I
have kept as closely as possible to the generally recognised
system in use in India, but have been obliged to adopt man)-
more signs than those usually employed.

The vowel sounds which I distinguished were very numer-
ous. The following vowels and diphthongs certainly occurred :

6o6 THE TODAS chap.

tr, a, (i, (\ e, /, /, o, o, o', o, //, ?/, u, <ri, an, a', en, oi} I am doubt-
ful, however, whether in some cases a distinction between two
sounds was not due to individual differences of pronuncia-
tion or to dialectical differences. This is almost certainly
the case with the distinction between ai and oi. Some
other cases which are more complex may be considered
in detail.

A, 0, and o. The first two sounds are often interchanged
with one another. There is no doubt that the usual a of
some Dravidian languages becomes d in Toda, as in the
change from rtdd to iiodr, and most previous writers have
regarded this change as constant, and have used the sign a
for the sound which the Todas undoubtedly pronounce like
the aiv of the English word 'law.' I should much have
liked to follow their example, and by so doing could have
avoided the introduction of a new sign for the Toda sound, a
sound for which there appears to be no generally recognised
symbol in the phonetic systems used by anthropologists. I
could not do so, however, because the Todas sometimes use
the true a sound. There are certain words which are always
pronounced with exactly the same sound as in the English
word ' father,' and I never heard these words pronounced
otherwise. In some cases there is a definite reason why this
should be so. Thus the Toda word for ' again ' is mar, and
I never heard this word uttered otherwise than as I have written
it. If it had undergone the common transformation it would
have become inbr, the ti word for buttermilk, and in one case
at least there would have been occasion for misunderstanding,
for one of the salt-giving ceremonies is called mdnip or
'again salt,' while another is called mbrup or 'buttermilk
salt.' The syllable also occurs in the words pdtatvidr and
ertatmdr, and is never pronounced in these words otherwise
than as I have written it. On the other hand, there are
certain words in which the sound is always that of b, and in
other cases the two sounds are undoubtedly interchanged,
and in the latter case I have usually adopted the spelling
in d. A good example of this is pdrs or pbrs, milk, for which

' For ccjuivalents of these signs in English words see the Phonetic System at
the beginning of the hook.

xxv

LANCiUAGE 607

I ha\c throuo-hout adopted the former spelling, though it is
tjuite as often called //'/-.s-.

The d is often shortened into 0, and this is especiall)-
the case with the word for ' man.' The general Dravidian
form of this word is a/, but in Toda it becomes 0/ or 0/ (which
I write as <?/), and in compound words, such as /faM and
-cvurso/, it is always, or nearly always, pronounced so as to be
indistinguishable from the 0 of the English word 'olive.'
The long 0 is not a very frequent sound in Toda.

A a/id a. The sign a is used, in accordance with the
general Indian practice, for the sound of the English word
'hut,' one of the commonest of Toda .sounds. It is un-
doubtedly interchanged sometimes with the sound of the
English word ' hat,' for which I use the sign a. In such cases
of interchange, I use the sign a in preference, but when I
always heard the a sound, I have used it- It seemed to me
that this sound was especially frequent in proper names, as in
that of the village Pam and in such words as Kan.

& and u. These are used for the sounds of the words
' moon ' and ' full,' and both are of frequent occurrence. The
short form seems occasionally to be changed into a ; thus, the
word imm means ' maternal uncle,' but the word for ' sister's
son ' is mamnokh. This is a good instance of the value of
vowel sounds in Toda ; the ma/ikiigh is the sister's daughter,
but the munkugh is the name of the daughter of a maternal
uncle. The two words which resemble one another so closely
have two very different meanings, those of niece and cousin.

^ and ei. I use i for the sound of the ei in the English
word ' their.' Ei is the sign which I use for the long ii of the
English word ' date.' A sound for which I often use this
sign is one which gave me a great deal of trouble. In it the
vowel sound is prolonged so as to form almost a dissyllable,
and in my earlier records I wrote it ee, the first e having the
sound of the ei in * their.' I decided later to use ei, though I
acknowledge it is not at all a satisfactory representation of the
sound I heard.

/ The only point on which I have to remark about this
sound is that it is sometimes prolonged so as to become a
dissyllable as in the example already mentioned. In one

6o8 THE TODAS CHAP.

case, the word miis, used in the erkiimpttJipinii ceremon}',
this prolongation of the sound is so marked and so constant
that I have preserved a record of it in the spelHng, but in
most cases I have been content to indicate it by / only.

E21 and d. I use the former sign for a sound which seemed
to me very much like the French en. It often resembled very
closely the German o, and in some cases, as in that of the
word for the numeral 7, I was doubtful which was the right
sign. The sound for which I use en is, however, more pro-
longed, and approaches a dissyllable. It occurs in the
most definite form in the word for god, ten. This is un-
doubtedly derived from the Sanscrit ' deva ' in general use in
Southern India, and it is therefore very interesting that this
word, which has become ' Dien ' in French, should have
become the very similar ten in the Toda language.

U, n, and /. The u sound, almost exactly like that of the
German language, was common, though in many cases I was
doubtful whether to write n, u, or /. Thus it was difficult to
say whether the word for bow was pnrs, pilrs, ox pii's ; the last
named would bring it in line with general Dravidian ortho-
graphy, but the first seemed to me the most frequent, and I
have therefore adopted it.

y^/and 01. The sound ai is not very frequent in Toda, and
when it occurs is often on the way to oi. Thus the naini or
council was often noiin., and mogai and viogoi were said
indifferently.

I had very much difficulty in writing the consonants, being
especially troubled by my lack of familiarity with linguals.
The following were those which I heard : — b, c/i, d, d^f,g,gg,
gh, h,j, /', /'//, / and /, ;//, //, /7, /, /', s, s/i, t, th, v, w, z, zh.

In the text of the book I have not attempted to distinguish
the lingual consonants, and I have also omitted the very
common euphonic insertions, especially of cJi, s/i, and t/u

B,p, V, 70, and /. The sound expressed by /; was heard very ■
rarely, and I am doubtful whether it really occurs in true
Toda. It is a common letter in Badaga, but when a Badaga
word is pronounced by the Todas, the letter usually becomes
/. In a few words I had much difficulty in making up my
mind whether a given sound was d or p, and this was especially

XXV LANGUAGE 609

the case with the word kiidupel or kudubel, which is probably
a Badaga word.

One of the most frequent consonants in Toda is /, which
often changes into v, especially when p is the initial letter of
the latter part of a compound word ; thus the word pet or
wand in polipct became pohvet, kugpali became kiigvali, and
nedipol, iiedrvol. Occasionally / would become a distinct :c',
as in the name of the flower kargivfiv for kargpuv.

The letter / undoubtedly occurs in Toda, though not very
frequently. It is sometimes changed into v, but in some
cases, as in the name of the ancient village Kusharf, I never
heard any sound other than a distinct/". I did not hear /"and
/ interchanged.

As already mentioned, the letter iv may occasionalh' occur
as a variant of p or i\ but it also occurs in words where it
is never interchanged with either of these letters. The most
frequent example of the occurrence of the letter is in the
word ivui'sol, and here the sound was so elusiv^e that for a long
time I hesitated whether to write the word as zvursol or iirsol.
Breeks wrote this word varzhol, and we may take it that he
distinctly recognised the initial letter as allied to v and /.

D, d, t, tJi. I have used the sign d for two sounds in the
text. One I could not distinguish from the English sound
expressed by this letter. It is sometimes the representative
of lid of Badaga, mand or village becoming mad in Toda,^
while the Badaga form of Pidati is Benduti. The d of other
Dravidian languages often becomes t in Toda ; \\\ws> pandava
becomes pateva, and the Teivaliol almost certainly derive
their name from some form of the word deva.

More frequently, however, d is used for the lingual con-
sonant (/, which is one of the commonest sounds in Toda.
Very often this letter is immediately followed by the letter
r, and the combination dr (which in the text of the book I
have written dr) is an extremely frequent sound. Often to
my car it was quite indistinguishable from the simple r, and
usually I had to refer to my interpreter to know whether
a given sound was dr or r. Neither of my interpreters

* ' ALid, or more usiuilly iitadth, is also ihc Toda word fnr clnini, and lliis word
is probaljly derived indireclly from ihe Sanscrit inantha.

R R

6io THE TODAS

seemed ever to be in any doubt, and they were so consistent
on this point that wherever this spelHng occurs it is probably
correct. So far as I can tell the dr is the representative of
(/ in other Dravidian languages ; thus, ndd of Canarese be-
comes iibdr^ and the kcdu of Badaga becomes kedr. On
reference to the list of Badaga and Toda names of villages
given in Appendix III. it will be seen that the dr oi the Todas
is usually the equivalent of the Badaga (/, Telkodu becoming
Telkudr, and Kudimal becoming Kudrmas.

The sound which I express by dr has been very variously
spelt by previous writers ; thus, the Toda future world has
been written Humanorr or Ouinorr by Harkness, Amiindd
by Breeks, Ainnor by Marshall and Pope, and Amnor by
Thurston, and the sacred plant tudr has been written ti\d, tude^
thirr, tiux and tih'.

When the sound d occurs before letters other than r,
I am afraid I may have often omitted it. Thus till nearly
the end of my visit I wrote the word tedslik as tcshk, and
the name of the village TedsJiteiri as Teshtciri, and I have
little doubt that this letter, the presence of which I had
so much difficulty in recognising, may have been omitted in
other cases.

There seems to be no doubt that dr and t might some-
times be interchangeable. Thus the termination of personal
names, kutan seemed to be the same word as kudr. A horn
is ki%dr and imitation-horns are kutcr. An assembly is /•///,
and the corresponding verb is kudriti (3rd person singular).
Sometimes dr becomes rt ; thus the word kcdr becomes kcrt
in the compound word kcrtiiodr, and the names of the clans
Kuudr and Piedr often become Kuurt and Piert in the words
Kuurtol and Piertol.

I failed to distinguish between / and /, and it is probable
that my / includes both letters. My interpreters used the
sign th for/, as is common in the transliteration of missionaries
and others in India, and I am afraid that in a few cases my
th should stand for the lingual t. It is very unfortunate that
th should be used for /, for the true th not only occurs among
the Todas but is a very frequent consonant. It is frequently
inserted euphonically in words which are at other times pro-

XXV LANGUAGE 6ii

nounccd without it, and this is especially the case in connexion
with the letter /. The consonant /// also occurs frequently
apart from any other consonant, in such words as pnlhi,
patJuiiuiml, &c.

I think it probable that under the sign th I have included
two sounds, that of the English word 'though' and that of
' throw,' but I could not make up my mind whether the
two sounds were definitely distinguished. The softer sound
is undoubtedly the more common, and often it seemed
to me to be even softer than this sound is ever heard in
English.

A", k%v, g, kh, g/i, h. Perhaps the commonest Toda con-
sonant is /', which often becomes kio, and it seemed to me
that the two were sometimes interchanged, kudr becoming
kii'ih/r, &c.

The consonant g is less frequently heard, but kiidr,
especially as the termination of the names of men and
places, is often pronounced gndt', and it seemed to me
that this pronunciation is somewhat more common among
the Teivaliol than among the Tartharol. The sound g
occurs very definitely, sometimes at the ends of words as in
the names of villages, as in Kwirg and Perg, and in the word
kiig^ and in these cases there is no doubt that it is a true
Toda consonant.

The sounds which I have expressed by kh and gh are
fairly common, though I do not feel quite confident that
the two sounds are definitely distinguished from one another.
I heard them very frequently in the words iiiokJi and kiigJi,
and it certainly seemed to me that the final sound of the latter
was always softer than that of the word iiiokli. When one or
other of these sounds occurs at the end of a word, it is pro-
bable that I have in some cases omitted to notice it. A man
named Perpakh was called by me Perpa till nearly the end of
my visit, and it is probable that I made similar errors which
were not detected. Similarly kJi in the middle of a word
may easily escape attention, and this has probably happened
in some cases.

I also had much trouble about a sound occurring at the end
of a word for which I have used the sign Ji. Its chief

R R 2

6i2 THE TODAS chap.

occurrence is in the word poJi^ and the same or a closely
similar sound sometimes occurs in the middle of the word
pali. The \\ox6. poJi has usually been written boath, following
Marshall, or boa (Breeks). The word certainly often sounded
like a dissyllable, but I was doubtful whether this was anything
more thin the prolongation of vowels to which I have already
referred in the case of ei and /. There is some kind of
consonantal sound at the end of the word, but it is certainly
not the ordinary th nor is it kJi, and I have adopted Ji as the
nearest equivalent though I recognise that it is not the right
sign.

R, I. I have already considered the letter ; in connexion
with (/, but it also occurs frequently by itself At the end of a
word it is sometimes distinctly rolled. When used after a
short vowel, as in such a word ^.s persui, it was sometimes not
easy for me to detect its presence, and occasionally it is possi-
ble that I have omitted it from words in which it should occur.

The letter / is of fairly frequent occurrence, but has certainly
often been lost in Toda in words which contain it in other
Dravidian languages ; thus the word ktl, lower, inferior, becomes
ki in Toda, though the / has been retained in iiieil or niel^
meaning upper or superior.

There are almost certainly two different / sounds in Toda
which I failed to distinguish definitely. I have written the
word for dairy /c?//, but the second consonant of the word is
certainly a different sound from that of the / in ;/2^//, and is
probably the representative of the / of Tamil. It is in con-
nexion with this letter that the euphonic tJi is so often
inserted, and I believe that the proper name for a Toda dairy
is paltJil'i. When this / occurs at the end of a word, it is
sometimes hardly audible, and to my ear bears a very close
resemblance to the French i. The end of the word Kudreiil
seemed to me to be pronounced almost exactly like the end
of Auteuil.

It appears that r and / may sometimes pass into one
another ; thus, the name of the bow and arrow ceremony is
pursiitphni, but the bufifalo given on this occasion is called
pulkzvadr.

M and n. The letters ni and ;/, indistinguishable to my

XXV

LANCUAGE 6r

ear from the corresponding English letters, are of frequent
occurrence. They are, however, often omitted in the Toda
forms of Tamil or Canarese words ; thus, as we have already
seen, the word niand, village, becomes the Toda mad \ the
Tamil aiubii, arrow, becomes ab ; and the Toda form of
Kurumba is Ki'irub.

The n may also disappear from the Toda names of villages
when it exists in their Badaga names ; thus Tarnard becomes
Taradr and Korangu, Kwirg. The omission of the letter ;/
and other changes which words undergo in Toda are very well
shown in the word padjpatcva, which is the Toda form of the
Panchpandavas. Although my ear failed to separate the n of
the Todas from the English ;/, it is probably different and
represents the ;/ of Tamil.

In addition to the ordinary )i the Todas have another con-
sonant which is extremely like the final French n for which I
have used the sign ;7. The sound only occurs in certain
exclamations or greetings ; the Oh which occurs so fre-
quently in the dairy ritual is pronounced in this way, and so
is bail, which is uttered by the palol as a greeting to the
Tartharol. The sound also occurs in the various kinship
greetings. The commonest of these, tion, offered to an elder
brother, is a corruption of itian, but I never heard the nasal
pronunciation when the word an or anna was uttered in the
ordinar}' way. In this case the sound I have expressed b}' //
is undoubtedly the letter n of Tamil, this word being aiiiia in
that language.

5, sJi, ,3-, .cr//, d::, j. The sound for which I have used the
letter j- is a somewhat harsh sound, harsher, I think, than is
heard in English, but much like the sound which I have heard
in English words pronounced by Scottish Highlanders. Breeks
wrote zJi for this sound, but I have used this sign for a
different sound which was exactly like the si in the English
word ' occasion.' It occurs not uncommonly in Toda in
such words diS, push, earth, and in the verbal form kaiahvat.

The sound s occurs frequently. I was often doubtful
whether to write <^s- or .c, especially at the ends of personal
names, and in other cases what was obviously the same
termination was pronounced more like dp ; thus I wa s often

6i4 THE TODAS chap.

doubtful whether to write the name Piliodz in this way or as
PiHoz or Piliodj (the three English equivalents would be the
sounds of Dods, Boz and Dodge).

The sounds s and s/i are often inserted euphonically ; thus,
the name Kuriolv is as often as not pronounced Kursiolv,
and, more rarely, Kurshiolv.

Sacred Language

There are three varieties of sacred language in use among
the Todas. There is the kivarzam, the word or clau.se used
in prayer and other sacred formulae ; secondly, there are
certain words and phrases peculiar to the // dairy, and thirdly,
there are certain words called by the Todas, teJi language,
which are only used in the legends of the gods.

The kivarzain is used especially for the names of gods,
persons or objects used in the first portions of the prayers.
It is also used in the magical formulae and in the funeral
laments, but it may be that the last use is only due to an
extension of the strict meaning of the term. When I began
to collect the prayers, I hoped that the kwarzam might turn
out to belong to some ancient and otherwise forgotten lan-
guage, but their general nature is evidently the same as that
of other Toda words. The kzvai'aam arises either by a slight '
modification of a name in ordinary use or as a phrase record-
ing some historical or mythical incident.

I giv'e here a short list of kwarzam which, with a few
exceptions, have not occurred elsewhere. The following are
the kwarzam of the Tarthar clans : —

The Nodrsol, Nbdrstliarkfittliars ; the Karsol, Kdrst/iar-
kunnadrpcdr ; the Panol, P ajiddrpeshdtJivaimokh ; the Tara-
drol, Pillkiidiitliarpeithar ; the Keradrol, KerddrtJiarkerddr-
kutan ; the Kanodrsol, MnnantJtarpiiinaiitJio ; the Kwodr-
doniol, AdiitJiaratliiars \ the Pamol, PdmutJiarkathar ; the]
Melgarsol, NarztJiar. The kivarzaiu of the Kuudrol is]
IvikamnokJikfitiiJcilicu (sec p. loi), but the other Teivali clansj
have no such special names.

The onl)- one of the above, of which the meaning is quite!

XXV • LANGUAGE 615

clear, is that of Pan, in which case the kiuar::jaiii gives the
names of the two kudr of the clan (see p. 652). The latter
part of the kivarsani of the Kcradrol means a horn or son of
Keradr, and is also the name of a man, and with further
knowledge there is little doubt that the other kwnr.zain would
be found to have some meaning.

The following arc the kwarzani of the buffaloes of the
different clans : —

Nodrs, karudc/iirkiiiiakh ; Kars, indtvidsJiti indtvan ; ^ Pan
and Taradr, Mutchothvanmodethokvan ; Keradr, viiniapir
uidvelkar ; Kanodrs, TirztasJikkarzikiinp ; Kw6drdoni and
Nidrsi, Keitankcikav ; Pam, Arzoinolhitclii \ Melgars, Nar-
zubiuati'ilnndkJL ; Kuudr and Pedrkars, Kislivettarskvan ;
J-'iedr, Kuzhcrikivclvpiirserthunin ; Kusharf, Nulkarsiruazhnv ;
Keradr, Nclppdrsjykitdeipar ; Kulhem, Pelthrirkan.

The kivarzani of the Keradr buffaloes refers to the tradition
of their creation (see p. 192), and here again with further
knowledge there is little doubt that most of the kivarzani
would be found to have a definite meaning, probably derived
from legends concerning the buffaloes or the villages to which
they belong.

The second kind of sacred language, in use at the ti dairies,
has been already considered. Every kind of dairy vessel
or other object used in the dairy ceremonial has a name
at the ti different from that used in the house or village
dairy. These different names have been given in describing
the dairy ceremonial, but I have not hitherto referred to
certain other differences of language, especially in verbal
forms. Different words are used in the two kinds of dairy for
the verb 'to drink'; thus, when a village dairyman orders
another to drink buttermilk, he says " Maj {in !" while at the
//' the palol says " Kaizhvat ! " This latter formula is inter-
esting in that kaizh is not the usual ti word for buttermilk
{inbr) and only occurs, as far as I can ascertain, in conjunction
with the verb vat. A village dairyman uses the verb part^
pray, while at the //, the verb pohvetnort is used. Thus the
question " have you prayed } " would be " partihtdrtcha ? " at
the village 'and '' pdJivetnortikudricJia}'' at the ti. Similarl}'

' See story of Kwoto.

6i6 THE TODAS CHAP.

different forms of the verb ' to milk ' are used. " We have
milked " at the village would be " hkartkudrvispivii" often
shortened into trkartspivii, while at the ti " karviikkudri-
visphni'' would be said; "we have not milked" would
be '' irkarami" at the village and '^ frkarpukhaini" at
the //.

There are certain verbs used at the fi dairy which may only
be pronounced b)' ordinary people in the third per.son. A
good example is the verb nort, and it will be noticed that the
names of ceremonies in which this verb is used have always
been given in the third person, irnortiti, and never in the first
person plural as in the case of most other ceremonies.

About the third kind of sacred language, I know very
little. It will have been noticed that the words and sentences
which are used in the legends of Chapter IX are unlike
those which occur elsewhere, and I was especially told that
certain words only occurred in the stories of the gods. A
special instance given was that of the words " tar tnrzJiodtlir-
ska" (see p. 201), where tar'^ was said to be the teu word for
' man.' The words kzimdrpedrshai and kaipedrshai in the
same legend were given as other examples of ten language.

Secret Language

The Todas have a large number of expressions which they
use in the presence of Badagas, Tamils and others when they
wish to be understood only by themselves. Many of the
Badagas and Tamils with whom the Todas associate no doubt
pick up some knowledge of their language, and even if this
were not the case, the Toda language is sufficiently like Tamil
to enable a stranger to understand part of what is said. In
consequence the Todas have adopted a secret code for use
among themselves which they call kalikatpinii, literally " stolen
we tic," while in distinction the ordinary language is called
itJierkelv or " front fact."

^ The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwolo is prnlialily this word
so that the name means 'superior man,'

xx.v LANGUAGE 617

The following" arc the chief instances of which I was told.

Ordinary I,angiiage. Secret Language.

PiUrshk iitr at kwadr '. Noiik uar pudvaink

.Milk 1(1 water mix give. Fmir sides \vhicli came from

/.{•., give milk mixed with water I

kagir piirs at kwadi- !
old huffalo milk mix give !
i.e., give milk mixed with what
comes from the four teats of an
old hufi^ilo.

Pars tidr JVoiik nar pud vi/idii tarsk

milk cook Four sides come three on uji

i.e., cook fnod in milk 1 ids lit !

put
i.e., Put what comes from the four teats
upon the three (stones of the oven).

Tor tidsliia ? Kato north kershia ?

Have you taken food? Teeth between did you throw?

At vok/i ! At erd af!

There (or away) go ! There (or awa}-) two (legs) get I

Ire I! akaik iid ! kudr vakpoi tors iilar ki 1

The Iniflalo in the wood hide 1 Horn crooked wood into go !

h'an odihi? Kildreii pom odtliiiin

Is he not blind ? Black fruit has he not ?

When a man is thought to be dying, the Todas may ask
" Is this man going from one place to another } "

Whenever a Toda first sees a man, he looks at his feet, and,
correspond ingl}', when a Toda asks another his opinion of a
man, he says '' Kal pel ili'iditiu, " What sort of leg and nail has
he } " In secret language the leg may be called metipol, " walk
thing," also used for footprints or pih/ii filar pi pol, " thing that
goes into the earth."

Many other things and persons have secret names ; thus, a
rupee, or money generally, is called atcJiertvai, that which is
stamped ; butter is called pcltJipol or white thing ; clarified
butter (/;£-/) is called kartpol or melted thing ; sugar and honey
are called ticJiedpol or sweet thing ; rice is called pcitpudvai,
that which comes from Peit, a place near Kavidi in the Wainad
from which rice used to be procured ; arrack {saraitu) is called
frt/ipol or piishetpol, each meaning "drink thing." The sun is
called etitdol, " great man."

6i8 THE TODAS CH. xxv

The various tribes on the hills have secret names ; thus,
both Badagas and Tamils are called tutar katvai, he who wears
or ties the turban ; a Kota is called kimas itJivai, he who is
beneath ; a Kurumba is called drkdrthpol, the man who watches
the way ; a European is called peltlipol, or white man. A
forest guard is called/^/?/;// iltvai, petuni being here used as a
term for uniform, so that if a forest guard has come, they will
say, petuni i'ltvai podviichi.

Several of the words used in the secret language do not
appear to have any other meaning and are not ordinarily used.
Thus the ordinary word for tooth is pars, but in secret lan-
guage kdto or kdt{t is used. This word is the name of the
wall of a buffalo-pen and it is possible that it may mean
stones, but I could not ascertain whether this was the deriva-
tion, and could only learn that it was another word for tooth.
Similarly the car, of which the ordinary name is kevi, is called
pertars, and the question " Did you wear gold earrings 1 "
becomes pertarsk iltsJiia t " to car did you wear .'' "

CHAPTER XXVI

TERSONAL NAMES

The ceremonies of name-givinc^ liave already been con-
sidered, the chief point of interest being that the name of a
boy is given to him by his maternal uncle, while that of a
girl is probabl)' given by her paternal aunt. In this chapter
I wish to consider the general nature of the personal names
of the Todas and some special customs connected with
them.

The genealogies provide a large store of material, for it is
exceptional for two Todas to ha\'e the same name, and no
Toda should bear a name which has been borne by another
for four generations, and certainly not one which has been
borne by one of his own famil}'.

The great majority of Toda names have distinctive termi-
nations which are different for men and women.

The common terminations for males are -van, -k/idr, -kut
or -kutaii, -o/v, -eidi, and -ners. The first was said to be the
same word as pan or ///;/, the Toda name for the stone
circles found on the summits of the liills. The names of
deities often receive the same termination ; thus Notirzi is
also called Notirzivan, and, in several cases, men received
the names of gods or hills followed by the syllable -van. The
same termination is also given to names which have other
derivations.

The terminations, -kudr or -gndr, -kfit or -kutan, are different
forms of the word /v/c/r, which means primarily ' horn,' and
when it occurs in a name seems to mean ' child.' The
termination in -kfidr or -gudr seems to be much more

620 THE TODAS chap.

frequently used by the Teivaliol than by the Tartharol, and
in both divisions it is rare in older generations.

I do not know the meaning of the terminations in -olv and
-eidi: it is noteworthy, however, that -olv is also a frequent
ending of the names of dairies.

The termination -ner or -ners sometimes becomes -«/;-, and
it may be the word for water, possibly with the idea of
' spring.'

The usual terminations of female names are -veli, -veni or
-vaiii, -eivii, and -idj or -idz. Of these, the first is by far the
most frequent, being usually pronounced with a tJi sound, as in
-veWili or -viltJili. It is possibly the same word as a frequent
Indian name of Venus, which is also the Toda name for this
planet. The word also means silver and in the form peltJiiti
is used for ' white.'

The termination -veni or -vani is probably derived homjyafii,
which is said to be an ancient name for a Toda woman.
Occasionally the latter form occurred, as in the name of
Sinadapani (Oy), and one of the wives of Kwoten was named
Kwaterpani. I know nothing of the derivation of the
terminations -ewii and -ids.

The names of Todas are often derived from villages, dairies
or dairy vessels, hills and their deities, and objects of various
kinds. There seems to be no objection to use the names of
deities or of such sacred objects as the wr?;// as personal
names, but only as those of men. Reccntl}' the Todas have
begun to use words of Hindu or even English origin for the
names of their children.

It is the names of men which are chiefly derived from
villages, and at least twenty examples occur in the genealogies.
In some cases the name of the village is used without any
suffix, as in Ushadr (48) and Madsu (58); in other cases one
or other of the customary terminations is used, as in
Keradrkutan ^ (26), Nongarsivan (62), Kuirsiners (18), and
Karseidi (8). The special point of interest here is that the
names of villages which have now disappeared may be
preserved as personal names ; thus Harkness mentions the
village of Kattaul as being near Ootacamund, and, though the
^ This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten.

XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 621

village has now disappeared, its memory is preserved in the
name Katolvan (44), borne by one of the IMelgarsol, to whom
the village belonged. Again, the village of Kepurs, an
extinct village mentioned in the legend of Kwoten, is
preserved in the name of Kepursvan (18), borne by one of
Kwoten's clan, the Panol.

In general, when a man receives a name derived from a
village or other place, the village or place is one belonging to
his own clan. Names may be derived from // places as well
as from ordinary villages, of which Makars (10) and Pursas
(42) are examples.

The special feature of interest about these sources of
nomenclature is that personal names ma)' thus preserve
records of the past, and a full investigation of the genealogies
from this point of view might bring to light the names of
many other villages now extinct.

Names are also derived from dairies, buffalo-pens, stones,
and other objects of the village ; thus Tarziolv, the special
name of the kiidipali of Kars, is borne by a member of the
Karsol (15), and Tilipa (12) is probably a corruption of
Tilipoh. A boy of Nidrsi is named Punatu (43) after the
buffalo-pen of his village, and the men called Agar (7),
Pepners (44), and Persinkudr (16), have received names con-
nected with the operations of the dair)'.

The names of stones occur in the examples Menkars (10)
and Mutchud (45). Several men are named after the sacred
bells, or w^?///, of which examples are Nalani (35),Kerani (35),
Pongg (47), while Mudriners (57) is named after Mudrani,
one of the patat)nani of Kiudr. The name of Eshkiaguln
of Kars (^8) is very much like that of one of the bells of
Nidrsi, Eshkiakudr, and in one case a man is called
Maniners (62).

The kivarrjam of the prayers form a frequent source of
personal names. Thus the name of Puthion (64) occurs in
the last clause of the Kuudr prayer, and no less than six men
take their names, either directly or with some modifications,
from the Kiudr prayer ; these are Kil, Erai, Etamudri,
Kwelthipush from Kwelpushol, Kishkar from Arsvishkars,
and Keikudr, who was also called Parvakudr, derived from

622 THE TODAS chap.

another kzvarzaui of this prayer. In one of these cases the
name is taken from the kivavzani with so much modification
that I should not have guessed its derivation if I had not been
told ; and if this extensive modification is frequent, there may
be many more names derived from kivarzaui than appears
to be the case at first sight.

The names of deities are not uncommonly adopted as
personal names ; the chief examples being Notirzi (47),
Meilitars (44), Teipakh (20), Etepi (26), Karzo (12), Porzo (4),
and Pakhwar (16). Two people are also called Tevo (3 and
53), which is a corruption of Teipakh, and a boy is called
Kodrthokutan (43). In many cases men are named after
hills, of which Drugevan (40), Kodrner (7), and Mopuvan ^
(16) are examples, and it is not improbable that these hills
are also provided with deities. Two of the instances given
above are the names of river-gods, and there is also a man, |
Palpa(i6), named after the stream by which Kwoten met the
goddess Terkosh. Punatvan (53) is named after one of the
personages in the story of Kwoto. Among these names it is
noteworthy that Notirzi, the name of a female deity, is borne
by a man, and that there is no instance in which a man is
named after one of the three ancient and important deities,
Pithi, On, and Teikirzi.

This use of the names of deities as personal names seems
to point to the absence of any high degree of reverence
for the divine beings. The Todas are by no means free from
the ideas of danger and disrespect connected with the utter-
ance of names ; and if their gods still received any great
degree of veneration, I think it is improbable that their
names would be allowed to be in everyone's mouth, as must
be the case when used as personal names. It is possible that
this use of the names of deities is recent ; it is certainly more
frequent at the present time than in the older generations
recorded in the genealogies, and I strongly suspect that the
practice adds another indication to those already given of
the decay of the religious sentiment of the Todas.

It seems to be extremely rare for persons to have the same

^ Mopuvan is named after ihe hill Mopiivlhul, which is menlioned in the
legend of Puzi (193).

\xvi PERSONAL NAMES 623

names as bufYaloes. There is only one doubtful example
in the genealogies, Kerani (35). This is also the name of a
bell, and I am doubtful whether it is really a buffalo-name.
It is probable that the absence of the names of buffaloes is
merely utilitarian and has no deeper significance. Buffaloes
are generally referred to by name, and it would obviously be
inconvenient that they should have the same names as people.

Many other names are derived from objects or from the
language of everyday life. Examples of such are Nipa,
stream ; Perol, unsanctified man ; Irsimitch, lime ; Sakari,
sweet ; Kakar, a grass ; Mogai, cubit ; Kapur, camphor ; and
Pol, a two-year-old calf Sometimes such words become
names by the addition of the terminations -k/ldr or -veli, as
in Panmkudr, the horn of a four-anna piece, and Nirveli and
Kadakveli, derived from the words for water and for the wild
rose. Probably with a wider knowledge of the Toda vocab-
ulary, it would be found that a very large number of the
names are formed in this way.

In one case a girl was called Mudukugh (72). She was the
third girl in the family, and the name was no doubt given to
commemorate the fact.

Often two or more children of a family are given names
with a considerable degree of similarity to one another. In
one case two brothers are called Mongeidrvan andTergeidrvan
(53); in another, Piliar and Piliag (52); and in a third,
Singudr and Sinar (55) ; three sisters are called Teinesveli,
Ternersveli, and Kenerveli (51), and in such cases it seems
probable that new names are invented.

At the present time children are in many cases receiving
Hindu names. Three young boys are called Arjun, Parvishki,
and Sandisparan, and a young girl is called Natcham, which
was said to represent Latchmi. Other Hindu names are
Katcheri (Cutcherry), Sirkar, Kedjeri, and probably there are
many others.

In a few cases names of English origin have probably been
given, as in the case of Pensil, and the name Birkidj was said
to be derived from Breeks.

The genealogical record shows clearly that this use of names
derived from external sources is quite recent. There is a very

624 THE TODAS chap.

striking difference in general character between the names of
the present and those of older generations, and a foreign
origin is especially frequent in the names of children less
than ten or fifteen years of age. The evidence from names
would seem to point to a rapid spread of outside influence
during the last ten years.

Shortened forms of names are often used. The termina-
tion of a word may be dropped ; thus Nurmaners is often
called Nurman, Ultzkudr becomes Ultz, and Paniolv, Pani.
Sometimes the contraction is of a different kind ; thus the
girls Astrap and Pumundeivi are usually called Asp and
Pumidz, and the name of the boy Kulpakh often becomes
Kulen.

In addition to his proper name nearl}^ every Toda has a
nickname, usually given to him by the Badagas. These
names often refer to some personal peculiarity, and this is
probably the reason why nicknames were usually given to
me with great reluctance, there being a distinct reversal of
the condition found in communities of lower culture, where
the proper names are usually kept secret, while only nick-
names are uttered. Arpurs (46) was nicknamed Suri (knife)
on account of his sharp nose, and Nertolvan (16) is called
Teinkan or ' Bee eye,' on account of the smallness of his
eyes, like those of the honey bee. In other cases I do not
know the origin of the Badaga names, but they have usually
different forms from those of true Toda names, often terminat-
ing in -oin or -illn. Sometimes the Badaga name is merely
a modification of the Toda name, as when Tudrvan becomes
Utudiki. In a few cases I heard the Badaga name of a man
more often than his Toda name ; thus Tovoniners is usually
called Aravoin, and a noted Toda of the last generation is
always spoken of by his Badaga name, Mervoin. In a few
cases, men long dead are remembered by their Badaga
names, while their Toda names are forgotten.

As I have already indicated, nicknames are often used
by people of low culture as a means of evading taboos, and
though, as we shall see shortly, such taboos exist among the
Todas, I met with no instance in which a Toda, who was
unable to utter a name, gave a nickname in its stead.

XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 625

From the foregoing account it is evident that in the names
of the Todas we have a storehouse of words the investigation
of which might lead to many discoveries in connexion with
tlicir half-forgotten folklore and past history. We have seen
that the names of villages which have now entirely disap-
peared may still be preserxed in the names of persons, and I
have little doubt that a complete investigation of the names
included in the genealogies would furnish a record of many
more extinct villages and possibly provide clues to institu-
tions which have now wholly disappeared.

Change of Name

There are three chief conditions which lead Todas to
change their names. If two men have the same name, and
one of the two should die, the other man would change his
name, since the taboo on the name of the dead would prevent
people from uttering the name of the living. The most
recent example of this occurred about six years ago. There
were two men named Matovan, one of Pan (19) and the
other of Kwodrdoni (34). The Kwodrdoni man died and
Matovan of Pan changed his name to Imokhvan, and it is
this name which will be found in his pedigree.

This change of name may also be effected even when there
is only a similarity between two names. Thus when Pun-
buthuxi, the wife of Parkurs (8), died, Sinbuthuvi of Kusharf
(65) changed her name to Pukuruveli. Similarly when Oners
of Kuudr (56) died, Einers of Piedr ^ (64) changed his name
to Tokulvan.

A person may also change his name merely because it is
the same as, or very similar to, that of another, this being
done simply to avoid inconvenience and misunderstanding.
It sometimes happens that a child is given the same name
as some other child, and then one or other is renamed.
Thus a boy was named Oblodj, but it was found later that
there was a girl at Kars called Obalidz (12), and so the name

' It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are those which
occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered these better than
the new names, which had l^een assumed only late in life.

S S

626 THE TODAS chap.

of the boy was changed to Meilitars (44). A boy of Pam
was called Kudeners, but it was found that there was another
Kudeners at Taradr (25), so the name of the former was
changed to Arparners, often shortened to Arpar (38).

When Kainir (3) married, his wife's name was Kanir, but
she changed it since it was so like that of her husband. It
was said to have been changed to Singub, but she was always
known as Udz at the time of my visit.

Change of name of this kind is not obligatory, and there
are several cases in which two people now living have the
same name. When a change is made because two people
have the same name or similar names, it is the younger of the
two who changes. In most of the cases in Vv'hich two people
bear the same name it will be found that one belongs to the
Tartharol and the other to the Teivaliol, and I am doubtful
whether in this case names are changed except as the result
of death.

A third reason for changing names is illness or other mis-
fortune. When a man is ill, change of name is sometimes
recommended by a diviner, but this is not often done. One
of my guides, Kutadri (7), had changed his name twice. His
original name had been Okeithi or Okvan, but as there was
another Okvan of Keadr (68), he became Tagarsvan. Later
he fell ill, and, on the recommendation of a diviner, Tagarsvan
changed his name to Kutadri, and I never heard him spoken
of or addressed by any but this name during my visit.

Taboos on Names

The only definite restrictions on the utterance of the names
of living people are those connected with kinship which have
already been considered in Chapter XXI. A man may not
utter the names of his mother's brother, his grandfather and
grandmother, his wife's mother, and of the man from whom he
has received his wife, who is usually the wife's father. The
names of the above are tabooed in life, while after death the
restrictions are still wider, and it is forbidden to utter the
name of any dead elder relative, while the names of the dead
are in any case only said reluctantly.

XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 627

It may seem strange that this rehictance should exist
among a people who possess so full a genealogical record.
The reluctance probably only extends to the public utterances
of ordinary life and disappears when the people discuss
affairs in which genealogical lore plays a part, or when they
are transmitting this lore to others.

In addition to the definite taboos, there is often much
reluctance in uttering personal names. The Todas dislike
uttering their own names, and a Toda, when asked for his
name, would often request another man to give it. Some-
times my guide was obviously reluctant to give me the names
of the people who came to see me, and it seemed to me that
this was especially so when the people were related to him by
marriage, i.e., men who had married into his clan ; but I could
not satisfy myself definitely that it made him more uncom-
fortable to utter the names of such relatives than those of
other people.

In some parts of the world the taboo on the names of the
dead involves also a taboo on the names of the objects which
correspond to the names of the dead or to parts of these
names. If such restrictions existed among the Todas, they
would have on the death of Nirveli and Panmkudr to find
other names for water and for a four-anna piece. It was quite
clear, however, that there were no such restrictions, and that
this frequent cause of change of vocabulary has not been
at work in the case of the Toda language.

s s 2

CHAPTER XXVII

RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES

In this chapter I propose to put together the chief facts
with which I am acquainted which throw Hght on the very
difficult problem of the relations between the Todas and the
other tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. The chapter could only be
written with any degree of completeness by one who had
studied the question from the point of view of each of the
Nilgiri tribes separately. I have only been able to do so, and
that incompletely, from the Toda point of view. My in-
formation is derived almost wholly from the Todas themselves,
and gives their way of regarding the relations between them-
selves and the other tribes.

The five tribes inhabiting the Nilgiri Hills are shown in
Fig. 68 (taken from Breeks), the Todas in the centre with
the Badagas on their right and the Kotas on their left. Next
to the Badagas are the Irulas, and next to the Kotas are the
Kurumbas.

The tribes with which the Todas come into contact habitually
are the Badagas and Kotas, while their points of contact with
Kurumbas and Irulas are much less important. The Badagas
are not only the agriculturists of the Todas, but are the
constant intermediaries between the Todas and the extra-
Nilgiri world. The two tribes regard each other more or less
as social equals. The Kotas, on the other hand, who are the
artisans of the Todas, are regarded by them as social
inferiors. The relations with the former may be considered
first.

629

630 THE TODAS CHAP.

TODAS AND BADAGAS

The Todas call a Badaga Mav} which seems to be a form
of the Canarese word for father-in-law or maternal uncle.
The origin of this term is said to have been that when the
Todas first met a Badaga, they asked his name and he
answered " MavT A Badaga who performs certain services
for the palol is called tikelfinav. Certain elders of the
Badagas are also called uiadtin.

Whenever a Toda meets a Badaga inoncgar (headman) or
an old Badaga with whom he is acquainted, a salutation
passes between the two which is represented in Fig. 69. The
Toda stands before the Badaga, inclines his head slightly, and
says " Madtiii pudia ! " (" Madtin, }'ou ha\-e come.") The
Badaga replies " ButJink / butlnik ! " (" Blessing, blessing ")
and rests his hand on top of the Toda's head. This greeting
only takes place between Todas and the more important of the
Badaga communit}-. It would seem that ever}' Badaga head-
man may be greeted in this wa}-, but a Toda will only greet
other Badaga elders if he is already acquainted with them. The
salutation is made to members of all the various castes of the
Badagas except the Torayas. It has been held to imph-
that the Todas regard the Badagas as their superiors, but
it is doubtful how far this is the case. The Todas them-
selv'es sa}' they follow the custom because the Badagas help
to support them. It seems to be a mark of respect paid by
the Todas to the elders of a tribe with which they have ver\'
close relations, and it is perhaps significant that no similar
sign of respect is shown to Toda elders b}' the Badagas.

The Badagas perform definite services for the Todas and
give what maybe regarded as a tribute of grain at the harvest.
The tribute is called gudu. I did not myself investigate the
nature of the gudu, and there is some difference of opinion
among previous writers'- as to whether a definite amount of grain

' Mav is also the Toda word for samliliar.

~ According to Harkness, "each Ijurglier, hamlet, or villai^e "" gives about twn
quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the //and half a bushel to the other
Todas. According to Breaks (p. 9), \\\tt gudu is about one-tenth, one-eighth, or
one-fifth of the gross produce.

XXVII

RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES

''W

or a given [jroportion of the crop is given. I have no informa-
tion as to the way in which the giving of the tribute is
regulated, and it is eminently one of those points on which
evidence must be sought from both Todas and Badagas. In
the case of the Kotas, we shall see that there is a definitely

FIG. 69. — A BADAOA GREETING A TODA.

organised system regulating the relations of certain Kota
villages to certain Toda clans, and some such s}'stem probably
exists to regulate the supply of Badaga grain to different
clans, but I have no information on the point.^

' It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help towards the
explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans.

632 THE TODAS chap.

The contribution of grain from the Badagas has usually
been regarded as given in return for the use of the land, the
Todas being supposed to be the original owners of the soil.
That this is not the whole explanation is shown by the fact
that the Badagas also give a tribute of grain to two other
Nilgiri tribes, the Kotas and Kurumbas. Harkness ^ was
told b}' the Badagas that the portion given to the ti was in
return for the prayers of the palol, and that they did not
believe that "their crops or their cattle, themselves or their
children, would prosper without his blessing." The Badagas
also stated that they generally desisted from cultivating their
fields when the // was left without a palol. They looked on
the tribute of grain to the Todas as given of their own good
will, while a similar tribute to the Kurumbas was dictated by
fear of the consequences of sorcery which might be employed
if the duty were neglected.

It has been supposed that the fear of Toda sorcery is one
reason for the maintenance of the tribute, and, since the
Badagas undoubtedly fear the power of the Toda sorcerers,
it is probable that this factor plays a part, though one less
irnportant than in the case of the Kurumbas.

'Another view which has been taken is that the Todas
maintain rights over old dairies in the middle of the Badaga
fields, and that any recalcitrance on the part of the Badagas
might be followed by the taking up of these old rights. It is
possible that the Todas have at some time threatened to
resume their rights over disused dairies, but, in the case of the
more sacred dairies, the fear of defilement of the sacred
buffaloes by approaching a Badaga village would prevent the
Todas from putting such a threat into practice.

The grain is probably given, partly because it is an
immemorial custom, partly because the Badagas believe that
they receive benefits and avoid evils in consequence of the
custom.

At the present time, the amount of grain supplied b}- the
Badagas is not sufficient for the needs of the Todas, and both
grain and rice are bought by the Todas in the bazaar. All
the grain used by the palol must, however, be that supplied by

XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRII5ES 633

the Badagas ; but if more grain is required than the Badagas
supply, it is possible that other grain may be used, though it
is always in this case procured through the Badagas. The rice
used at a ti dairy must also be procured through the Badagas.

The supply of grain is far from being the only duty of the
liadagas to the // dairies. Each // has one or more special
Jiadagas, each called tikelfinav, or " ti help Badaga," who acts
as intermediary between the palol and the Hindus. The
earthenware vessels used in the inner room, the various
garments of X.\\c palol, and other objects are made by Hindus,
from whom they are procured by the tikelfmav. I did not
learn of any material recompense given to the l^adagas for
these services, and the motive is probably some such belief as
that described by Harkness.

One of the most important parts played by the Badagas in
the Toda community is in connexion with the naiin, or council,
of which one member is a Badaga belonging to the village of
Tuneri. He is only called upon to sit, however, in cases of
difficulty, and probably one of his functions is to assist in the
settlement of any dispute which may arise in connexion with
the tribute of grain, or other transactions between members of
the two communities.

There is little evidence that the Badagas have had much
influence on the more important customs and ceremonies of
the Todas. Few traces of their influence are to be found in
the dairy ceremonial, but it is possible that some of the rites
accompanying birth and death may have been borrowed from
this people. The practice of making cicatrices on the arm
(p. 576) is common to both Badagas and Todas, and may
have been borrowed by the latter from the former, but the
practice is not in an}- way of a ceremonial character. The
only part played by a Badaga at a Toda funeral is that the
bell called tiikulir inani may be kept by a Badaga or a Kota,
and, as I have suggested on p. 377, the whole ceremony with
the calf in which this bell is used may have been borrowed
from the Badagas. The idea of a thread bridge between this
world and the next is said to be common to Todas and
Badagas, but I have no evidence to show which has borrowed
from the other.

634 THE TODAS chap.

In the ordinary life of the people' there is more evidence of
influence. At many Toda villages there may now be seen
huts like those of the Badagas which usually result from the
practice of allowing Badagas to occupy a Toda village when
the proper occupants have gone elsewhere. The visitors
build a hut of their own kind in which to live, and sometimes
the Todas on their return inhabit this hut, though in general
they only use it as an appanage to the hut of the proper
kind.

The fact that the Badagas will thus come to live at a Toda
village seems to show that when the Todas move from one
place to another the pasturage is not necessarily exhausted,
for the Badagas would not bring their buffaloes in this case.
It seems that the grazing-grounds for the Badaga buffaloes
are not very extensive, and that the Badagas are always
glad to use the more extensive pasturage of the Todas,
even when the grass has been partly eaten off.

Transactions in buffaloes between Todas and Badagas
seem now to be fairly frequent. I often heard of a buffalo as
having been received from the Badagas, but I have no very
definite information as to the reasons for the transference. On
the occasion of the ceremony of the ear-piercing of Tikievan's
sons (p. 336), Tikievan received a present of two buffaloes
from the Badaga nionegaroi Tuncri, and this present \\'as said
to be in return for things which Tikievan had previously
given to the monegar, but I did not learn the exact nature
of this gift.

In two departments there is very clear evidence of Badaga
influence. The astronomical ideas of the Todas are almost
certainly borrowed from their neighbours (see Chap. XXIV),
and in the closely allied practical question of the calendar I
think Badaga influence may be suspected.

The other department is medicine. There is no special
reason to suppose that the magical remedies of the 21'kbreii
(Chap, XII) have been borrowed from the Badagas, but the
more strictl)' medical remedies used by the Todas are largely
borrowed, the actual leaves or other substances employed
being obtained from the Badagas. The practice of suicide by
opium, said to be very prevalent among the Badagas, has, in

XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 635

at least one recent case, been adopted by a Toda, and the
threat of suicide by this means is said to be fairly common.

There is no doubt that the Badagas believe in the powers
of the Toda sorcerers. I was told of several definite instances
in which misfortunes were believed to have been brought
upon the Badagas in this wa}', and there is little doubt that,
in one case, the supposed author of the death of a child was
murdered b}' the Badagas.

If a Badaga suspects magical influence of this kind he
may consult one of the Toda diviners, showing that the
Badagas believe in Toda divination as well as in Toda
sorcery.

It is probable that the relations between the Todas and
Badagas have existed for very long. It is generally held
that the Badagas are comparatively recent immigrants to the
Nilgiri Hills. Breeks ^ states that the Badagas are said to
have come to the hills about three centuries ago in consequence
of the troubles that followed the fall of Vijayanagar, but it
is certain that they have been on the hills much longer than
this, for the account of Finicio in 1602 (see App. I) shov.s
that the relations between Todas and Badagas were much
the same then as they are now. The close connexion of
Badagas with the // dairies, their intermediation between the
palol and the Hindu, and the fact that the palol must eat
Badaga grain, are all indications of very ancient relations
between the two tribes.

There is one fact which may be held to show that the
relation between Todas and Badagas is recent as compared
with that between the Todas and other Nilgiri tribes. This
is the fact that the Badagas are not mentioned in one of the
legends of the Toda gods, while Kotas, Kurumbas, and Irulas
each play a part in one or more of these stories.

Todas and Kotas

The Toda name for a Kota is Ktiv. The relation between
the two people is very different from that between Toda and

' 1". 4-

636 THE TODAS chap.

Badaga. While a Toda regards a Badaga as his equal, or
perhaps even as his superior, he looks down on the Kota as
inferior, as hardly to be classed as a man with himself. In
their secret language, a Toda speaks of a Kota as kimas
il/ivai, " he that is beneath," and in the remedies for the evil
eye (see p. 264) the Kotas are the only hill tribe which is
not thought worthy of mention — they are not thought to be
of sufficient importance to be able to cast the evil eye.
When a Kota meets a Toda, he raises both hands to his face
and salutes from a distance. The two people do not touch one
another in general, though I do not know that contact is
definitely prohibited. A Toda will not sleep or take food at
a Kota village in general, but makes an exception in the
case of Kulgadi in the Wainad (see p. 200). It is usually
supposed that the contempt of the Toda for the Kota is due
to the flesh-eating, or even carrion-eating, habits of the latter,
and this is certainly one of the elements which influence
the relations between the two peoples.

The Kotas supply the Todas with the larger part of their
pottery and ironware.^ All the earthenware vessels of the
dairies, except those of the inner rooms of the //" dairies, are
supplied by the Kotas, and the various knives and other
metal objects of the Todas are chiefly obtained from these
people. The Kotas supply most of the things burnt at
Toda funerals and they supply the music on these occasions.

Just as the Badagas do not supply grain to the Todas
only, so the Kotas do artisan work for Badagas, Kurumbas,
and Irulas. The Kotas are the artisans, not of the Todas
only, but of the whole hill district.

The relations between the Todas and Kotas are strictly
regulated, each Kota village supplying certain Toda clans.
There are seven Kota villages on the hills, of which the
following are the Toda and Badaga names : —

In the Todanad district : —

Tizgudr, Tizgadr, or Tizgwadr (Badaga, Tirichigadi),
between Ootacamund and Kancklrs, near the Toda \illage of
Ushadr,

' According to Breeks, the Kotas who sup|)ly the Todas arc known as /1111//11
Kotas,

XXVii RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 637

KurguH (B. Padagula or Kuruvoje), near the Badaga village
of Sholur.

In the Mekanad district : —

Kalmal (B. Kolamala or Kollimalai), not far from Kateri.

In the Peranganad district : —

Meilkukal (B. Melkotagiri or Perangada) in Kotagiri, one
of the three chief European stations on the hills. Kikukal
(B. Kilkotagiri or Kinnada), north-east of Kotagiri.

In the Kundanad district : —

Medrkukal (B. Menada).

The seventh is Kulgadi (B. Kalagasa) at Gudalur in the
Wainad.

The village of Tizgudr is connected with the Toda clans
of Kars, Melgars, Kanodrs, and sometimes with the people of
Kulhem. Kurguli supplies the clans of Nodrs, Taradr, Kuudr,
Piedr, and Kusharf, and occasionally Kulhem. Kalmal
supplies Keradr, Nidrsi, Pam, Kidmad, and Keadr. Meilkukal
and Kikukal are both connected with Kwodrdoni and Pedr-
kars, and Medrkukal is the Kota village of the Panol. Kulgadi
is connected only with the village of Kavidi, near Gudalur,
which belongs to the Piedrol. When there were several Toda
villages in the Wainad, it probably served them all.

The connexion between clans and villages seems to depend
almost wholly on geographical distribution. The clans are
supplied by the Kota villages which are nearest to their
headquarters. An outlying village such as Kavidi has not
the same Kota village as the rest of its clan. The
Kidmadol, who are a branch of the Melgarsol, have not
the same Kota village as the parent stock ; but, on the other
hand, the Panol, who now live chiefly among other Todas
near Governor Shola, are still connected with the Kundah
Kotas.

Each Kota village is responsible for the supply of the clan
or clans with which it is connected. Its inhabitants make the
various utensils used in the household and in the less sacred
dairy work of the Todas. At the funeral of any member of
a clan with which they are connected, they provide the music
and the following objects : —

At the etvainolkcdr, a cloak in which the corpse is wrapped,

638 THE TODAS chap.

five to ten measures {kiua) of the grain called patni {samai),
and one or two rupees. If the Kotas do not possess the
grain, they may give another one or two rupees in its stead.

At the marvainolkedr, they supply a cloak ; eight annas to
pay for the embroidery of the cloak, which is done by the
Toda women ; two to five rupees towards the funeral
expenses ; a bow and three arrows ; a knife {kafkati) ; a
sieve {kiidshniuni) and a basket (Jek).

In return, the Kotas receive the carcases of the buffaloes
killed at the funeral, and on the occasion of a Kota funeral,
the Todas supply one male calf from three to five years of
age and one measure {Jcudi) of clarified butter. The Kotas
also receive the bodies of any Toda buffaloes which die a
natural death.

A Kota visiting a Toda village at any time is given
clarified butter to take away with him. He is also given
food consisting of jaggery and rice, which must be eaten
on the outskirts of the village. A Kota is never given milk,
buttermilk, or butter.

Once a year there is a definite ceremony in which the
Todas go to the Kota village with which they are connected,
taking an offering of clarified butter and receiving in return
an offering of grain from the Kotas. T only obtained an
account of this ceremony as performed between the people
of Kars and the Kota village of Tizgudr, and I do not know
v/hether the details would be the same in other cases.

In the Kars ceremony the Todas go on the appointed day
to the Kota village, headed by a man carrying the clarified
butter. Outside the village, they are met by two Kota priests
whom the Todas called teupuli, who bring with them a dairy
vessel of the kind the Todas call i/in, which is filled with
patm grain. Other Kotas follow with music. All stand
outside the village, and one of the Kotas puts ten measures
{kiva) oi patiiL into the pocket of the cloak of the leading Toda,
and the tcupuli give the vui filled with the same grain.

The teupidi then go to their temple and return, each
bringing a nin, and the clarified butter brought by the Todas
is divided into two equal parts, and half is poured into each
inn. The leading Toda then takes some of the butter and

XXVII RELATIONS WTI'II OTHER TRIBES 639

rubs it on the heads of the two Kota priests, who jirostrate
themselves, one at each foot of the Toda, and the Toda prays
as follows : —

Ullnnia ;

Ki'iv

cniin

tanciiina :

kadr

peluiiiA ;

May il be well

; Kotas

two

ay il be well ;

fields

flourish may ;

riid icii ma :

/car

nil

Jl/'/T' /l

:./>■

ma.

rain may ;

buflalo

milk

disease

may.

The Toda then gives the two niu containing the clarified
butter to the Kota priests, and he and his companions return
home.

This ceremony is obviously one in which the Todas are
believed to promote the i^rosperity of the Kotas, their crops,
and their buffaloes.^

In another ceremonial relation between Todas and Kotas,
the Kwodrdoni // is especially concerned. The chief annual
ceremony of the Kotas is held about January in honour
of the Kota god Kambataraya. This ceremony lasts about a
fortnight, and, during part of the time, the proceedings are
attended by Todas and other of tlie hill tribes. In order that
this ceremony may take place, it is essential that there should
be a/«/cVat the Kwodrdoni ti, and at the present time this //
is only occupied every year shortly before and during the
ceremony. The palol gives clarified butter to the Kotas,
which should be made from the milk of the arsaiir, the
buffaloes of the ti. Some Kotas of Kotagiri whom I inter-
viewed claimed that these buffaloes belonged to them, and
that something was done by i\\Q palol ixt the Kwodrdoni // in
connexion with the Kambataraya ceremony, but they could
not or would not tell me what it was.

The relations between Todas and Kotas are probably of
very old standing. The fact that the Kotas supply the bow
and arrows burnt at a Toda funeral suggests that the con-
nexion goes back to the time when the Todas used these
weapons, while the special sieve supplied by the Kotas for a
funeral is of a different pattern from that in use at the present

' The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according to Breeks,
they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this occupation. They also keep
bufialoes, th(ntgli chiefly or entirely for tlieir o\\ n use.

640 THE TODAS chap.

time. The Kotas are mentioned in Toda legend. The
people of Tizgudr play a prominent part in the story of
Kwoten (p. 195), and this deity is said to have been the first
Toda who stayed at a Kota village, viz., at the village of
Kulgadi (or Gudalur). He sat and slept on the Kota tiin
and since that time the Todas have stayed at this village,
though they will not stay at any other. The relation between
Kwoten and the Kotas seems to have been especially close.
The old woman, Muturach, from whom the present people of
Kanodrs are descended, according to the legend, may have
been a Kota. The Kotas who give tribute to the Todas
are known as their niuttit Kotas, and the first part of the old
woman's name may have been this word.

Our acquaintance with Kota mythology is too scanty to
contribute much to our knowledge of the relations between
the two peoples. Breeks states that Kurguli (Padagula) is
the oldest of the Kota villages, and that the Badagas believe
that the Kotas of this village were made by the Todas. At
Kurguli there is a temple of the same form as the Toda dairy,
and this is said to be the only temple of the kind at any
Kota village.

Breeks gives a legend which records the origin of the
different foods of the Nilgiri tribes. Kambataraya, perspiring
profusely, wiped from his forehead three drops of perspira-
tion, and out of these formed the Todas, Kurumbas, and
Kotas. The Todas were told to live principally upon milk,
the Kurumbas were permitted to eat the flesh of buffalo
calves, and the Kotas were allowed perfect liberty, being
informed that they might eat carrion if they could get
nothing better. My interpreter, Albert, was told a different
version of this legend, according to which Kambataraya gave
to each people a pot. In the Toda pot was calf-flesh, and so
the Todas eat the flesh of calves (?>., at the cykuvipttJipimi
ceremony) ; the Kurumba pot contained the flesh of a male
buffalo, so this is eaten by the Kurumbas. The pot of
the Kotas contained the flesh of a cow-buffalo, which ma}-,
therefore, be eaten by this people.

XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 641

Tod AS AND KU RUMBAS

The Toda name for a Kurumba is Kunib, which often
sounds Hke Ktirb. In the secret language, a Kurumba is
called dr kdrthpol, " the man who watches the way." Mr.
Thurston states that when a Kurumba meets a Toda, he
bends forward and the Toda places his hand on the Kurumba's
head. The Todas may visit Kurumba villages and take food
in them.

Two ceremonial objects are obtained by the Todas from
the Kurumbas. One is the tall pole called tadrsi or tadri,
which is used in the dance at the second funeral ceremonies
and afterwards burnt. Poles of the proper length are said to
grow only on the Malabar side of the Nilgiris and are probably
most easily obtained from the Kurumbas. The other is the
teiks, or funeral post at which the buffalo is killed, which is
probably made of teak wood.

The most striking feature of the relations between Todas
and Kurumbas is the belief of the former in the magical
powers of the latter, a belief which is shared by both Kotas
and Badagas. The sorcery of the Toda is dangerous, but
can be remedied, while for kiirubudrchiti,ox Kurumba sorcery,
there is no remedy, and all that can be done is to kill the
Kurumba, apparently to avoid further evil consequences to
the community rather than from motives of revenge.

The Kurumbas play no part in the social life of the Todas.
With the one exception of providing the funeral pole, I could
not learn that they had any functions at Toda ceremonies.
It was said that the teuol, Pangudr, who was believed to be
inspired by Kwoto, must dance, i.e,, divine, to the Kurumbas
before he dances to the Todas, and when so doing, must
dance like a lame man, this behaviour owing its origin to the
god Kwoto (see p. 209). It is possible that this shows that
the Kurumbas believe in Toda di\ination and consult the
diviners.

The Kurumbas are mentioned in several Toda legends.
According to one account, it was this people whom Kwoto
deceived, making them eat the flesh of a buffalo calf ;

T T

THE TODAS CH. xxvil

according to another, it was the Panins or Panyas who were
deceived by the god.

Kwoten is said to have initiated the practice of allowing
Todas to visit Kurumba villages, and he appears to have been
closely connected, in some way, with the Kuruinbas, who still
offer plantains to Terkosh and light lamps in her honour,
Terkosh being the goddess who was connected with his
disappearance and deification.

In the story of Kuzkarv, the Kurumbas, together with the
Irulas, collect honey for the Todas from nests in a tree,^ and
this seems to point to a time when these tribes took an active
part in the social life of the Todas. It seems possible that
the Kurumbas and Irulas were the huntsmen of the Todas,
and sought roots and honey for them, just as the Badagas
were the agriculturists and the Kotas the mechanics.

Todas and Irulas

The Irulas live on the lower slopes of the Nilgiri Hills and
have few relations with the Todas. They are called Erl hy
the Todas, and, according to Mr. Thurston, they are saluted
in the same way as the Kurumbas. The Irulas are among
the people mentioned in the remedial formula used against
the effects of the evil eye, and are evidently regarded as having
some magical power, though they are not feared in the same
measure as the Kurumbas.

The name of the Irulas only occurs once in my collection
of Toda legends, in the story of Kuzkarv, where they are
associated with the Kurumbas. Atioto, who is the special
deity of Kwodrdoni and Pedrkars, is said to have a temple of
which the priest is an Irula. This is probably an Irula temple
to which the Todas make offerings.

' It is perhaps notewoilhy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are still noted
for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as Tfii or honey Kurumbas
(Fawcett, Bull. Madras Muse it /ii, iii, p. 9).

CHAPTER XXVUI

THE CLANS OF THE TODAS

Ix this chapter I propose to give a short account of each
of the Toda clans with any special features which characterise
its ceremonial and social organisation. The chapter will
consist largely of detail, much of which may be thought to
have no great interest, but it seems desirable to put on record
as full an account as possible of the condition of the people
at the time of my visit. A certain amount of folklore will be
included, those tales being given which are specially connected
with the history of a clan.

The Tartiiar Clans
NOdks

The people of Nodrs owe their special importance to their
connexion with the goddess Teikirzi, who was the nbdrodcJii,
or first ruler of the clan, and according to tradition bestowed
certain special favours on her people. Chief among these
is the possession of the Nodrs //. This is undoubtedly the
most sacred and important of the five ti institutions, and its
herds are much larger than those of any other. The fact
that the Nodrs people own this ti and have the power of
appointing to the office of palol gives them great distinction
in the eyes of the Todas, and this is emphasised when the
palol is undergoing his ordination ceremonies, for several of
the.se take place in villages of the Nodrsol. The preliminary
ceremony for those who wish to become palol, which is
called tesherst, is also usually performed at a Nodrs village.

T T 2

644 THE TODAS chap.

Another title to fame is the possession of the/*?//, or conical
dairy temple at Nodrs, which is known to the European
inhabitants of the Nilgiri Hills as the " Toda Cathedral." It
is certainly not the most sacred of 'I'oda dairies, but it is the
most accessible of the few dairies of this kind now remaining.

The Nodrsol are one of the clans represented in the naini.
They now stand second among the Tarthar clans in point of
numbers, having forty-three males and thirty females.^ It has
two kudr, one of which, consisting of the family given in the first
of the genealogical tables, has now only two male members ;
as these have at present no son, it is possible that it may shortly
become extinct. The other kudr has five pblni, of which the
chief men are Kerkadr (2), Kudodrsvan (3), Teigudr (4),
Mondothi (5), and Keitan (6). If any of the members of these
five pblui should perform the imdrtiti ceremony, the buffalo
would go to Mudrigeidi and Odrkurs, while, if either of these
men had to give a buffalo, its value would be divided among
the other hwQpblm. Kerkadr is regarded as the head of the
second kiidr.

The inadnol of the Nodrs people are Tuesday and Friday,
and they hold the funerals of men on Sunday, and of women
on Thursday. The special features of their funeral ceremonies
are that the body of a man lies in the tarvali of Nodrs for
some days before the etvainolkedr and that a special bell
{mani) is used at male funerals which has to be brought from
Odr. Male funerals are held at Nodrs, and female funerals at
Ktilthpuli. The clan used also to have another funeral place
close to the Paikara road, which is not now used.

The Nodrsol have many villages, of which fourteen are still
inhabited, and I obtained the names of five others now in
ruins.

The following are the chief villages.

N'odrs (Muttanadmand). In addition to the conical poh,
this village has the distinguishing feature of a long wall
which passes between this dairy and the huts where the

' By tliis I mean that there are now living thirty females who were horn
members of the Nodrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her husband's
clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give the numbers of each
clan in this form because it brings out several features of interest in relation to the
relative fertility of different clans, the proportions of the sexes, iSic. ,

xxvin THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 645

people live. The wall then passes at the back of the />o/i and
runs for some distance northward. The tarvali (in Fig. 12)
is situated in an enclosure of the wall near the dwelling-huts,
so that the women can go to it for buttermilk without
crossing the wall and entering the enclosure in which the
poll stands. In the south part of the wall is the gap through
which the calf is driven at the iniortiti ceremony (see Fig. 43).
The wall is reputed to have been built by Elnakhum.

Close to the/6'/', between it and the tarvali, are the ruins of
another dairy, the former kudrpali, which is said to have had
se\'en rooms. It was disused on account of the difficult}- in
obtaining the services of a kiidrpalikartniokh. It will be
remembered that this grade of dairyman has to do his work-
without any covering', and in the bleak exposed position of
Xodrs, it .seems that this was so great a hardship that the
office went begging. The Nodrs people are said to have
ceased to use this dairy about four generations ago, and the
condition of the ruins is about what might be expected if this
statement were correct.

There are a large number of important stones at Nodrs.
I'^ormerl}' seven kinds of buffalo were killed at the funeral of
a male, and each was killed at a different stone. Now only
two buffaloes may be killed, but the stones remain to show
what was formerly done. Two wursulirwQVQ killed, one at the
stone called utciks and another at the stone uerovkars, both
of which are shown in Fig. 70. One nashperthir was killed
at the nasJipertJikars. The two sacred viani were hung
on the necks of one of the umrsiilir and the nasJiperthir.
One pineipir was killed at the stone called tukervbrskars.
Owe persasir was killed at Xhe. persaska7-s, and two putn'r were
killed, one at the teidrto/kars and the other at the nienkars.
The teidriolkars, shown in Fig. 13, also marks the spot where
the unfortunate zev/rWmilked his buffaloes (see p. 439). The
nienkars, shown in Fig. 12, is the stone used in the game of
nartlipimi, in which a boy creeps under a stone. It is on the
village side of the wall, close to the entrance to the tarvali.
All the other stones are on the same side of the wall as the
poll.

Odr (Aganadmand). This is second in importance among

646

THE TODAS

CHAP.

the villages of the Nodrsol, and it was a question whether the
zvursiili dairy, though of the ordinary form, had not even a
greater sanctity than the poh of Nodrs. More difficulty was
made when I wished to go close to it than at any other place
during the whole of my visit (except, of course, at the //
dairy), but, unfortunately, the affair was complicated by the
fact that on this day my usual attendant, Kodrner, was not
with me, and the difficulty may have been partly due to
this. When I was allowed to approach the building, only

IIG. 70. — A VIEW OF NODKS. THE STONE IN THE FOREGROUND ON THE LEFT
IS THE 'NEROVKARS'; THAT ON THE RIGHT IS THE ' UTEIKS.' IN THE
BACKGROUND IN THE CENTRE IS AN OLD ' TU.' THE LOWER PART OF
THE CONICAL DAIRY CAN BE SEEN BETWEEN THE BOY AND THE ' UTEIKS.'

one man came with me and he would not go within several
yards of the dairy, while allowing me to go on. The special
sanctity of this dairy is due to the fact that the two viani of
the Nodnsol are kept here. Both this dairy and a smaller
tarvali are at a much greater distance from the village
than usual, but with that exception there is nothing to
distinguish them from the dairies of other villages. The
wursuli is one of those which has two rooms. It is at the
village of Odr that the palol passes one night during his

xxviii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 647

ordination ceremonies, and I was shown the spot under a
tree where he has to sleep, the same spot being also used by
the unirsol and kaltviokh when they undergo any part of their
ordination ceremonies at Odr.

Another feature of interest is the connexion of this village
with Kuudr. An Odr man must be present at the irpalvusthi
and salt-giving ceremonies of Kuudr, and a Kuudr man must
attend when these ceremonies are performed at Odr. Further,
the kwarzam of Odr are said in the prayer of the erkiimptth-
pimi ceremony at Kuudr and the Kzvarsmn of Kuudr are said
at Odr.

The following legend records the origin of these customs : —
Soon after Teikirzi had given the buffaloes to the different
villages, the buffaloes of Kuudr and Odr were grazing together,
and when evening came they could not be separated and
both herds went together to the funeral place called Keikars.
The wursol of Odr and the palikartinokJi of Kuudr brought
their milking-vessels, each to milk his own buffaloes,
and they also brought their churning-vessels {patai) and
cooking-vessels. After they had milked, the iviirsol of Odr
went to pour his milk into h.\s patat, and when doing so some
of the milk splashed into the vessel of the palikartmokh.
They then cooked some food with the milk, and as the food
was boiling strongly, some of it went from one cooking-pot to
the other. Then the people of the two villages met and
decided that, as the two kinds of buffalo had been milked in
one place and the two kinds of milk had been mixed with one
another, each of the villages should mention the kzvarrjam of
the other in its prayer, and people of one village should attend
the ceremonies of the other.

Tedshteiri (Talapattaraimand). This is another important
Nodrs village. It was vacant at the time of my visit, but is
still often occupied. It had at one time a dairy called
Okurshapali with seven rooms, which was, like that of Nodrs, a
kiidrpali. It fell into disuse at the same time as the Nodrs dairy,
and its site is still quite distinct ; but though it seemed larger
than usual, I could discover no indication of the number of
rooms it had had. When I visited the village there were nine
ovens standing in a row, which had been used to cook the

648 THE TODAS chap.

food when Teigudr (4) took his wife Uwer from Nertolvan
of Pan (16). On this occasion Nertolvan came to Tedshteiri
to receive nine buffaloes from Teigudr, and the number of
ovens corresponded with the number of the buffaloes.

KudrnakJium (Kudinagamand). The chief point of interest
about this village is that it is the place where the ceremony of
teshcrst often takes place. It is an outlying village to the
west which I was unable to visit.

PcrthtJio (Perattitalmandj. This is a village which is
shared by two clans. The part occupied by the Nodrsol is
called Meil Perththo, or Upper Perththo. The other part of
the village was said to be general property, but it is at
present occupied by Melgars people.

KozJitudi or Ko:;hteidi. The special feature of this village
is that it has a iviirsuli in which everything has to be carried
out kabkaditi, i.e., the dairyman is not allowed to turn his
back to the contents of the dairy. This certainly points to
the village having been at one time of importance.

Kars

This is at present the largest of the Tarthar clans, having
sixty-seven male and fifty female members. It is represented
in the naiin, and there was some reason to think that it
occupies a more important position in this body than the
other Tarthar clans. The family of Parkurs (8) is called
tinkaiiikudupel, ranking next to a uianikudupel, and Parkurs
was till lately a second or assistant inonegar.

There seems to be no doubt that the Karsol have always
been an important clan, and its members are often mentioned
in the stories, though they do not appear to have had any
legendary hero such as those of Melgars and Pan. Their
nbdrodclii (ruler or presiding deity) is Kulinkars, now believed
to live on a hill near Makurti Peak. The Kars people possess
a // which in importance and wealth is second only to that
of Nodrs.

Kars resembles Nodrs in having two kudr differing greatly
in size. Kutadri is the head of one, which comprises all the
members of the family given in Table 7. It has two pblvi,
headed by Kutadri and Peithol. The other kudr has eight

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 649

pblni, of which the chief men are Parkurs (8), Pidrvan (9)^
Piutolvan (10), Kudrvas (11), Kutthurs (12), Mongudrvan
(13), Kiunervan (14), and Keitazvan (15). Till recently there
appear to have been only five pblni in the Kars clan, each of
which has lately been divided into two. There is a very
marked disproportion in the number of members of some of
these divisions ; thus the pbbn of Parkurs has sixteen males
in five more or less distinct families, while others have only
three or four males. Nevertheless each of the latter would
contribute the same amount towards joint expenses of the clan
as the sixteen males o{ \\vq polm of Parkurs.

The chief villages of the Karsol are in or near Ootacamund,
and this clan formerly had several other villages on sites now
occupied by modern buildings.

The following are the chief places : —

Kars (Kandalmand). This village is one of the best
known of Toda villages, being just on the outskirts of
Ootacamund. It is a very typical example of a Toda village:
there is a small group of houses, with a large dairy, the
kiidrpali (Fig. 21), called Tarziolv, close to them ; just above
the houses on the rising ground is a smaller dairy, the xvitr-
siili called Karziolv, shown in the background of Fig. 42 and
partly shown in Figs. 23 and 44. Opposite the ktidrpali
are two raised circular mounds with flat tops called the
imiidrikars (seen in the foreground in F"ig. 21), on which
the body of a dead man is laid before being taken to the
funeral hut at Taradrkirsi. Above the kiidipali is the hut
for calves.

In the middle of the enclosure within which the village
lies, is a row of stones (shown in Fig. 42) which are the
irnortkars, and in the ceremony of irnortiti the calf is driven
across these stones.

Behind the houses there is a small circular enclosure which
is now used as a tu and is called AltJiftu. The entrance to
this enclosure is shown in Fig. 29 just in front of the boy
carrying the dairy vessels. Formerly there was a dairy of
the conical kind within this circle, of which the name was
JshpoJi. About five generations ago, this dairy still existed

' Pidrvan died soon after niv vibil,

650 THE TODAS CHAP.

and was tended by a wtirsol; but several dairymen died
in succession, and this so alarmed the Todas that it became
impossible to obtain anyone to fill the office, and when the
dairy decayed its remains were removed and the circular
enclosure within which it stood has since been used as a
pen. In size and appearance the enclosure is quite unlike
other pens, and resembles much more nearly the circular
walls round the conical dairies of Nodrs and Kanodrs.

Kiizhii (Kunditolmand). This, the second in importance of
the villages of the Karsol, is a very picturesque place south
of Ootacamund. There is a kudrpali called TndrpoJi, in front
of which is a stone called iuiudrikai's. The gold bracelet
mentioned in the story of Kwoto is kept in this dairy.
In front of the dwelling-huts is another stone called metikars
(see p. 342). The nienkars at Kuzhu and that at Nodrs
are the only stones of this name, but they do not resemble
one another, and the Kuzhu stone is not adapted for the
nartJipinii game as is that of Nodrs.

Keshker (Kakerimand). This is a large village near Ootaca-
mund at which there is a kudrpali, but little else of interest.
It is probably the Kishkeijar mentioned by Harkness.

Nasmibdr (Aganadmand). This is a very old village
which was probably at one time much more important than
at present. It is situated about a quarter of a mile from the
road leading from Ootacamund to Ebanad, not far from the
Badaga village of Tuneri. There is now only a small dairy
{ivursuli) situated in the middle of a wood. When I visited
Nasmiodr, this dairy was unoccupied, and, as is usual in
such cases, my Toda guide refused to go to the dairy with
me, and remained outside the wood. Soon after I left the
hills, it was to be occupied by the imirsol of Kars, who would
take his buffaloes there for a month.

This village is mentioned in two Toda legends, in both of
which it seems to have been a village at which people were
living. The dairy is called TilipoJi or PohtilipoJi^ and it still
contains the two inani, Karzod and Koni, which were hung
on the neck of Enmon (see p. 208). It is one of the few
wiirsuli which have two rooms.

PakJialkndr (Bagalkodumand). This village, not far from

XXVIII

THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 651

Paikara, is one of the most outl)^ing villages of the Karsol.
There is a very small dairy here resembling the vierkalars
which serves both as kudrpali and iviasiili, the former being
in front, while the latter is behind, with the door on one side.
The ivursuli is so small that there can scarcely be room for a
fully grown man to do the churning.

Isharadr and Peletkivtir. These are outlying villages of no
special interest. The former was only built in the time of the
grandfather of Parkurs (8), and has a dairy resembling that
of Pakhalkudr.

Tamdrkirsi (Kavaikkadmand). This is the funeral place
for men of the Kars clan, and is also a kalolmad. There is a
kudrpali with three rooms called Paliven keirsi, and a pen
called Tuoks. There are two stones where the ivursulir and
nashpertJiir are killed, and close to them there is a spot by the
side of a wood where earth is thrown at a funeral. There is
a slight break in the edge of the wood here, and this is
probably the position of an old pen which has been
completely overgrown.

There is a long wall at this village passing near the dairy
and the funeral stones, and then extending a long way
towards the east. It resembles the Nodrs wall, and these
seem to be the only two examples of walls of this kind
at Toda villages. The wall at Taradrkirsi is said to have
been built by Kwoten, but it seems unlikely, for this hero
had no special connexion with the Karsol.

Several villages which have now wholly disappeared are
still mentioned in the prayer which the Kars people use at
the erkumpttJipuni ceremony. One of these, Tashtars, stood
where the Masonic Hall at Ootacamund now stands. The site
of another, Turskidt, is occupied by a private house. Two,
Tiili and Keitaz, were situated on Elk Hill, and two others.
Sing and Kurkars, were near Nasmiodr.

Pan

The Pan clan ha\e their headquarters in the Kundahs and
are often called the Medrol,or people of Medr, the Toda name
for the Kundahs. The chief villages of this clan are in the

652 THE TODAS chap.

Kundahs, but they are only visited during the dry season, and
for the greater part of the year the Panol live at the com-
paratively new village of Naters in the most thickly populated
part of the hills. The legendary hero, Kwoten, belonged
to Pan.

The clan is small, having now about twenty-seven male
and nine female members. It is not represented on the
iiaiiu, and in the Badaga grouping of the Todas this clan is
joined with that of Nodrs.

The Panol have two kndr, and provide the only ex-
ample among the Tartharol in which the kudr have special
names. The formation of the kudr is said to have been due
to Kwoten, who divided the people into Panol and Kuirsiol,
named after the two chief villages of the clan. The two
divisions are also called Pandar and Peshteidimokh.

The Pandar or Panol have three polin, headed by Timur-
van (i6), Todars (i6), and Nortiners (17). The Peshteidimokh
or Kuirsiol have two pblin, headed by Timners (i8j and
Imokhvan (19).

Tlie iriidrtitl and tuiiinortiti ceremonies are performed in
front of the luursnli at Pan or Kuirsi. The spots on which
the ceremonies take place are not marked by any stones, and
the ceremonies are spoken of as pa/iknortiti, i.e., " he gives to
the dairy," though, as a matter of fact, the calf passes from
the men of one kudr to the men of the other kudr as in other
clans.

The madnol of Pan are said to be Sunday and Wednesday,
and the funerals of men take place on Sunday or Tuesday,
and those of women on Thursday or Saturday. It is probable
that Tuesday is the proper day for the funerals of men, but
that they are now sometimes held on Sunday.

The following are the chief villages of the Panol : —

Pan (Onnamand) is commonly known to Europeans as
" One mand." It is a large village in the south-west corner
of the Kundahs, with two houses of the long variety, with a
door at each end and a partition in the middle. There is a
ivursuli called Keinulv, and a kudrpali called Nersolv, and
outside the pen there is a stone called viutcJiudkars.

Kuirsi (KolimandJ. This village is near Pan. It has a

xwiii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 653

ivursiili and kudrpali, the former being called Marsolv and
the latter Keinulv. Outside the pen, called Tu viatu, there
is a large stone called keinkars, and inside it there are two
stones called niutclnidkars and pudrtJikars. I could learn
little of the history or functions of these stones, but they were
said to have been " played with " by Kwoten and Terkosh.

Perg (Yeragimand) is a small village near Avalanche
Bungalow and is an example of a kalolniad.

Naters (Natanerimand) is a large village near Governor
Shola, where most of the Panol live for the greater part of
the year. This village has a ivitrsuli and iarvali, but nothing
else of interest.

Near Avalanche Bungalow there is the site of a village
called PatJnnars. Little remains of it, but the fireplace of a
luit can still be seen.

Kabiidri (Tebbekudumand). This is the male funeral
village of the Panol, Here there are two stones called teiks
where the wtirsulir are killed, and they are reputed to have
been set up by Kwoten ; one, called parsteiks, is for the
Panol, and the other, called kirsJiteiks, for the Kuirsiol.
Another place given as the male funeral place of Pan was
Tim, where there is a three-roomed dairy of the same kind
as that at Taradrkirsi, in the outermost room of which the
body is placed. It is probable that Tim and Kabudri are two
names for the same place.

Taradr

All the villages of this clan are situated in the north-west
corner of the hills and the clan appears to have no villages far
removed from the etiidmad. The clan is a large one having
now at least thirty-seven male and thirty-nine female members.

The Taradrol appear to have in several ways a special
position among the Tarthar clans. They possess the special
institution of the kugvali, which, though resembling in some
respects a //, is situated by the other dairies of the village
and is tended by dairymen belonging to the clan. The
Taradrol are also unique in having their future world
(Amnodr) near Perithi,

654 THE TODAS - chap.

The Taradrol are divided into two kiidr, each of which has
three pbhn. The chief men of the pblni of one kiidr are
Ircheidi (20), Parkeidi (21), and Polgar (22); of the second,
Paners (23), Irkiolv (24), and Kudeners (25). About the time
of my visit the place of Ircheidi, who was ill, was taken by
his son, Siriar.

The six /<)/;;/ of the clan take it in turn to look after the
kiigvalir, each having charge of the dairies and herd for a
period of three years. Shortly before my visit, the charge
had been taken over by \.\\e palm of Ircheidi and Siriar.

The following are the chief villages : — ■

Taradr (Tarnardmand). This is one of the most char-
acteristic Toda villages, situated near the road leading to the
Paikara falls. It is shown in Figs. 5 and 6, and has three
dairies, situated at some distance from the dwelling-huts. The
two dairies shown in Fig. 5 are the tarvali and kugvali, the
former on the left-hand side and the latter on the right.
The third dairy of the village is a zimrsuli, situated to the
right of the kiigvali.

Near the kngvali is a stone (shown in Fig. 24) at which
the wiirsiilir is killed at a Taradr funeral. The stone
is called pildrsJitikars after the name of the buffaloes
{padrshtiph'). At a little distance from the three dairies are
the remains of another pali, which was only used at the
funeral of a male. Th.\s pali, like those at other funeral places
had three rooms, and in the ruins at the time of my visit it
was easy to make out the three divisions. When the occasion
arises, the dairy is rebuilt on the day of the funeral, and the
tarpalikartniokh takes the inn into the innermost room after
purifying it with tiidr bark. The body of the dead man is
then laid in the outermost room and kept there till it is taken
out after the slaughter of the buffaloes. If this temporary
building is the representative of a former dairy with three
rooms, it would seem that the village of Taradr once had
four dairies.

Kudrnias (Kudimalmand). This is a kalolniad on the
western side of the Paikara. The kiigvalir were here during
the greater part of my visit.

Telgudr (Telkodumand). This is another kalolmad.

XXVIII THK CLANS OF THE TODAS 655

Piishtar (Pattaraimand). This village is one at which the
tesJierst ceremon)' (see p. 154) is sometimes performed.

Kiidhnad (Kulimand). This is a large village near Taradr
at which many of the people live, but it is not an important
village ceremonially, having only one dairy, a tarvali.

Near Paikara there can still be seen the remains of a village
called Pcvar which was deserted because the family which
lived there became extinct.

Keradr

This is one of the smallest of the Tarthar clans, all its
members being included in Table 26. There are at present
sixteen male and nine female members.

There is at present only one kudr, the other having become
extinct about three generations ago. As there has been no
occasion for irnortiti, no fresh division has been made. The
kudr\\2,'~, two pblui, one headed by Paniolv, and the other b\-
Teikner.

The chief village, Keradr (Kannagimand), is situated in
the south-west part of the hills near the Teivali village of
Keadr. Keradr is also the male funeral place of the clan and
was not occupied at the time of my visit. At this time most
of the Keradrol were living at Tovalkan, near Paikara, a recent
village at which there is a dairy of the ordinary kind {tarvali).
Near the houses there is a raised mound shown in Fig. 59,
erected to mark the spot on which Keirevan (26) was killed
by falling from a tree into which he had climbed to cut
wood.

Kanodrs

This is one of the outlying Toda clans, and its people were
said to have been less influenced by the altered conditions on
the hills than any other clan, but they seem nevertheless to
have given up several of their institutions. The sacred poJi is
only occasionally occupied, and I am doubtful whether they can
be said to be in a more untouched condition than several other
clans. The people are often called the Kererol, but I could
not find that there was any village of Kerer from which this
name is derived, and it is possibly the name of a district of

656 THE TODAS - chap.

the hills. The clan is distinguished by its pos.session of the
conical poJi at Kanodrs, and by the fact that many of the
adventures of Kwoto or Meilitars took place in the region it
inhabits. Although Kwoto was a Melgars man, he is regarded
as having a close connexion with the Kanodrs people, and
various features of the ritual of the Kanodrs t)oJi are said to
be derived from him.

The clan is at present a small one, with a distinct majority
of females. In fact, it seems so usual for members of this
clan to have no children or only female children that there is
some likelihood that the Kanodrsol may become extinct.
The present numbers are about thirteen males and twenty-
three females.

There was some doubt as to the number of kiidr. I was
told that there are three, headed by Arsolv (27), Kineri (29),
and Polkab (30) respectively, but at an irnortiti ceremony
both Arsolv and Kineri would give to Polkab, while the
latter would give to both, so that it seems probable that
there are properly only two kudr, as in other clans. One of
these has only one pblm, that of Polkab. The other has
three polm, headed by Arsolv, Neratkutan (28), and Kineri.

The following are the chief villages of the Kanodrsol : —

Kanodrs (Devarmand). This village now consists of the
poll only. There are still two Diani at this village, one of
which is called Piiiikbghlag, a name closely resembling the
name of the churning-stick at the ti. There are at present no
dwelling-huts at the place, nor any remains of such huts,
though it would appear from the legend of Kwoten that the
village was inhabited at one time.

PishkivosJit (Bikkapatimand). This is a large village
where most of the Kanodrsol now live. The only dairy is in
ruins. Close to the village there are a number of flat stones
almost level with the ground (Fig. 71) which are called Teiidr,
" the god way," and are said to mark the spot where the
gods {tell) used to meet. Just above these is a large buffalo
pen, which is reputed not to have been made by man.
Whenever the gods went this way they used to deposit
pieces of dried buffalo-dung on this spot and these became
the stones of the ///.

XXVIII

THE CLANS OF THE TODAS

657

Near the village is a forest hut, and opposite this are two
stones called pedrkars. The Todas once had a large
gathering here, and a man jumped a long distance which was
recorded by means of these stones.

The other villages of the Kanodrsol, Taknin, Kur:Jiu or

FIG. 71. — THE STONES AT PISHKWOSHT CALLED 'TEUAR.'

KusJiii, &c., are in the same neighbourhood, but I was unable
to visit them, and do not know whether they have any objects
of interest.

KWODRDONI

This is the most outlying of Toda clans, but numerous tea
estates have been established in its neighbourhood, and the
people appear to have been a good deal influenced by the
altered conditions. I was unable to visit any of the villages,
and I know less about this clan than any other.

Ps\\ the villages of the clan are situated in the district of
the hills called by the Todas Purgodr, and the people of the
clan are, therefore, often called the Purgodrol.

U U

658 THE TODAS chap.

At present there appear to be seventeen males and fourteen
females, but it is probable that these numbers are not complete.
There are two kudr, headed by Kiurvan (32) and Atcharap
(34). The former has three polm, of which the chief men are
Puner (31), Kiurvan (32), and Orudz (33), and the latter has
two pblni, headed by Atcharap (34) and Kudar (35).

This clan seems now to occupy only two villages. One
is Kwodrdoni (Kodudonnemand), where there is only a
tarvali, though there was formerly a wursidi, now ruined,
in which was kept a inani called Kirsongg which has dis-
appeared. The other village is Katikar (Kodanadmand).
The male funeral place is ludi, and the female, Punviud.

Pam

This is a clan which formerly occupied the site of Coonoor
and Wellington. Its numbers are small, probably only
seventeen males and thirteen females. There are two kudr,
headed by Udrchovan (36) and Pungievan (37). Udrchovan's
kudr has only one pblm. Pungievan's kudr has three pblm,
of which the chief men are Pungievan {zi)', Arparners (38)
and Seili (39).

The original etudniad of the clan was Pirspurs, the site of
which was used for the Coonoor racecourse. Pain was then
adopted as the chief village, but it has been allowed to fall
into ruins, though still giving its name to the clan. The
dairy at Pam was called Palikndrbeda and the buffalo-pen,
Titg/ldron. Inikitj, where the people now live, is an un-
interesting village at which there are the ruins of a tarvali.
There is a building in which the four or five sacred buffaloes
(jtashperthir) are kept, but they are not milked as there is no
palikartmokh.

The male funeral place of this clan was Puvi, and the female,
KwatkasJi. These were situated where the Wellington
barracks now stand, and the funerals are now held near
Inikitj. Fig. 51 shows the wooden teiks at which the sacred
buffalo would be killed at the funeral of a male.

There are several stories about Karnisi (37), a member of
this clan. He is said to have been an exceptionally strong

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 659

man, and the Todas tell how on one occasion two English
soldiers came to Pam and insulted the women and how
Karnisi took the two men unaided to the barracks at
Wellington.

Karnisi also spent a fortune which had been stored in the
dairy of Pam for many generations. A vessel {pun) full of
rupees had been deposited in the dairy by an ancestor
of Karnisi called Kiuten. It remained there till Karnisi
spent it in buying buffaloes, ornaments for his many wives
and household goods. He gave some of the rupees away and
spent others in travelling to Coimbatore, and in a short time
the money had disappeared.

NiDRSI

The headquarters of the Nidrsi clan are to the south of
Coonoor. The people are closely surrounded by tea estates
and have been much influenced. It is not now a large clan,
having about sixteen male and twenty-five female members.

There are two kudr, headed by Todrigars (41) and
Kudrmaskutan (43) respectively, each kudr having two pbhn.
The chief men of the pbhn of one kudr are Puveners (40)
and Todrigars, and of the other kudr, Kadrkutan (42) and
Kudrmaskutan.

This clan affords a very good example of the degeneration
which has in some cases befallen the dairy organisation. The
people have only one wursulir left. The dairy {tvursuli) has
fallen into ruins, and they have no wursol and, therefore, the
one buffalo is not milked. At a funeral of a male they
will have to procure a ivursol from another clan to kill this
buffalo.

There are two inani, called Eshkiakudr and Eikudr, each
with an iron chain, but as they have no ivursuli these bells
are kept under a stone at Akirsikodri, the male funeral village.
The other sacred buffaloes, piiicipir, &c., are milked at a
tarvali.

There are now only four inhabited villages, and only one of
these seems to be of any importance.

Nidrsi. This is near the Badaga village of Hulikal. It

u u 2

66o THE TODAS CHAP.

consists chiefly of huts obviously of recent construction and
not of the proper Toda form. There is a small dairy (Jarvalt)
and the situation of the former zvursuli, almost completely
oversfrovvn, can still be seen. There is a buffalo enclosure
called Piuiatu. The znwrtkars is a stone of ordinary
appearance with other smaller stones round it, and there is
also a pilin'drtkars of which only a small piece now shows
above the ground. There is a very large tiikittJikars at this
village (see pp. 252 and 597).

Another stone here is called imiidrikars or parsatthkars.
Milk is put on it every morning and evening by the
palikartinokJi, but it is not used in any way in connexion
with a funeral. The Todas relate that an Englishman shot
at and splintered this stone some years ago. Soon after he
was bitten by his horse, and he asked the Todas, with whom
he was on very good terms, what ought to be done. He was
told that he should perform the irnortiti ceremony, and a few
days later he brought a three-year-old calf to the irnortkars
at Nidrsi and gave it to the people. It was taken by both
kitdr and the Englishman was soon well again. The whole
affair was regarded as a good joke, and is interesting as
showing that the Todas do not object to making sport of one
of their sacred ceremonies, especially when they gain an
addition to their stock of buffaloes,

Akirsikbdri. This is the male funeral village, at which there
is a dairy with three rooms, in which the body of a dead
man is placed on the day of the etvainolkedr.

MELGARS

The Tarthar clan which takes its name from the village of
Melgars occupies a very special position in the Toda social
organisation and in the dairy ceremonial. Although a
Tarthar clan, the Melgarsol in many respects resemble the
Teivaliol much more closely than they resemble the other
clans of their own division.

In former times the Melgarsol are said to have held the
office of palol at the Kars ti and at the Pan //, and to have
lost this privilege owing to misbehaviour of a palol, of which

xxviii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 66i

an account has been already given. They are still capable of
holding the offices of zai/rso/ and kaltnwkJi, for which otherwise
only Teivaliol are eligible, and they have privileges and duties
in connexion with various kinds of Toda ceremonial which
are wholly unshared by other clans.

Though they may still hold the offices of xvnrsol and
kaltmokh, they are not allowed to carry out certain of the
duties ; thus, a Melgars whj-soI may not kill the sacred
buffalo at a funeral, nor may he perform any of the other
duties which fall to the part of a wursol on this occasion.

Although a Melgars man may no longer be palol, the
Melgars people have a large number of privileges and duties
connected with the ti. An account of these has already been
given, but they may shortly be recapitulated here with the
names given to them by the Todas.

(i.) Mbr vatiti, tor tititi. " Buttermilk he drinks, food he
takes." The Melgars men may take buttermilk and food at
the dwelling-hut of any //, and they alone have this privilege
at the dairies of the Nodrs //.

(ii.) Teirpillk mad oiiti. " He goes at the head (of the pro-
cession) to (the place called) tcirpiiir

(iii.) Ti alugpjir piititi. " The alug things of the ti he
carries."

(iv.) Abig putz nitz itlUotJii. " Alug come, stand he must."
The Melgars man must stand by a certain tree with the alug
when he comes to the new place during the migration of the
ti buffaloes.

(v.) Erd piiiirs ithtotlii. " Two piinrs (four days) he must
be." He sta}'s at Anto from the Sunday on which the buffaloes
migrate till the following Wednesday.

In addition to these privileges, it is also the duty of the
Melgarsol to carry out rebuilding or repairing operations at a
ti mad, and he has also to assist in carrying the body of a
dead palol.

The special duties of the Melgarsol are not limited to the
ceremonial of the //, but in certain other ceremonies it is
essential that a Melgars man shall be present or take part.
He must milk a buffalo to provide milk for Tarthar women
coming out of the seclusion-hut both after the hand-burning

663 THE TODAS chap.

ceremony of pregnancy and after childbirth. He does this
for women of his own clan and for those of all other Tarthar
clans except that of Kwodrdoni. A Melgars man must be
present on the second day of the irpalvusthi ceremony of the
kitgvalir of Taradr, and the ceremony of this day, which is
called irpatadjitJiti^ cannot take place if a Melgars man is not
present.

It was also said that a Melgars man must be present when-
ever a feast is given at the end of a period called pon in any
clan, but I am very doubtful as to the necessity of this. I
think it is probable that no feast ever occurs at which a
Melgars man fails to put in an appearance, and that my
informants had come to regard his presence as necessary, but
it seemed very doubtful whether his presence was an essential
condition for the occurrence of this, as it certainly was in the
case of certain other ceremonies.

There was some difference of opinion as to the reasons why
the Melgarsol enjoyed these exceptional privileges. The
Melgars people themselves believed that their exceptional
position was due to the connexion of Kwoto with their clan.
They said that when Kwoto became superior to all the gods,
and was called Meilitars, these privileges were given to the
clan to which he belonged. According to another account,
the position of a Melgars man at the head of the procession
of the Nodrs // was settled by Anto in order to appease the
buffalo Enmars when two of its bells were taken away and
given to the Pan ti. Others, again, said that the privileges of
the Melgarsol were given as a recompense when this clan
was deprived of its privilege of becoming palol. There is
little doubt that the real reason for the Melgars privileges has
been lost and that different reasons have been sought in the
Toda legends. The Melgars people have chosen a reason
which gratifies their pride in claiming Kwoto as one of
themselves, while other Todas have reasons which serve to
add to the importance of the sacred institution of the //, of
which they are so proud.

There are other special features in which the Melgars people
differ from the rest of the Tarthar clans. They have no
ivursulir, though they can become zviirsol to other clans, so

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 663

that, in this respect, they resemble the Teivaliol in being able
to tend buffaloes which they do not themselves possess.
Another difference is that the palikartmokh of the Melgarsol
uses Hidr bark in his ordination ceremonies, and this gives
him a higher rank than other tarpalikartmokJi. It is on this
account that a Melgars palikartmokh may not visit the
tarvali of another clan (see p. 66).

The Melgarsol again resemble the Teivaliol in not shaving
the head after a funeral, as is done by Tarthar clans other
than that of Melgars,

The Melgarsol resemble the Teivaliol in so many respects
that it is tempting to suppose that this clan must at one time
have formed part of the Teivali division and for some reason
was transferred to the Tartharol. Every Toda whom I
questioned on the point was, however, certain that the
Melgars people had always been members of the Tartharol.

There are two facts which show that there is some
special relation between the people of Melgars and those of
Kwodrdoni. One is that intermarriage is said to be prohibited
between members of these two clans ; the other is that the
milking by a Melgars man when a Tarthar woman is leaving
the seclusion-hut does not take place in the case of a
Kwodrdoni woman. These facts point to some relation
between the two clans of which I was unable to obtain any
account.

The Melgarsol form a fairly large clan, having at the
present time about thirty-one male and twenty female repre-
sentatives. They have at present only one kudr^ the
other having become extinct about eight years ago on the
death of Tikon (49). A half-sister of this man is still living,
but the kiidr has no male representative. During the last
eight years, the Melgarsol have had no trouble [kaspcl) which
has made it necessary to perform the irn'drtiti ceremony, but
should the occasion arise, a naini would decide on a re-
division of the other kiidr. I was told that the matter was
continually the subject of discussion, and it seemed probable
that the nature of the re-division was already more or less
arranged, but would not be definitely settled till the occasion
. arose.

664 'fHE TO DAS chap

The one kudr has four pblm, of which the chief men are
Kiunievan (44), Artholvan (45), Notirzi (46) and Ilgeivan (48).
Tergudrvan (47) belonged to the same pblin as Artholvan.
The families included in Table 49 are all extinct in the male
line, and, with the exception of Tikon, I am doubtful to which
kudr or pblin they belonged.

Melgars, the chief village, is situated behind the gardens of
Government House at Ootacamund. It has few features of
interest, and there is little to be seen at the other villages of
the clan. Niihi (Narigulimand) is situated in the Kundahs.

Two Toda villages, Ki Perththo and Padegar, are said to be
the general property of the Tartharol, but at the time of my
visit both were inhabited by the Melgarsol.

The village of Katol, which is now ruined, is mentioned by
Harkness as one of the villages near Ootacamund.

The chief funeral place is Ushadr, mentioned in the story
of Kwoto. There is another funeral place called Mirzoti
common to Melgars and Kidmad.

KiDMAD AND KARSII

These are two sub-divisions of the Melgarsol which separated
from the main body, probably about seven or eight genera-
tions ago. At first I heard only of Kidmad, and it was
only when working over the Nidrsiol that I found there
were people living with this clan who did not belong to it,
but were an offshoot of the Melgars people and were called
Karshol.

According to one account, both Kidmadol and Karshol
separated from the main body at the same time, but,
according to another, the people who first separated belonged
to Karsh and then split some generations later into the two
groups.

The separation was due to a quarrel between father and
son. The Melgars people were holding a council and one
of the chief men of the clan was late in coming. When he
appeared in the distance, he was recognised by nobody but
his own son, who, when asked who was coming, said
^^ paznli paduiokh poti dl/iain nottJired? Kntm it vers ! — i.e.,

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 665

" A wanderer and bastard comes, why do you look at him ?
Let the council go forward ! " {Pazuli is a name applied
to a man who belongs to no clan, and padviokli is the name of
the child of a woman with whom no man has performed the
pursiltpiini ceremony.)

The niainnokh (sister's son) of the father was present at
the council, and when his uncle arrived, Xhemmwiokh told him
what had been said by his son in the council, and the father
said, " I am no pazitli, it is you who are the pazuli : hence-
forward you must not live at Melgars ; you will have nothing
from me except what I give you to-day." The father gave
the son a one-horned buffalo {kivadrkutir) and a portion of
the Mirzoti funeral place.

Since that day descendants of the son have been separate
from Melgarsol and they have held their funerals at Mirzoti,
but not on the same spot as the Melgars people.

The Kidmadol and Karshol have lost certain privileges
possessed by other Todas. The loss of these privileges is
expressed by the Todas as follows : —

(i.) Meitiin kitht bgadi. " He may not sit on the ineitiiny
When a man of Kidmad or Karsh goes to any Tarthar
dairy he is not allowed to sit on the raised bed on the right
hand side of the door.

(ii.) Nirsi nest bgadi. " He may not rub the fire-sticks." If
fire has to be made at a male funeral, or on any other
occasion, it must be done by a man of another clan.

(iii.) Ertatpiin pitth bgadi. " He may not touch the ertat-
pun" di dairy vessel which may be touched by any other Toda
man. The result of this restriction is that a man of these
clans can never hold a dairy office.

Marriages are not allowed between Melgars people and
those of either Kidmad or Karsh.

The village of Karsh no longer exists ; it was near
Akirzikodri, but in the time of Kilpan (51) the people were
so poor that they went to live with the Nidrsiol and have
remained with them since. Though living at Nidrsi, they
are still regarded as a separate people, and marriages may
take place between the two clans. They have only three or
four ordinary buffaloes. If a male dies they have to kill

666 THE TODAS CHAP.

2i persasir, which they obtain from Melgars. The only males
living are one man and his son, the father having also two
sisters.

The Kidmadol are more prosperous, and the men of the
clan appear to be fairly prominent people among the Todas,
in spite of their disadvantages. Kijievan (5) has the
reputation of being one of the ablest people of the whole
community. The clan numbers five males and three females.

THE TEIVALI CLANS

KUUDR

This is the most important of the Teivali clans, at any
rate from the social point of view. It has supplied the
monegar since the institution of this office, and it is the only
Teivali clan represented on the Toda naim or council. From
the religious point of view the Kuudrol are less important
and have no exclusive rights to any sacred office,^ though they
are exceptional in being greeted by the/^/^/ with the kivarzain
of their clan, IvikaHJUokhkntiueiltcu, ioWowedhy idith^s in the
prayers. The origin of this custom is said to be that long
ago strangers came to the hills and massacred all the people
of the clan except one boy, who hid himself in the buffalo
pen. The present people of Kuudr are descended from the
boy and his escape is commemorated in the greeting of the
palol. The Kuudrol also possess the very sacred dairy of
Kiudr.

The Kuudr clan is the largest of the Teivali clans and
stands second in point of numbers among all the Toda
clans. It has at least sixty-three male and thirty-five female
representatives, I omitted to obtain the children of two
families, and these would raise the numbers slightly.

I had much difficulty in obtaining a correct account of the
organisation of the Kuudrol, the difficulty proving to be due
to certain anomalies in this clan. It has three chief divisions,
headed by Kuriolv (52), Ishkievan (60) and Tovoniners (61),

' For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of providing
ihe palo/ for the Nodrs //, sec p. 114.

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 667

and each of these divisions is sometimes called a kiidr.
From the point of view, however, of the irnortiti cere-
mony it is clear that the division of Tovoniners is not a
definite kudr, for the men of this division do not receive
buffaloes from any other division, although they may them-
selves perform the irnoi-titi ceremony, in which case the
buffalo goes to the men of the other two divisions. The
family of Tovoniners differs also from other families of the
clan in having no place at the village of Kuudr. This
anomalous position of the family is due to the part played
by the men of the family in the quarrel which led to the
separation of the Pedrkars people from Kuudr (see p. 675).
The family of Tovoniners is probably not a kjidr in the
strict sense of the term, and if so, the Kuudr clan falls into
line with other clans in being divided into two kudr only.

There was also some confusion about the pblin of the
Kuudr clan, one source of confusion being due to the trouble
connected with the parentage of Teitchi (52), which has been
already considered (see p. 564).

It was quite clear that the kudr of Ishkievan has two /jo /m
only, headed by Ishkievan and Tadrners (60).

Kuriolv's division was said to have eight pd/?n, the head
men being Kuriolv (52), Targners (53), Poteners (54),
Keitas (55), Tiiliners and Tikievan (56), Mudriners (57),
and Madsu (58). The men of the first four po/m are known
to be closely connected with one another, and, as may be seen
in the genealogies, the first three claim common descent
from Tudrvan. Similarly i\\e. pohn of Tiiliners, Tikievan and
Madsu are known to be closely connected. About the
position of the pblm of Mudriners, as we have already seen,
there is much doubt, the state of affairs being that it
is really most closely connected with the pbltn of Tiiliners
and Tikievan, but that Kuriolv claims it as closely allied to
his own through the relation of Teitchi to Kors. Formerly
the family of Arsners (59) formed a separate poltn, but
owing to the fact that it now has only two young members,
and is very poor, it has been joined to the pbhii of
Madsu (58).

Including the families of Tovoniners and Arsners, there

668 THE TODAS chap.

would thus be twelve pblm. This is not consistent with the
information given in connexion with the pepkaricJia ceremony
(see p. 169), from which it appears that there are fifteen
heads of families in the Kuudrol. It may be that iho. pblm
and family do not correspond with one another, or there may
be some other explanation of the discrepancy.

The following are the chief villages of the Kuudrol : —

Ktiudr (Kundakodumand). This is a large village with
substantial huts in the Tamil style which have been built by
Kuriolv. There is a large dairy, the tudrpali, and a smaller
dairy, the kidpali, in front of it, with two buffalo enclosures
[tii)^ one apparently for each dairy. In the large tn there are
three stones called keinkars^ tasJitikars and mutc/nidkars, all
of ceremonial importance (see p. 169). Growing in one side
of the /// there is a tree called teikhuiuadiki, under which the
inn is buried.

As usual, water is taken from two sources, and at Kuudr
that used for sacred purposes is drawn from a spring, called
kisnir. The origin of this spring has been already given in
connexion with the prayer of Kuudr, in which this and other
events in the history of the village are commemorated. The
special relations between Kuudr and Odr have been already
considered in the account of the latter village.

Kiudr (Kengodumand). This village has a somewhat
anomalous position in that, though not the chief village of its
clan from the social point of view, it is in many ways more
sacred than Kuudr.

It is a very picturesque village, shown in Fig. 7, in
which there are two dwelling-huts. That shown in the figure
is one of the largest and best constructed of existing Toda
huts, having been rebuilt recently under the direction of
Kijievan (50), who has a special reputation as an architect.
It was at this village that a pregnant woman was not allowed
to come to the hut, but had to remain at some little distance,
and the sacredness of the hut is also shown by the fact
that the prayer of this village provides the only instance in
which the kwarzani of a hut occurs.

The dairy is situated at some little distance from the huts,
quite out of sight of people at the latter. On going from

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 669

the huts to the dairy a shallow stream flowing over broad
flat stones is crossed. This stream is called Keikudr, and is
of some ceremonial importance (see p. 307).

The dairy which is called Kilpoh is shown in Figs. 20 and 31,
and is a large, well-built structure of the ordinary shape. It is
situated within a high wall, which is much thicker than usual,
and in front it must be several yards across, so that it is
possible to walk about on the top of it. On this wall, on the
right hand side, are two old stones (shown in Fig. 31), called
imirzillnkars. Close to the dairy there are two ancient and
weatherworn stones, shown in Fig. 32, to which the same
name is given.

There are six bells in the dairy. Two are kept on the
patatniar and are called pataiinani, the individual names of
the bells being Mudrani and Kerani. The other four are
called ertatmani, and are kept on the ertatmar ; their indi-
vidual names are Pongg, Nongg, Pundrt/is, and Pan.

Kiudr is one of the villages which was said to have been
at one time a ti mad. In favour of this is the fact that its
dairy is called /<?// and that there are stones called 7ieurzidnkars
which are usually found at a ti mad. The people have also
to play a part during the procession of the buffaloes of the
Nodrs //, and there seems to be little doubt that the village is
in some way especially connected with the ti institution,
though exactly how is uncertain.

Kiudr is certainly a village especially revered not only
by the Kuudrol, but by all Todas. It is a sati 7nad, and any
Toda will be believed if he speaks in front of its dairy.
Another sign of the sanctity of the dairy is the fact that the
ceremony of pilinortiti may be performed here not only
by members of the Kuudr clan, but also by any other Toda.

MolkusJi. This is a recently established village, little more
than a quarter of a mile from Kiudr. The scenes shown in
Figs. 16 and 17 were taken at this village. It has no
dairy and the milk of the ordinary buffaloes is churned in
the dwelling-hut. This village may be regarded as
an adjunct to the sacred village of Kiudr, at which the
ordinary buffaloes are tended. At the time of my visit the
wife of one of the men who usually lived at Kiudr gave birth

670 THE TODAS chap.

to a son and the seclusion-hut was at Molkush, and both
before and after the birth the woman and those connected
with her were hving at this village. It seemed as if the
restrictions connected with life at Kiudr are avoided by
building at a little distance what is technically another village,
at which the people live whenever for any reason they are
not allowed to live at Kiudr. Its existence seemed to me to
be one of the many devices by means of which the Todas
keep the letter of the law with the minimum of incon-
venience.

Miuni (Marlimand). This is a village of the Kuudrol
which is reverenced by all Todas on account of the belief that
it was formerly the meeting-place of the gods. It is a very
picturesque village, situated near the Marlimand reservoir and
has two dairies.

Kivirg is chiefly important as the place at which new pep
is made for the Kuudr clan. Its prayer is given on p. 222.

Ars is an uninteresting village near Kuudr.

Peivbrs. This is a village near Paikara. It contains a
double house, shown in Fig. 8, and has two dairies, one of
which is now used as a calf-house. The second dairy was
built when two families were living at the village, and the one
dairy was not large enough for both.

Pirsiish. This is a kalolmad.

Karia, a village near the Paikara road, from which a
modern long house in the Tamil style is to be seen. Behind
this are the old dwelling-hut and the dairy. At the time of
my visit the new house was unoccupied and the people were
living in the old hut.

PlEDR

The people of Piedr derive their special importance from
the fact that they provide the palol for the sacred // of
Nodrs. According to tradition, they had this privilege ex-
clusively at one time ; later, they shared it with the Kuudrol,
and now they share with the people of Kusharf. They form
a fairly large clan, having about twenty-eight male and
fourteen female members.

As in the case of the Kuudrol, there was some doubt about

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 671

the divisions of the clan. There are said to be three kiidr,
of which the chief men are Teikudr (63), Eisodr (64), and
Nongarsivan (62). If a man of Teikudr's division has to
perform the irnortiti ceremony, the buffalo goes to Eisodr's
division, and vice versa. If a man of Nongarsivan's division
performs the ceremony, the buffalo would go to both the
other divisions. Thus Nongarsivan's kiidr seems to form an
extra division, like that of Tovoniners among the Kuudrol.
I did not obtain any explanation of this, but it is probably
due to the fact that the people of Nongarsivan's division live
at Kavidi in the Wainad, and are, in consequence, regarded
as being outside the regular affairs of the clan. I failed to
obtain an account of \.h.Q pblni.

The chief village of the clan is now rarely visited. It is
in the northern parts of the hills near the Badaga village of
Hullatti. I had hoped to have visited it and the neighbour-
ing village of Kusharf, but had not time. Some members of
the clan visit the village of Piedr once a year, but I did not
learn what was done on the occasion.

Kuiidi. This is now one of the chief villages of the clan.
It has a modern house, the largest and most highly ornamented
Toda dwelling which I saw on the hills.

Tavatkndr is a village of one hut and a dairy. It was this
dairy which was burnt during my visit as a consequence of
the revelation of //secrets to me by Kaners, who lived at this
village.

Eparskodr is an ancient village at which the first Toda died
(see p, 400). At present the village consists of a dairy only.

Kavidi is situated in the Wainad, not far from Gudalur.
I did not visit it, but, so far as I could gather, it contained no
object of interest and there was no evidence that it was an
ancient settlement,

The clan has several funeral places, partly owing to the
fact that the Kavidi people are at too great a distance from
the top of the hills to hold the etvainolkedr in the ordinary
funeral place. The Kavidi people, therefore, have two special
funeral places, called Sudvaili for males and ]\Ib})ianothi for
females. The second funeral, or viarvai)iolkedr, was. however,
held at the regular places of Meroln and Paniarkol.

672 THE TODAS chap.

A disused village in the Wainad is called Potvaili. The
termination vaili of this village and of the male funeral
place only occurs here, and is probably borrowed from some
other language, possibly from the Kurumbas.

One abandoned village of this clan, Nongarsi, seems to
have been situated near Ootacamund. Its Badaga name is
Kettarimand, and it is possibly one of the villages mentioned
by Harkness.

KUSHARF

The people of this clan are called indifferently Kusharfol
or Umgasol. There seemed to be no doubt that Kusharf is
the chief village, but, like Piedr, it is little used, and Umgas
is coming to be regarded as the etudmad.

The Kusharfol seem to be in some way related to the
Piedrol. They share with the latter the privilege of pro-
viding \\\Q palol for the Nodrs //, and the two clans are not
allowed to intermarry. They have the same nbdrodchi,
Teipakh, and it seems possible that they were originally two
sub-divisions of one clan.

At present the Kusharfol are not numerous, having only
about thirteen male and thirteen female representatives.
They have two kudi', headed by Nodrners and Ongudr, each
of which has two palm. The chief men of the point of one
kiidr are Ongudr (65) and Pangudr {66) ; of the other,
Nodrners and Erkhud i^j).

The chief village of Kusharf is near Hullatti, and, like the
neighbouring Piedr, is rarely visited.

Umgas. This is at present the most important village of
the clan ; it is shown in Fig. 72. There are two large
dwelling-huts shown on the right-hand side of the figure.
The building to the left of them is the chief dairy, which is
called Kzvotbdrvoh. It is a poh and not d.pa/i, though of the
ordinary form, and is exceptional in being situated so near
the dwelling-huts. The pali is situated still more to the left,
hidden by trees.

The two tall stones in the foreground are called nadrkkars.
They serve as irnortkars and also mark out the path by
which women must go on their way to the huts, the women

TH?: CLANS OF THE TODAS

(v:^

having to keep on the ri£;ht-hand side of these stones. \\y the
wall of the huts and close to the /^oh there are two stones,
the niajvatittlikars, at which women stand when they receive
buttermilk {jnaj) from the dairy. About fifteen yards in
front of the other dairy [pali) there is a stone called
imudrikars. On one side of this there is a narrow well-worn
track along which women must go on their way to the dairy,

. 72. — THE VILLAGE OF UMGAS, SHOWING THE ' NADRKKARS ' IN THE
CENTRE. BEHLXn THE STONES IS THE ' POH ' OF THIS VILLAGE, AND
ON ITS RIGHT ARE THE DWELLING-HUTS.

and nearer the pali there are two ninjvatitt/ikars, where they
stand when receiving buttermilk.

Between the poh and the pali there is the /// and at the
far end of this is a large stone, the niuiitthkars, marking the
spot where the diu is buried.

Teidr is not far from Nodrs. It has two huts and a dairy.
The teidrtolkars o{ Nodrs takes its name from this village, the
zoursol who gave the name to the stone being a Teidr man.

Teidr is one of the villages which is said to have been

X X

674 THE TODAS chap.

formerly a ti mad, and in support of the statement I was
taken to see two stones called neiirzillnkars at some little
distance from the village.

Pbln is close to the tree known in Ootacamund as " the
umbrella tree." There are two huts and a dairy, which was
in ruins at the time of my visit. Under the " umbrella tree"
there are two stones. One of these has been overgrown by
the tree so that it is now firmly imbedded. It is called
Korateii and is said to have been thrown by Korateu from
his hill. The other stone is deeply imbedded and only shows
three small projections above the ground. This is the
Nbtirzikars and was thrown to this spot by the goddess
Notirzi from her hill.

In a wood near at hand overgrown by trees, there is
another stone called Kdnkars, marking the spot where the
pasthir were killed at the funeral place which formerly
existed here.

Keadr

This clan had at one time the privilege of supplying the
palol to the Pan //, but its numbers are now small, and the
palol of this // at present belongs to the Piedrol. There
are now only eleven males and ten females belonging to the
clan.

Till recently there was a branch of the clan called
Kwaradrol, taking their name from the village of Kwaradr.
According to some, the Kwaradrol were a separate clan,
but there seemed to be little doubt that they were part
of the Keadrol and formed one kiidv of the clan. The
division only became extinct in the male line a few years
ago, and the genealogical record of the family is given in
Table 70.

The head man of the other hidr is Perner (68), and this
division has three pbhn, two of which are headed by Perner
and Pichievan (69), while the third has only three young
boys, Karem (69) and his brothers, as members. Since the
Kwaradrol died out, the clan has only had one kudr, but
during my visit it was decided that a new kiidr should be

xjcvili THE CLANS OF THE TODAS -675

formed, and the pbhit of Karem was made the new division,
so that in future the Keadrol will have one kiidr consisting
of ov\Q point, and another of two po/m. It was said that the
original partition of the clan into Keadrol and Kwaradrol
was due to Kwoten, who established the two divisions in
order that there should be someone to take the place of
a pa/o/ who left on account of a funeral in his clan.

Keadr. This, the chief village of the clan, is situated near
Keradr. I was unable to visit it, and have no record of any
features of interest it may possess.

Kzuaradr, the village from which one division took its
name, is near Avalanche, and is now falling into ruins owing
to the dying out of the family which occupied it.

Pekhbdr is called by the Badagas Osamand, or " new
village," and has only been in existence about ten years.

KaptJibri is now in ruins, but is mentioned in the story of
Kwoten.

Pedrkars

This clan is an offshoot of the Kuudrol, from which it has
now for a long time been separated. The division arose out of
a quarrel at a council which was once being held at Kuudr.^
There were three parties in the Jiaim, each wishing that a
different ceremony should be performed. One party wished
to give salt to the buffaloes, a second wanted to sacrifice
a calf {eykiunptthpbni), and a third were in favour of moving
to another village {irskidthtotJii). The three parties could not
agree, and it was finally decided that those who wished to do
irskidthtotJii should separate from the rest. They did so and
went to live near Kwodrdoni, and have since been a separate
clan, now known as the Pedrkarsol. The people who wished
to do erkunipttkpiini were the ancestors of Tovoniners, and it
is in consequence of this quarrel that this family occupies its
anomalous position and has no place at Kuudr.

At the same time the people of Pedrkars lost the privilege
of being palol or wiirsol, but they may become eligible by
performing the irndrtiti ceremony at Kuudr or Kiudr.

' This was evidently a council consisting of the members of the clan only.

X X 2

676 THE TODAS chap.

For some time after the separation intermarriage was not
allowed between Kuudr and Pedrkars, but recently such
marriages have taken place, and several are recorded in the
genealogies.

There are very few members of the clan, only seven males
and five females. At present there is only one kudr and this
has only one pbhn. Formerly there were two kiidt', but one
became extinct some time ago.

About three generations ago there was a quarrel between
the people of Pedrkars and those of Piedr. A man of
Pedrkars named Kavanadi had married a woman of Piedr
and one day quarrelled with his wife's father. At Piedr
there were at the entrance of the buffalo-pen two large
wooden posts {iiili). After the quarrel Kavanadi went to
Piedr and carried off both the posts with the wooden bars
{tasth) by which the opening of the pen is closed. When
Kavanadi had carried the posts and bars as far as a place
called Kalin, near the Kota village of Tizgudr, a stone on the
top of one of the tiili fell down. It may still be seen and is
known as Kalinkars. Kavanadi went on, but he soon began
to spit blood, and when he had gone some way further, he
was obliged to drop the tiili at a place which is now called
Tillipudinpein. He managed to reach his home at Pedrkars
and then died. A council was held and it was decided that
marriage should not be allowed in future between the Piedrol
and Pedrkarsol, and no such marriages are recorded in the
genealogies.

The stone called Kalinkars which fell by the way is now
said to be able to move about and may be seen one day at
one spot and on another day at another. The Kotas of
Tizgudr have several times taken the stone to their village,
but it has always gone back again. In spite of his unfortunate
end, Kavanadi is regarded, more or less, as a hero by the
Todas and is mentioned in the funeral eulogy of Pidrvan

(p. 387).

All the villages of the Pedrkarsol are in the part of the
hills near Kwodrdoni. Pedrkars itself is said to have been at
one time a // mad. Some Tamil people once came to the
hills and found some of the buffaloes of the ti standing by a

XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 677

swamp. The Tamils fired at the buffaloes and one was
killed. When \.\\q palol saw this, he cursed, saying " pedr kai's
ama, kivbdr iiodr ania" " may the Tamil stone become ; may
the ti place an ordinay place become ! " Then the people
who had killed the buffalo became stones and the buffaloes
were taken by the palol to the // mad of Kakwai. The people
who had separated from Kuudr had before this been living
at Pongudr, but when the ti mad was deserted they went to
live there, and the place was called Pedrkars in consequence
of the curse of the palol and the clan has since taken its name
from this village.

KULHEM

This clan appears to occupy the same kind of inferior
position among the Teivaliol as that taken by the Kidmadol
among the Tarthar clans. The Kulhemol are not allowed to
sit on the meitiin (right-hand side) of a dairy, and they are
not allowed to perform the ordination ceremony with tiidr
bark, which cuts them off from holding the offices o^ palol,
kaltJiiokli, or wursol.

There was some difference of opinion about the cause of the
inferior position of Kulhem. According to one account the
people separated from Kuudr at the same time as the
Pedrkarsol and for the same reason. According to another
account, when Teikirzi was dividing the buffaloes, she left
Kulhem till last, intending to give them a good portion.
When she was about to give the people of this clan their
buffaloes, the invaders came who have been mentioned in the
story of Teikirzi (p. 187). After the invaders had been turned
to stone, Teikirzi returned to her task of giving buffaloes to
Kulhem, but she came to the conclusion that the clan was in
some way responsible for the misfortune which had happened,
and she gave them no sacred buffaloes and only a i^w putiii',
and she enjoined that they should not be ordained with Uidr.
It seems, however, that the Kulhemol resemble the Pedrkarsol
in becoming eligible for the office oi palol if they do irndrtitt
to Kuudr.

The chief village, Kiilhcui or Kulthlein, is near Kanodrs.

678 THE TODAS CH. xxviii

The only other village of importance is Konikivdr, near
Paikara. At the time of my visit several of the clan were
living at a place called Knltu. This is not properly a Toda
village, the people living in a hut of the Badaga form near
a tea plantation in order to sell the buffalo dung to the
planters.

This clan now numbers only six males and three females,
all belonging to one family (72). They have neither kudr
nor pblm.

CHAPTER XXIX

TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL

The existence of these two divisions of the Toda people
raises one of the most interesting problems of their social
organisation. The fact that the Todas are an Indian people
at once suggests that we have to do here with some form of
the institution of caste. Each division is endogamous, as is
the caste, and each is divided into a number of exogamous
septs resembling the gotras of a caste. Again, there is some
amount of specialisation of function, the Teivaliol being the
division from which the most sacred of the dairymen are
chosen.

The names of the two divisions probably correspond with
this differentiation of function. The Teivaliol evidently
derive their name from the sacred office, deva, of Sanskrit
origin, being in common use in South India for 'sacred,' while
devalayam means a temple.^ The origin of Tartharol - is
more doubtful, but I believe that the word carries the idea of
ordinary, tar being used sometimes in this sense.

There is little restriction on social intercourse between the
two divisions. So far as I am aware, they can eat together,
and a member of one division can receive food from any
member of another.

Though intermarriage is forbidden, the irregular unions in
which the man is the nwkJitJiodvaiol of the woman (see Chap.

' There is also a place called Devali in the Wainad which may possibly be con-
nected in some way with the Teivaliol.

^ (>rigR {Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasaii, a servant. .S' or sh
is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely euplinnic, and I do
not think that this derivation is at all probable.

68o THE TODAS chap.

XXII) are frequent, and, indeed, it seems to be the rule for
connexions of this kind to be formed between members of the
two divisions.

The only definite restriction on social intercourse is that
a Teivali woman may not visit a Tarthar village, so that if a
Tarthar man becomes the nwkJitJiodvaiol of a Teivali woman,
he has to visit her at her home, or may go to live at her village
altogether or for long periods. There is no similar restriction
on the visits of Tarthar women to Teivali villages, and at the
time of my visit at least one Tarthar woman was living
altogether at the village of her Teivali consort.

The prohibition of the visits of Teivali women to Tarthar
villages is said to have had its origin in the misbehaviour of
certain Teivali women who once visited the village of Nodrs,
but I did not learn in what their offence consisted.

The most obvious features which mark off the two divisions
from one another occur in connexion with the dairy organisa-
tion. The most important dairy institutions of the Todas
belong to the Tartharol, but their dairymen are Teivaliol.
This applies not only to the // dairies, but also to the zvursuli
dairies of the Tarthar villages. The highest dairy office, that
oi palol, can only be held by a Teivali man, while the lower
offices of kaltniokJi and luursol must be held by them or by
one of the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. According to
tradition, the members of the Melgarsol were also at one
time capable of holding the office o{ palol, but lost the right
owing to the misbehaviour of one of their number. As I
have already suggested, the Melgarsol may have been
formerly a Teivali clan, but on repeated inquiry, it seemed
clear that they had always been Tartharol, so that at one
time in Toda history certain Tartharol were permitted to
hold the highest dairy office as well as the lower grades
for which they are still eligible. The position of the Melgars
clan is, however, so much of a mystery in itself that it
can contribute little to the understanding of our present
difficulties.

Although the Teivaliol hold the highest dairy offices, and
while holding them have a very high degree of sanctity,
it is quite clear that, apart from the holding of these offices,

XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 68i

they have no sanctity whatever. A Teivali man who, while
holding office as palol, is so sacred that he may not be
touched by nor touch anyone, and may be visited even by
his nearest relatives on two days of the week only, becomes an
ordinary person, with absolutely no restrictions on intercourse,
the moment he ceases to hold office.

Further, the fact that the Teivaliol hold these sacred offices
does not lead to any respect being shown by Tartharol
towards Teivaliol ; there is not the slightest trace of the
belief that their right to exert the highest priestly functions
gives the Teivaliol any superiority, nor, it seemed clear to me,
did the right inspire the Teivaliol themselves with any feeling
of superiority. Indeed, it was distinctly the other way. The
Tartharol always boasted that they were the superior people
and that the Teivaliol were their servants, and the Teivaliol
always seemed to me to acquiesce, though unwillingly, in this
opinion. Whenever I asked a Tarthar man why he regarded
his division as superior, he always answered, " We have the
ti and we appoint the Teivaliol to act as our servants." In
the case of the Teivali dairyman acting as wursol at the
Tarthar villages, I had definite evidence in more than one
instance that the priest was regarded as a paid servant, to be
treated with scant respect except in the special points pre-
scribed by custom. The fact that the Teivali dairyman living
at a Tarthar village may not touch any of the Tartharol puts
him very much at the mercy of the latter, and the dairyman
has, so far as I know, no redress for any wrong, real or fancied,
which he may receive.

The inferiority of the Teivaliol came out in one very strik-
ing point to which I shall return later. I learnt from the
Tartharol that there were certain differences in language
between the two divisions ; that the Teivaliol used certain
words as names of objects which were not used by the
Tartharol. I obtained a list of these, and later approached a
Teivali man on the matter. When I opened the subject he
was very much taken aback, and then became very angry
because I had been told of the difference, though its existence
was not denied. His whole attitude was that of a man
ashamed of his lowly origin. Far more indignation was

682 THE TODAS chap.

shown by him and by other Teivaliol because I had been
told of their pecuh'arities of language than was ever shown
after the exposure of deeds distinctly immoral even from the
Toda point of view. I shall return to this subject again
shortly ; I mention it here because it seemed to me to afford
the clearest evidence that the Teivaliol were conscious of
their own inferiority in the social scale.

In the story of Kwoten we find that the Tarthar hero is
accompanied by Erten of Keadr, a Teivali man, and the
latter was said to have been the servant of the former. This
suggests the possibility that at one time the Teivaliol may
have acted as servants to the Tartharol, even more definitely
than at present.

At the present time there are some features of the social
organisation and social life which might be held to weigh
strongly against the idea that the Teivaliol are the inferior
division. The nionegar of the Todas is one of the Teivaliol,
and the most influential member of the naijii, or council, at the
present time is a Teivali man. I believe the monegarship,
however, to be a recent institution, possibly dating only from
the advent of Europeans to the hills. The chief duty of the
inonegar is the collection of the assessment made by the
Government, and it is quite consistent with Toda ideas that
this troublesome, and from their point of view menial duty
should be handed over to one of the Teivaliol. The great
power of the Teivaliol in the naim is probably still more
recent and due to the influence of one man. The Teivaliol
should have only one representative on the naim, while the
Tartharol should have three, and it is entirely owing to the
powerful personality of Kuriolv that this balance has been
disturbed, and that the influence of the Teivaliol is so
predominant. It is possible that Kuriolv will do much
to obliterate the social inequality of the two divisions, though
I suspect from what the Todas told me that it is intended to
revert to the old order as soon as he dies.

There is one custom which shows very clearly that it is
only as dairymen that the Teivaliol have any sanctity. If the
sacred buffaloes {past/iir) of the Teivaliol go to a Tartharvillage,
they may be milked either at a iviirsuli or a tarvali, and the

XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 683

Tarthar people may use the milk. If Tarthar buffaloes,
however, go to a Teivali village, the Teivaliol may neither
milk them nor use their milk or its products. Thus buffaloes
which are normally milked by a Teivali dairyman when at
their own village may not be milked by Teivaliol at a Teivali
village, while there is no restriction on the milking of Teivali
buffaloes by the Tartharol.

Although the Tartharol are in the habit of speaking of
the Teivali dairymen as their servants, they have no means
of enforcing service. The post of dairyman of any kind is
one of profit, and, as we have seen, when the post, even of
palol, ceases to bring a sufficient income, the Tartharol fail
to obtain people to occupy it.

In the ceremonial of the dairy, the relation between the
two divisions is entirely one-sided. The Tartharol own the
buffaloes and the dairies, and the Teivaliol do the work. In
certain other ceremonies, there is more reciprocity in the
relations of the two divisions to one another.

The Tartharol have certain definite duties at a Teivali
funeral and the Teivaliol at a Tarthar funeral, and in most
cases the duties are thoroughly reciprocal and the two
divisions appear to act on equal terms. Thus, in the earth-
throwing ceremony, the earth is dug by a Teivali man at a
Tarthar funeral, and the Tarthar men before they throw ask
the Teivaliol whether they may do so. At a Teivali funeral
these positions are reversed. Similarly, the buffaloes are
caught by Tartharol for Teivaliol and vice versa.

On the other hand, there are some ceremonies in which the
Teivaliol have definite duties to perform at a Tarthar funeral
which are not reciprocated. In the earth-throwing ceremony
of the Tartharol, earth is first thrown by the Teivali ivnrsol,
but he does this as dairyman and not as one of the Teivaliol.
The kobtiti ceremony of the second funeral is, however, only
performed at a Tarthar funeral, and in it a Teivali man
plays an important part, wearing the cloak which has been
covering the relics and adorning himself with women's
ornaments. He hangs on the neck of the calf the bell
called tnkulir mani and touches the relics with the bow and
arrow after askin</ the Tartharol if he mav do so. It is said

684 THE TODAS chap.

that this ceremony is performed at a Tarthar funeral in order
to purify the Tartharol with /?/<//' before they go to Amnodr,
and the prominent position of the Teivaliol in this ceremony
is evidently due to the use of this sacred substance.

After a funeral the Tartharol in general shave their heads,
and this is not done by the Teivaliol, but it is also not done by
the Melgarsol, which shows that the difference is connected
with the different relations of the two divisions to the dairy
ritual.

One important difference between the funeral ceremonies
of the two divisions is that the niani, or sacred bell, is not
used by the Teivaliol, except by the Piedr clan, and in this
case the bell is hung on the neck of the buffalo about to
be slaughtered by a Tarthar man belonging to the Nodrs
clan. The use of a inani at the funeral appears to be pre-
eminently a Tarthar custom.

A further distinction between the two divisions is a con-
sequence of the last difference. The Teivaliol do not purify
the dairy after the funeral ceremonies because nothing has
been taken from the dairy to be defiled. Similarly, the fact
that the Teivaliol and Melgarsol use a male buffalo calf for
the ceremony of purifying, the various funeral places is
connected in some way with the use of tiidr by these
divisions, while the general body of the Tartharol who are not
purified with tiuir use the blood of an adult female buffalo.

It will thus be seen that there is definite reciprocity between
the two divisions as regards certain funeral duties, while the
differences between the procedures of the two divisions are
largely, if not altogether, connected with the use of the inani
among the Tartharol and of the tudr tree among the Teivaliol,
and each of these are points at which the funeral ceremonies
come into relation with the dairy ritual. The differences in
funeral rites would seem to be chiefly due to the different
organisation of the dairy and its ritual in the two divisions.

There are other ceremonies in which the duties of the twoj
divisions are reciprocal. In the ceremony of ear-piercing, aj
Tarthar man pierces one ear of a Teivali boy and a Teivali
man performs the same service for a Tarthar boy, and in the!
ceremony called piitknli tazdr iltiti (see p. 503), a man]

XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 685

belonging to one division acts when the girl luulergoing the
ceremony belongs to the other.

One of the most obscure of Toda ceremonies is that called
tersainptpinii, which is performed together with or later than
the ceremony of name-giving when a child is about three
months old. The chief feature of the ceremony is that a
lock of the child's hair is cut by the maternal uncle of the
child, the hair of a Tarthar child being cut with a piece of
sharpened iron called kanab, while the hair of a Teivali child
is cut with an ordinary knife. The special interest, how-
ever, for our present purpose lies in the fact that this cere-
mony must be performed on the day after the second funeral
of a Tarthar man, and this whether the child be Tarthar or
Teivali.

This ceremon)' points to the existence of a belief in the
influence of the spirit of the dead man, and I have alread}'
(p. 404) given reasons why it is probable that this influence
should be regarded as good rather than bad. But, whether
good or bad, we are left wholly without a clue why this
influence should be exerted by the ghosts of the Tartharol
and not by those of the Teivaliol.

In the ceremonies connected with childbirth the ritual of
one division differs from that of the other more widely than in
any other case. The most striking difference is that the
ceremonial of the artificial dairy is limited to the Tartharol,
and here again it is possible that the difference is a secondary
consequence of the difference in dairy organisation. In the
chapter dealing with these ceremonies, I have thrown out the
conjecture that the use of an artificial dairy, and of threads from
the viadtiDii, or sacred dairy garment, may be a survival of a
time when women had more to do with the dairy ritual than
they have at present ; and if there is anything in this conjec-
ture, it would point to this connexion of women with the dairy
having been limited to the Tartharol, or to its having persisted
longer in this division.

The fact that a Tarthar woman drinks milk drawn by a
Melgars man, while a Teivali w^oman drinks w-ater which is
assumed to be the milk of a pregnant buffalo, again brings
the differences into relation with the dairy ritual, but another

686 THE TODAS chap.

difference between the two divisions in the hand-burning
ceremony is entirely foreign to this ritual. This is the
ceremony of invoking Pirn and Piri, and there is no evident
reason why this rite should be practised by the members of
one division and not by those of the other. Similarly, the
ceremony of offering to Namav by a Teivali woman when
going to the seclusion-hut after childbirth stands entirely apart
from the dairy ritual.

Both of these ceremonies are unlike the ordinary run of
Toda ritual, and it is, on the whole, most probable that they
have been borrowed.

We have thus seen that a large number of the ceremonial
differences between the two divisions may be regarded as
secondary consequences of the differences in the dairy ritual
and that the few ceremonies which stand in no relation to the
dairy ritual may have been borrowed.

Taking the differences of ceremonial as a whole, it is
tempting to surmise that some of them may have arisen
owing to differences of environment during some past stage
of Toda history. The Todas now form so small a community,
living in so small a space and knowing so much about each
other, that it seems improbable that the differences can have
come altogether into existence while they have been on the
Nilgiri Hills. In so far as they can be explained as secondary
consequences of the dairy organisation, it is possible that they
may have arisen since the Todas have been on the Nilgiris,
but when the practices have no relation to the dairy ritual it
seems improbable that one division would have adopted a
custom quite independently of the other.

Such a view would involve the consequence that at some
time in their history the two divisions of the Toda people
have had a different environment, and if the Todas are derived
from one tribe or caste, this could only have come about if
the two divisions came to the hills at different times, the
interval having been sufficiently long to enable differences of
ceremonial to have arisen. The differences would perhaps be
still more readily explicable if we suppose the Tartharol and
Teivaliol to have been derived from two different castes or
tribes which reached the hills at different times, and 1 will

X\1X

TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL

687

now proceed to give some c\ldence which points to this
liaving really happened.

Perhaps the strongest evidence in this
existence of the differences of language
already referred. The chief differences are

direction is the
to which I have
as follows : —

Tarthar.

Teivali.

Wooden spoon

chiidi or siidi

kirstes^i

Basket

ihdri

piitiikcri

Food vessel

palokh

todriterkh

Round metal vessel

kiuUkuiiin

kildichakh

Milking-vessel

pun

koiiipun

A dairy vessel

tat

kashtat

Iron instruaienl

podilch

pbh-h

Comb

tirkoli

siekhkMi

Small boy's cloak

kiuhdr

kupichdr

Roof

pbdri

idrnpbdH

Western side of hut

nteilinerkal

iiieilkiishkhiii

Eastern side of hut

ktvierkal

kikushkbiii

Mushroom

kill II

alabi

A tree

tipoti

ketak

A black fruit

kalfoiu

akatpoin

To-morrow morning

pelikhaski

pedfkhaski

I was given one sentence as quite different in the two
divisions. This was " Bring a piece of ragged cloth to the
dairy ! " By the Tartharol this would be rendered, Palivorsk
pari evd ! but by the Teivaliol, Kiitanpari palivorsk
panmeiliteiva ! the chief difference here being in the verb.

Though these are all the differences in vocabulary of which
I could obtain a record, I was told by the Tartharol that
formerly there were many more, and that they were diminish-
ing in number because " the Teivaliol were now learning to
speak properly."

I think it possible that a phonologist might also detect
many differences in pronunciation and accent in the two
divisions. I thought that I detected such differences myself
— that the Tartharol used a k when the Teivaliol used a g, for
instance — but I am so uncertain about this that I do not feel
entitled to lay any emphasis on it. In one case, however,
the Todas themselves told me of a difference in pronunciation.
They said that the usual word for dairy was pronounced as I
have written it in this book but that by the Tartharol it
was rather/////.

688 THE TO DAS chap.

Scanty as the evidence is, there can be no doubt of the
existence of dialectical differences between the two divisions
of the Toda people.

Another indication that the Todas are two tribes or castes
which have coalesced is of a different and more doubtful
kind. There is some reason to believe that people sometimes
preserve a relic of their migrations in the belief concerning
the path taken by the dead in their journey to the next
world. We have seen that the Todas believe that the dead
journey to the west, but the special point of interest in the
present connexion is that the dead Teivaliol are believed to
travel by a path different from that traversed by the
Tartharol.

I must reserve till the next chapter the full consideration of
the path by which the Todas reached the hills, but I hope to
show then that there is a great probability that the Todas
came from Malabar. If this view be correct, it is not
impossible that in the belief as to the different paths traversed
by the dead, we may have a relic of two independent
migrations.

A third indication is one about which I am still more
doubtful, because I have no exact observations to support it.
When on the hills I was struck at times by differences in the
general appearance of the people of the two divisions.
Towards the end of my visit I sometimes made a successful
guess that an unknown village I was entering was a Teivali
village, and this guess was founded, so far as I could tell, on
a difference in the appearance of the people. The Teivaliol
seemed to me to be, on the whole, darker, and to have a lower
type of face. My surmises in this direction only took shape
towards the end of my visit, when it was too late to make any
exact observations. I know how dangerous such impressions
are, and I do not wish to lay any stress on them, and I
mention them hoping that more exact observations on the
point may be made at some future time.

The idea that the two divisions of the Toda community
reached the hills at different times is perhaps supported by
their distribution on the Nilgiri plateau. In Fig. 73 I give
a plan of the district, giving all the villages from which

XXIX

TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL

689

the Toda clans take their names, the Tarthar villages being in
Roman type and those of the Teivaliol in italics. I have
omitted the chief villages of those clans which I know to
have arisen in recent times by splitting off from other clans,
and I have included two villages of which I can only give
the approximate positions. These are Piedr and Kusharf,
which are now rarely occupied, and are situated off the main
plateau, near the Badaga village of Hullatti. I also give

Furlongs 8 4 o

1-IG. 73.

Pirspurs, the old el?t{^7;md of the ¥'amo\. In Fig. 74 I giv'e
a second plan, showing the positions of all the villages which
I know to be ancient, either because they possess sacred
dairies or because they are mentioned in legend.

It will be seen that the greater part of the hills is occupied
by the Tartharol, while the Teivali villages lie chiefly in
the north-west part of the hills. The chief exception is the
village of Keadr, which is situated some way south of the
rest.

If, in coming to the hills, the Todas followed the routes
now supposed to be traversed by the dead, the position of

\ y

690

THE TODAS

CHAI\

Keadr would suggest that this clan was assigned a scat soon
after the Teivaliol had crossed the Pakhwar, and that the
others journeyed on northwards.

The plans certainly make it clear that there is a difference
in the geographical distribution of the two divisions, and the
nature of this distribution is consistent with the advent of
the two divisions at different times. It will be noticed in
both plans that one Tarthar clan has its seat in the middle

FIC. 74.

of what would otherwise be exclusively a Teivali district.
This clan is that of Taradr, and it is perhaps significant that
the Taradrol have many features which differentiate them
from Tarthar clans in general, especially in their possession
of the kiigvalir and in the possession of their own Amnodr,
though, as we have seen, the latter feature may merely be a
later consequence of their isolated position.

It is known that when two tribes coalesce to form a com-
munity, the inferior people may act as the sorcerers and wizards
of the community. At the present time the majority of the
tenol^ or diviners, belong to the Teivaliol, but this branch of

XMX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 691

sacred function is not limited to that division. The magical
j)o\vcrs of the sorcerer seem to be now almost equally divided
among the two divisions, and there is no evidence that magical
powers in the past have been attributed to one division more
than to the other.

In the preceding pages I have put together the chief
evidence which throws any light on the problem raised by
the existence of the two divisions of the Toda people. It is
far from conclusive, but I incline to the view that the present
organisation of the Todas is due to the coalescence of two
tribes or castes which came to the hills at different times.
It seems probable that the Tartharol arrived first and
occupied the hills widely. When later the Teivaliol came,
it seems possible that they were placed by the Tartharol
in those priestly offices which, though honourable, involved
many hardships and restrictions, and were assigned dwelling-
places and pastures in a comparatively limited district of the
hills.

The analysis of the genealogical record has brought out
some interesting differences between the two divisions. The
data compiled from the genealogical tables by Mr. Punnett ^
would seem to show that the preponderance of males was
and is still greater among the Teivaliol than among the
Tartharol. The tables provide statistics roughly for four
generations. In the second of these,- the number of males
for every hundred females was 1597 among the Tartharol,
259 among the Teivaliol. For the last generation, these
numbers have sunk to I2g'2 and 171 respectively. These
figures almost certainly mean that female infanticide was
more in vogue among the Teivaliol and is still practised by
them to a greater extent than by the Tartharol.

This would seem to show that the Teivaliol have clung
more closely to the old custom of infanticide and may be
taken as an indication of the greater conservativeness of the
priestly caste, but the Teivaliol chiefly occupy those parts
of the hills furthest removed from the European settlements,

' Proc. Caiith. Philos. Soc, 1904, vol. \ii, p. 4S1.

'-' I neglect the first generation on account of the small nmnlicr of families for
which there are data.

YY 2

6q2 the to das ch. XXIX

and the greater freedom from external influence is probably
an important reason for the greater frequency of infanticide
among them at present, though it will not explain the greater
prevalence in the earlier generations.

The Teivaliol are now much the smaller of the two
divisions, the numbers at the most liberal estimate being less
than half of those of the Tartharol, and this difference is
certainly of long standing. It may be due to original dis-
proportion of numbers, but if female infanticide has long been
more frequent among the Teivaliol, this might furnish a
cause of their smaller population. It is perhaps significant in
this connexion that the only extinct clan of which I have a
record is a Teivali clan, the Kemenol, which is said to have
become extinct about a hundred years ago, and the causes
which led to its extinction may well have produced a great
diminution of numbers in other branches of the Teivaliol.

CHAPTER XXX

Till-: ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS

I HAVE now given the whole of the material which I have
collected on the institutions of the Todas. In describing
these institutions I have discussed various general problems
suggested by their nature, but I have said little about the
points of resemblance or difference between the customs of
the Todas and those of other peoples either in India or else-
where. It remains in this last chapter to see how far the
evidence which I have given throws any light on the very
difficult questions : Who are the Todas ? How do they come
to be living on the Nilgiri Hills?

The evidence which might be available for our inquiry is
of three kinds : records of the Todas in the past, traditions
preserved by the Todas, and, lastly, evidence derived from
the comparative study of physical and psychical characters,
language, beliefs, and institutions.

The evidence coming under the first two heads is of the
scantiest. Our earliest record of the Todas is contained in a
Portuguese manuscript now in the British Museum. It records
the visit of a Portuguese priest named Finicio to the Nilgiri
Hills in 1602. This manuscript was partially translated and
published by Thomas Whitehouse in a book dealing with
the Syrian church of Malabar, under the title " Lingerings of
Light in a Dark Land." As the translation given by White-
house is incomplete, I had the manuscript retranslated, and
it was then found that several interesting details had been
omitted, and that there were several errors in the translation.
The new translation is given on pp. 721-730.

694 THE TODAS chap.

The account given by Finicio is very superficial, being the
result of only two days' intercourse, but it is sufficient to
show that there has probably been little change in the Todas
and their surroundings in the three centuries which elapsed
between his visit and mine. I have referred in the general
body of the work to several of the points in which his
account either corroborates or differs from my own. Perhaps
the most important feature of his story is that it shows the
relation between the Todas and Badagas three centuries
ago to have been very much what it is at the present day, and
shows clearly that this relation between the two tribes is of
longer standing than has usually been supposed. Finicio's
account is, however, so brief and superficial that it helps us
little in our search for evidence on the evolution of Toda
society. We know from it that the institution of the // was
in existence, and the scanty evidence goes to show that the
life of \.]\Qpalol was much what it is now, but there is nothing
to tell us whether the ritual had then reached the high pitch
of development which it now shows, nothing to tell us
whether since that time there has been development o
degeneration.

From 1602 to 181 2 we have, so far as I am aware, no
record of the Todas. In the latter year William Keys, ■
Assistant Revenue Surveyor, reported the existence of the
Todas, or Thothavurs, and other tribes in a letter to the
Collector of Coimbatore. His account gives little informa-
tion about the Todas, except that they kept buffaloes and
held it a sacred and inviolable custom to keep their heads
uncovered. In 1819 "a Subscriber" wrote an account of the
Nilgiri tribes which was published in the Madras Courier.
Beyond a description of their appearance, the only informa-
tion given about the Todas or Todevies is that it is against
the custom to wear either turban or sandal, that they permit
hair and beard to grow long, and that the Badagas pay a few
handfuls of grain from each field as acknowledgment that
they received their land from the Todas. In 1820 Lieutenant
Macpherson reported the practices of polyandry and infanti-
cide, and in the following year Captain B. S. Ward described
the marriage customs more fully, and gave some account

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 69:

of the dairies and priesthood. In 1826 the Rev. James
Hough addressed a number of letters to the Bengal Hurkaru,
giving an account of the Nilgiris and their inhabitants, and
these letters were republished in a book in 1829. A more
elaborate and most excellent account of the Todas was given
by Captain Harkness in 1832, in a work entitled A Descrip-
tion of a Singular Aboriginal Race InJiabiting the Summit
of the Neilgherry Hills, and since that time very many of
those who have visited the Nilgiri Hills have had something
to say about the Todas and their ways. As I have already
pointed out, these records from the earlier part of last century
differ but little from my own, and do not furnish us with any
evidence that Toda customs underwent any great change
during that centur)'.

As regards the evidence from Toda tradition, we are in
no better case. Several writers have stated that the Todas
believe that they came to the Nilgiris from elsewhere, but
whenever I made any inquiries on this point I was assured
that they had always been on the Nilgiri Hills, the first
Toda having been created on the Kundahs in the manner
already described.

It seems most probable that those who have ascribed such
traditions to the Todas have been misled by the account
of the Kamasodrolam. These are the people who are be-
lieved to have been driven away from Kanodrs by Kwoten
(see p. 195). The Todas have a very sincere belief in the
existence of these people, and when I showed one man the
frontispiece in Marshall's book, representing a Toda village
and its inhabitants, something unfamiliar in the arrangement
of the scene made the man think that it must be a picture of
the Kamasodrolam. Any Toda who is asked whether there
are other Todas and where they live will at once think of the
Kamasodrolam and will tell of these people, and the story
might easily be mistaken for a tradition of their origin.

The Todas are also said to believe in their descent from
Ravan, and I was told by one man that they were descended
from the Pandavas, but I have little doubt that such beliefs
are only recent additions to their mythology.

In studying the origin and history of the Todas wc have

696 THE TODAS CHAP.

thus no record earlier than three centuries ago, and no
traditions of any value, and we are altogether thrown back
on the evidence furnished by the manners and customs of the
people, their language, and their physical characteristics.

Though the manners and customs of the Todas are in
many ways unique, or very exceptional, there is a general
resemblance between them and those comprised under the
general title of Hinduism, and especially with such more
popular customs as are described by Mr. Crooke.^ The
great development of the ritual aspect of religion, the
importance of ceremonies connected with birth and death,
the sacredness of the milk-giving animal, the nature of
the system of kinship, the marriage regulations and many
other features bear a general, and in some cases a close,
resemblance to institutions found in India generally, or in
certain parts of India.

On the social side these resemblances are perhaps closer
than on the religious side. The system of kinship is very
similar to that of other parts of Southern India, and, so far as
my knowledge goes, to that of India generally. The marriage
regulation that the children of brother and sister should
marry is found throughout Southern India and probably
throughout the Dravidian population of India. The practice
of polyandry probably exists scattered here and there
throughout India, and has undoubtedly existed in recent
times in Malabar. The practice of the mokhthoditi union
between man and woman has also close analogies in
Malabar.

On the religious side the high development of the dairy
ritual, so far as I know, stands alone, but the customs
connected with birth and death have many resemblances to
practices followed in other parts of India, though this
resemblance is general only and usually breaks down on going
into detail.

Thus in Brahmanic ritual there are several ceremonies pre-
scribed at different stages of pregnancy, and some Indian
tribes or castes have pregnancy ceremonies peculiar to them-
selves, but I do not know of any tribe or caste except that

' Popular Religion and Folklore of Norlhem India. London, 1896.

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 697

of the Todas in which giving a bow and arrow forms the
essential feature of a pregnancy ceremony, though it is not
uncommon for this weapon to play a part in marriage rites,
and in Coorg a little imitation bow and arrow is put into the
hand of a newly born boy.

Similarly, seclusion after childbirth is common in India,
and in the Brahmanic ceremony of Jatakarma water is poured
over the heads of mother and child by the priest. In some
cases from M}'sore (see p. 705) there is a still closer resem-
blance to Toda custom, but there are some features of the
Toda ceremonial for which I can find no parallel.

In many points, again, there are distinct resemblances
between the practices of the Todas and the more popular
customs of India ; thus the pounder, sieve and broom
frequently play a part in the popular magic of India, ^ as of
other parts of the world, but I do not know of any parallel
for their being regarded as especially the emblems of women,
as they appear to be in Toda belief

It is perhaps in the funeral ceremonies that we find the
largest number of resemblances between Toda custom and
that of other parts of India. Thus, among those who cremate
their dead, it is usual to have ceremonies some time after the
cremation, and some have regarded the second funeral
ceremony of the Todas, the so-called dry funeral, as the
representative of the Sapindi ceremony of orthodox
Hinduism. Among several tribes fragments of bone are
preserved after the cremation, which become the objects of
further ceremonies. Thus, the Hos and Mundahs^ preserve
large fragments of bone, which are hung up in the house and
are buried in an earthenware pot much later, after being taken
in procession to every friend and relation of the deceased.
Again, among the Saoras of Madras ^ fragments of bone are
picked out from the ashes and covered over with a miniature
hut.

Animals are frequently killed at funerals throughout India,
and among the Saoras, just mentioned,'* the animal is a

^ Cf. Crooke, loc, cit., vol. ii. pp. 187 -191.

- Dalton, Trans. EtJmol. Soc, London, N.S., 1868, vol. vi, p. 37.

•' Fawcett,y(7/^/-«. Anlhrop. Soc, Bombay, 1888, vol. i. p. 249. ' Loc: li/.

698 THE TODAS chap.

bufifalo, which is killed close to the stone on which its blood is
smeared. Again, among the Kois ^ a bullock is slain and
the tail placed in the hand of the corpse.

A funeral practice which is very wudely spread in India is
the breaking of a pot, and in some cases the pot so broken is
one which has contained the water used to quench the fire.
Among the Naickers and the Reddies of South India- the
body is bathed with water from an earthen pot, which is then
dashed upon the ground, while in other places an earthen pot
filled with water is carried round the body three times, after
which the fire is lighted and later extinguished by water
which runs from a perforation in the pot. The common
Indian practice, according to Padfield,^ is for the chief
mourner to throw a pot over his head behind him so that it is
dashed in pieces.

That the kindred should retire with averted faces from the
place where the corpse is left is prescribed by Manu,"* and the
custom of burning or burying face downwards is practised
by low caste people, the motive in this case being to prevent
the evil spirit from escaping and troubling its neighbours.^

While there is thus a general resemblance between many
of the manners and customs of the Todas and those existing
in various parts of the Indian peninsula, there is one district
which possesses customs and institutions which seem to stand
in a much closer relation to those of the Todas than is the
case elsewhere.

The social and religious customs of the west coast, and
especially of Malabar, not only bear a general resemblance to
the customs of the Todas, but this resemblance in some cases
persists when followed into detail. The similarity would
probably become still more obvious if we knew more of the
customs of the less civilised inhabitants of this district of
India.

In going over the resemblances I will begin with those on
the social side. The most characteristic feature of the social

^ Cain, Ind. Antitj., 1876, vol. v, p. 357.

^ Kearns, Tribes of South India, p. 51.

^ T/ie Hindu at Home, Madras, p. 234.

•* IV. 240.

^ Crooke, loc. at., vol. i. p. 269.

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 699

orgfanisation of the Todas is the institution of fraternal
polyandry. The Nairs of Malabar have given their name to
a different type of polyandry, but it is extremely doubtful
whether the relations existing in recent times between Nair
women and their consorts should be regarded as examples of
polyandry. Nevertheless, there is undoubted evidence that
true polyandry has existed in Malabar, and in the most
definite examples known this has been of the fraternal type.
From the Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission,
published in 1 891, it is clear that, though polyandry is now
extinct in North Malabar, it still persists in some districts of
South Malabar. One witness before the Commission stated
that at one time polyandry was very prevalent in South
Malabar, and that it was still the practice for a woman of the
Kammalar or artisan caste to have five or six brothers as
husbands, and the witness had known personally a woman in
Calicut who was the wife of five brothers, spending a month
at a time with each. Another witness stated that polyandry
existed in some parts of Cochin, and in a few places in South
Malabar. Another said that among the Tiyans of North
Malabar it was the custom for one man to marry a girl for all
the brothers of the family. One of the names for marriage in
Malabar is uzhaiii ponikka, which probably means " marriage
by turns." The Kanisans or astrologers of Malabar proudly
point out that, like the Pandavas, they used formerly to have
one wife in common to several brothers, and that the custom
is still observed by some.^

Polyandry is not the only marriage institution in which
there is a resemblance betu'een the Todas and the people
of Malabar. The inokJitJiodvaiol of a Toda woman seems
to be very much like the consort of a Nair woman, and when
these consorts are, as they usually are, Nambutiris or Malabar
Brahmans — i.e., belong to a different caste — the resemblance to
the niokhthoditi custom becomes very close.

More important is the custom of giving a cloth as the
essential marriage ceremony. The two chief features of a
Toda marriage are the giving of a loincloth to the girl and
the salutation (A the girl's relatives by the husband. Simi-

' Lugiui'b Malabar Manual, vol. i. \). 141.

700 THE TODAS chap

larly the essential feature of the irregular union between
man and woman is that the niokJithodvaiol gives a cloak
to the woman, and the Badaga name by which the relation
has previously been known is derived from this fact — the man
is called the " blanket man " of the woman. Throughout the
greater part of the Malabar coast the essential feature of the
marriage ceremony is that the man gives a cloth to the
woman. The Nairs have two marriage ceremonies/ of which
the later, or sambandhani, forms the actual alliance between
man and woman. The ceremony of this marriage consists in
giving a cloth, and various names for the ceremony, such as
inuntiikotukkuka, vast7'adanam, putavakota diwd piidainiiri, all
mean " cloth-giving." In South Malabar a marriage is dis-
solved by tearing up a cloth called kachcha^- and among the
Izhavas,^ the actual wedding ceremony consists of the gift of
a cloth.

The act of giving clothing as part of the marriage ceremony
is found generally throughout India, but it seems to be a
much more prominent and essential feature of marriage in
Malabar than elsewhere.

Among the funeral ceremonies of the Todas there is one
in which a cloth is laid on the body of the deceased. The
essential feature of this ceremony is that a cloth is given
by a man belonging to the clan of the deceased to those who
have married into the clan, the cloth being then placed on the
corpse by the wives of these men. The whole ceremony
seems to be essentially a transaction between clans which
have intermarried and evidently stands in a close relation
to the regulation of marriage, and it is therefore of great
interest not only that a cloth should play so prominent a
part, but also that the word used for the cloth which gives
the name to the ceremony should be kach, the same word as
is used sometimes in Malabar for the cloth so important in
the marriage ceremonies.

The resemblance between the Todas and Nairs in this
direction goes, however, one step further. Among the funeral

' See Malabar Alan- iiii^c Comiiiission and VViyrani's Malabar Law and Cmloin,
2nd ed.,'_Madra.s, 1900.

^ Census of India, 1901, vul. i., Elh. App., p. 136. ^ Ibid., j). 142.

THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 701

ceremonies of the Nairs there is one called potavekkuka,
in which new cotton cloths are placed on the corpse by
the senior members of the deceased's Tarawad (corresponding
to clan), followed by all the other members, sons-in-law,
daughters-in-law, and other relatives. The details of the
ceremony differ in the two communities ; among the Nairs
the placing of cloths is the duty of a wide circle of relatives,
but the resemblance between the customs is sufficiently close
to make it highly probable that we have to do with two
developments of one custom.

The ceremony just described is not the only point in which
the funeral rites of the Todas resemble those of Malabar.
The earthen pot which I have already mentioned plays a
part in the rites of both Nairs and Nambutiris. By the Nairs ^
the pot is carried three times round the pyre while the water
leaks out through the holes, and on completing the third round
the pot is dashed on the ground close by the spot where the
head of the corpse had lain. The Nambutiris burn their dead
and bury the ashes three days later, and when the body is
being burnt an earthen pot containing water is carried round
the fire, and is then punctured and the water received into
another vessel, from which it is thrown on the fire, and then
the pot is smashed and thrown away.-

We have seen that according to Toda belief it is
necessary that those who have not been through certain cere-
monies in life must do so after death, and the same belief is
entertained by the Nambutiris, who tie the tali at the funeral
of an unmarried girl,^ just as the Todas perform the pni'-
siitphni ceremony.

The Nairs collect pieces of unburnt bones from the ashes
fourteen days after the cremation, but they either throw them
into the nearest river or take them to some sacred place, thus
following a frequent Indian practice.

There is one feature of the urvatpimi ceremony of the
Todas which also suggests a possible link with Malabar,
and this is the name, piilpali, given to the artificial dairy

' Madras Gov. Mitseitiii Bull., iii. p. 247. - Ibid., p. 70.

* Ibid., p. 61. See also Dubois, Hindu Manners, Ciis/oins, and Certinonies,
Oxford, 1899, p. 17.

702 THE TOD AS cHap,

used b}' the Tartharol. The Nairs of Malabar have a
ceremony at the ninth month called pulikuti, in which the
woman drinks tamarind {piili) juice which has been poured
over a knife by her brother.^ The Toda word for the sour
taste is piilcJiiti, derived from tamarind, and I have suggested
that the name pillpali may mean ' tamarind dairy,' and be a
survival of community between the Toda ceremony and that
of Malabar.

I have now enumerated a number of points in which there
is a close resemblance between the customs of the Todas and
those of the people of Malabar. In some cases, as in that of
the cloth ceremony of the funeral, the resemblance is so close
that we seem almost bound to seek its explanation either in
identity of origin or in borrowing. We may be confident that
if there has been any borrowing from the inhabitants of
Malabar, it has not been recent, and we may also be fairly
confident that the physical barrier in the j^ast must have pre-
vented any but the most infrequent intercourse between the
inhabitants of the Nilgiri plateau and those of Malabar. If we
attach any significance to the resemblances I have indicated,
the conclusion seems almost inevitable that the Todas at some
time lived in Malabar and migrated to the Nilgiri Hills, and it
remains to inquire whether there are any other facts in favour
of this view.

On one line of evidence I cannot speak with any authorit)',
but I strongly suspect that there is a very close resemblance
between the Toda language and Malayalam.

I think there is little doubt that the Toda language is much
more nearly allied to Tamil than to Canarese, and I believe
that the contrary opinion of Dr. Pope was due to the inclusion
in his material of many words borrowed by the Todas from
their Canarese-speaking neighbours, the Badagas. Malayalam
is closely allied to Tamil, differing from it chiefly in its disuse
of the personal terminations of the verbs and in the large
number of Sanscrit derivatives,'- and I should like to make
the suggestion, for the consideration of Dravidian philologists,

^ Madras jMiisciii/i IhilL, iii. p. 242.

- Cf. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dra7<idiaii or South- Indian
Family of Languages, 2ncl ed., London, 1875, p. 23.

XXX THE URICaX AM) UlS'lORV OF TfiE TODAS 703

that there is a close resemblance between the Toda language
and Malaj'alam, minus its Sanscrit derivatives.

The Todas claim that their diviners, who, when in their
frenzy, are believed to be inspired by the gods, speak the
Malayalam language, some clans speaking a language which
the Todas say is that of people they call Mondardsetipol,
living in Malabar. I do not know whether theToda claim is
justified, but in any case the belief exists that the diviners
speak the languages of Malabar, and that these are the
languages of the gods. It is possible that in their beliefs
concerning the language of the gods the Todas may be
preser\ing a tradition of their mother-tongue, and if it could
be proved that the diviners actually speak the Malayalam
language the link with Malabar would be very materially
strengthened.^

The Todas believe that their dead tra\el towards the
West and are able to describe the paths by which they
pass. Here, again, there is some reason to think that people
may preserve in their beliefs about the passing to the next
world a tradition of the route by which their ancestors
travelled from a former home, and this may be so in the
case of the Todas.

Another fact linking the Todas with Malabar is the use
of the tall pole called tadri in the funeral ceremonies. This
pole is procured for the Todas from the Malabar side of the
hills by the Kurumbas, and I was told that suitable poles
only grew in Malabar, and the pole is adorned with cowries
which are also probably of Malabar origin. Other objects
burnt at the funeral, such as the boxes called pettei and the
umbrella called niiturkivadr, are also procured from Malabar.
The use of objects in funeral ceremonies which are procured
from Malabar is suggestive, though, taken alone, it would
have little significance.

A fact which would perhaps be regarded by most as more
important is that there is now a settlement of the Todas at
Gudalur in the Wainad, on one of the routes from Malabar
to the Nilgiris. It seems clear that at one time the settlement

^ It is perhaps worth noting that at present only Teivali diviners are reputed
to speak Malayalam.

704 THE TODAS chap.

was larger than it is at present, and it is tempting to suppose
that we have here evidence of the route of the Toda migration.
There are, however, facts which make it improbable that this
clue is of any value. If the villages about Gudalur had been
survivals of the migration they would almost certainly have
been sacred villages, but it was quite clear that they had no
sanctity whatever and were not even saluted when seen from
a distance. Unfortunately I did not visit Kavidi, the only
village which remains, and if I had done so I might have
discovered some evidence of sanctity and antiquity, but from
what I was told it is very unlikely that any such evidence
exists. This absence of sanctity is further in agreement with
the traditions of the Todas, who say that the settlement at
Gudalur is recent. There are, however, other facts which
point to an ancient connexion of the Todas with this district.
Some of the buffaloes of the most sacred and ancient Nodrs
// are said to have come from Perithi in the Wainad, and the
Taradrol, in many ways an exceptional Toda clan, are said
to have their own future world or Amnodr at this place.

It will thus be seen that, in addition to the points of
similarity in custom and belief, there are definite facts pointing
to connexion with Malabar, and if we suppose that the Todas
migrated from this district we have next to conjecture the
path by which they travelled. If any importance is attached
to the belief in the paths taken by the dead, we should regard
it as the most probable view that the Todas travelled over
the Kundahs, the two divisions of the people travelling by
slightly different routes. The Toda tradition that men were
created on the Kundahs is perhaps in favour of this route,
which would seem to correspond with the road to the Nilgiris
known as the Sisipara Ghat. If, on the other hand, we attach
importance to the settlement at Kavidi, the route followed
would be that through Gudalur. At the present time the
latter road is far the easier of the two, and, if the Todas had
travelled during the last few years, it would have been the
natural road by which to come, but it does not appear that
there was any essential difference in the difficulties of the two
routes before the roads were made. The evidence in favour
of either route is very scanty, but if the Todas came from

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 705

Malabar it is probable that they came by one or other of
these paths.

There are two other districts which have some claim to be
considered as possible places from which the Todas may have
migrated — viz.^ Mysore and Coorg.

The Todas regard with some reverence a Hindu temple at
Nanjankudi in Mysore, and visit it to pay vows, and there is
little doubt that they have done this for a long time.
Further, Nodrs, one of the oldest and most sacred of the
Toda villages, is close to the present road from Mysore and
may have been near the most convenient route from Mysore
in ancient times. I think, however, that, though not recent,
the relations with the Hindu temple at Nanjankudi are not of
very great antiquity, and I am inclined to ascribe the Toda
reverence for it to their association with the Badagas, who
almost certainly came from Mysore. I have not been able to
find many parallels to Toda customs in Mysore. In one
case, however, the resemblance is very close. Among the
Gollavalu of Mysore^ a woman after delivery is turned out
into a leaf or mat hut, about 200 yards from the village,
and on the fourth day a woman of the village pours water
over her. In this case the woman lives in the hut for three
months, her husband also living in a special hut. Again,
among the Kadu (or forest) Gollas of Mysore^ the mother
and child remain in a small shed outside the village for seven
to thirty days.

The other district which has customs especially resembling
those of the Todas is Coorg. Among the people of Coorg
cloth-giving appears at one time to have formed the essential
marriage ceremony, and there still exist what are called
' cloth-marriages,' in which a man becomes the husband of a
woman merely by giving her a cloth. There is also some
evidence that polyandry has been practised in Coorg, and
I have already referred to the resemblance between the
pursi'itpiini ceremony of the Todas and the Coorg custom of
giving a little bow and arrow to a newly born boy. The bow
is made of a stick of the castor-oil plant and for the arrow

1 /oii?ii. Anthrop. Soc, Bombay, 1889, vol. i. p. 535.
^ Mysore Census Report, 1901, Pt. i. p. 521.

Z Z

7o6 THE TODAS CiiaP.

the leaf-stalk of the same plant is used. In Coorg the
imitation bow and arrow is put into the hand of the newly-
born child, but this custom is not widely removed from that
of the Todas in which the bow and arrow is put into the hand
of the mother shortly before the child is born.

The Todas know the people of Coorg, which they call
Kwurg, and have a tradition of an invasion of their hills by
these people, but it is very improbable that there has been
any direct borrowing, and it seems more likely that some of
the customs of the Todas and Coorgs have had a common
source.

The resemblance with the customs of Coorg are perhaps
more striking than with those of Mysore, and the former
region is much more likely to have been influenced by
Malabar than the latter. The links with Coorg do not
weaken, and perhaps even strengthen, the conclusion that the
Todas owe much to Malabar.

If we accept provisionally the view that the Todas
migrated to the Nilgiris from Malabar, we are next
confronted with the problem as to whether they are directly
derived from any of the races now living in that district.
The most diverse views have been held by those who have
considered the racial affinities of the Todas. Leaving on one
side the conjectures of those who have supposed them to be
Scythians, Druids, Romans, or Jews, we find that the Todas
have been supposed by several writers to be of Aryan or
Caucasic origin. De Quatrefages ^ grouped the Todas with
the Ainus of Northern Japan and Keane^ follows him in
putting the two peoples together, and regards both as
witnesses to the widespread diffusion of Caucasic races in
Asia. Deniker^ suggests that they belong to the Indo-
Afghan race, with perhaps an admixture of the Assyroid
race.

Previous writers have found no special reason to link
the customs of the Todas with those of Malabar, and, so
far as I am aware, no one has considered how far the
Todas may be of the same race as any of the inhabitants of

^ Histoire gi!nt!rak des Races Huiiiaines, Paris, 1889, Introduction, p. 469.

^ Ethnology, Cambridge, 1896, p. 418.

■' The Races of Man, London, 1900, p. 412.

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 707

this district.^ In considering this matter, we may anticipate
that even if the Todas and any of the tribes or castes of
Malabar had the same origin, marked differences would have
been produced by the long sojourn of the former on the
Nilgiri plateau. How long the Todas have been on the
Nilgiri Hills no one can say, but we may safely conclude that
a very long time must have been necessary to produce the
wide divergence in custom and belief which is found to
separate them even from those other inhabitants of India
whom they most closely resemble. If the Todas came from
Malabar, they came from a country differing enormously in
temperature and in general physical and climatic characters
from the Nilgiri plateau. Life on the hills must almost
certainly have altered the physical characters of the people,
and it is perhaps now hopeless to expect that any exact
resemblance would be found with the existing races of
Malabar even if the Todas are an offshoot of one of them.
Nevertheless, in comparing the physical measurements of the
Todas, which we owe to Mr. Thurston, with those of various
Malabar races taken by Mr. Fawcett, it would seem that the
differences are not very great, and in the measurements to
which anthropologists attach most importance, those of the
head and nose, they are very slight.

In the table on the following page I give the chief measure-
ments in centimeters for Todas, Nairs, and Nambutiris.

The average dimensions of the heads and noses of the
Todas correspond very closely with those of the Nairs, and
the differences from the Nambutiris are nowhere great. It
must be remembered that the measurements on the Todas
were taken by one observer, and those on the Nairs and
Nambutiris by another,'' and this may partly account for

^ In a paper which I have only seen since the above was written (C. K. de la
Soc. de Biol., 1905, t. lix, p. 123) M. Louis Lapicque has called attention to the
resemblance between Todas and Nairs. He regards the Todas as pure or almost
pure examples of one of the two races of which he believes the Dravidian popula-
tion of India to be composed, the Nairs being more mixed with the negroid
element, which forms the other component of the population according to
M. Lapicque.

- It must also be borne in mind that the figures of the Nambutiris and those of
some of the Todas are based on the measurement of twenty-five individuals only
in each case.

Z Z 2

7o8

THE TODAS

CHAP.

the large divergence in the case of the maxillo-zygomatic
index, which is calculated from the bigoniac and bizygomatic
measurements, in both of which there is considerable scope
for differences between different observers. The only other
measurements which show any decided divergence are the
stature and the length from the middle finger to the patella,
and the greater stature of the Todas may well be the result
of their more healthy environment. The cubit of the Todas
also differs very decidedly from that of the Nambutiris, though
little longer than this dimension of the Nairs.

Todas.i

186 Nairs.

25 Nambutiris.

Stature .. i69'8

1656

175-1
80 -6

lO'I

40-0
46-2
i8-5
8-3
26 'O

25'4

8-8

19-2

14-1

73-1
10-4
131
8o-i
4-8
3-6
76-8

162-3

I70'0

83-7

io'5
407
44'2
180
7-8
26-2

24 '5

19-2
14-6
76-3
IO-6
13-2
80-4
4 '9
3'7
75'5

Snan ly^'Q

Chest 82-0

Middle finger to patella i2*o

Shoulders 39'3

Left cubit . 47 "o

Left hand, length l8-8

,, width 8'i

Hins . 2<i'7

Left foot, length 25-0

,, ,, width 9'2

Cephalic length I9'4

,, width I4'2

,, index 73'3

Bigoniac 9'6

Bizygomatic 127

Maxillo-zygomatic index 757

Nasal height ... 47

,, width 3'6

,, index 76'6

We do not know the probable errors of these different
groups of measurements, but the agreement between the
Todas and the two castes of Malabar is so close as to suggest
strongly a racial affinity between the three.^

The hairiness of the Toda is perhaps the feature in which
he differs most obviously from the races of Malabar, while the
robustness of his physique and general bearing are perhaps
almost as striking. The latter qualities may be entirely due

^ Some of these measurements are based on the examination of eighty-two men,
others are derived from twenty-five men only.

- The relations existing between Nair women and Nambutiri men nnist have
brought about an approximation of the two Malabar castes in physical characters,
even if they were originally of different ethnical origin.

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 709

to his environment, to his free life in the comparatively brac-
ing climate of the Nilgiris, and, so far as we know, the
development of hair may have a similar cause. Of all the
castes or tribes of Malabar, the Nambutiris perhaps shows the
greatest number of resemblances to the customs of the
Todas,^ and it is therefore interesting to note that Mr. Fawcett
describes these people as the hairiest of all the races of
Malabar and especially notes that one individual he examined
was like a Toda.

I am not competent to express a decided opinion on the
amount of importance which is to be attached to the
resemblance which is shown by the figures on p. 708, but
it seems to me that the facts before us give no grounds ^
for separating the Todas racially from the two chief castes of
Malabar.

The identification of the Todas with Nairs or Nambutiris
would still leave their racial affinities somewhat indeterminate.
The Nambutiris are often supposed to be Aryan invaders of
Malabar, and, owing to the cause already mentioned, the Nairs
are so largely of Nambutiri blood that, if the Nambutiris
are Aryan, the Nairs must also be strongly Aryanised even
if they were originally of pure Dravidian descent.

If future research should show that the Todas are an
offshoot of one of the races now existing in Malabar, and if
any definite conclusion can be drawn as to the time during
which they have been on the Nilgiri Hills, physical anthro-
pologists will be provided with a most interesting example
of the influence of environment on the physical characters of a
race. Few greater contrasts of environment could be found
in a country than that existing between Malabar and the
Nilgiris, and it is possible that the Todas may furnish a
striking example of the influence of environment on physical
characters.

' II is worth noting that they practise male descent, while the Nairs follow the
Marumakkattayam system of inheritance.

- I should much like to know the ratios between the lengths of diflercnt limb
bones, such as those shown by the radio-humeral or tibio-femoral indices. The
observations on the cubit and the distance from the middle finger to the patella
suggest that considerable differences might be found between the Todas and the
Malabar castes in these ratios, which do not seem to me to have yet received from
the physical anthropologist the attention they deserve.

7IO

THE TODAS chap.

In endeavouring to link the Todas with Malabar I have
naturally dwelt on the points of resemblance rather than
on the points of difference. The differences are, however,
very great. The general manner of life of the two peoples
is now wholly different, while on the religious side I may
point to the wide prevalence of snake worship in Malabar,
especially among the Nambutiris.

The hypothesis that the Todas are derived from one or
more of the races of Malabar would not be tenable for
a moment except on the assumption that the migration took
place very long ago, and that the culture of Malabar has
undergone great changes since the migration. As to the
length of time during which the Todas have been on the
Nilgiris, we can only offer the vaguest surmises. We know
that three centuries ago the Todas were living on the Nil-
giris, apparently in much the same state as at the present
day. The appearance of some of their sacred stones suggests
great antiquity, especially the well-worn polished appearance
of the ncurzulnkars, which, if the accounts are right, are only
rubbed a few times in the year.

On the other hand, the history of Malabar is highly con-
jectural. The two great positive landmarks in its history are
the beginning and end of the rule of the Perumal princes.
The date of the first Perumal is put at about the time of
Christ, or somewhat later, and it is tempting to surmise that
the Todas may have been driven or have retired from Malabar
in consequence of the political changes which took place at
this time. The last Perumal probably reigned about a
thousand years ago, but there does not appear to have been
any political upheaval at the time, the last prince having his
period of office prolonged beyond the usual twelve years, and
having then divided his dominions among his family and
retainers.

If we assume that the Todas came from Malabar, the date
of their migration would be of great interest in relation to the
possibility of Christian or Jewish influences on the Toda
religion. There are ancient settlements of both Christians
and Jews in Malabar. Tradition assigns the starting-point
of the native Christian settlements in Malabar to St. Thomas ;

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 711

but, leaving this on one side, there seems to be no doubt that
both Christians and Jews were well established in Malabar
more than a thousand years ago. An ancient document is
still preserved by the Jews of Cochin, which was given to their
leader by the Perumal of the day, and this document can be
dated about 750 a.d. A similar document preserved by the
Nestorian Christians can be dated 774 A.D.

If the Todas left Malabar at the beginning of the Perumal
rule, Jewish or Christian influences can be excluded, but if at a

.i-.^.';^:¥-U;S-^:

FU;. 75 (from Dreeks). — A CAiRN ON THE mi.'

later period such influences may have been present, though it
is very improbable that they were important ; for, unless the
Todas have changed very much, they would have been very
unlikely to have borrowed from religious settlers of an alien
race. Still, in considering the strange resemblance between
the Hebrew and Toda versions of the Creation, this possible
influence should be borne in mind.

I have so far said nothing of the archaeological evidence
which may possibly help in the settlement of the vexed

712 • THE TODAS CH. xxx

questions which I have raised in the preceding pages. Our
knowledge of the history of the Todas would be very mate-
rially advanced if we knew whether the cairns, barrows and
other ancient remains which are found on the Nilgiri Hills
are Toda monuments. In the cairns and barrows there are
found objects which suggest a Toda origin, such as figures of
buffaloes with bells round their necks (see Fig. 76, 9), but
the vast majority of the finds are utterly unlike anything
now possessed by the Todas. They include pottery of many
designs, the lids of the vessels being often adorned with
the figures of animals. Many other animal figures have
also been found, and though that of the buffalo often occurs,
figures of the horse (see Fig. 'j6, 10), sheep, camel, elephant,
leopard (?), pig (?), and low-country bullock with hump are
all found. Such figures can only have been made by those
well acquainted with the low country, and none of these
animals are ever mentioned in Toda legends.

Metal work is also found in the cairns and barrows ; bronze
vases, basins and saucers (Fig. 'j6, i, 2, 3), iron razors,
styles or pins (?), and daggers (Fig. ^6, 8), while iron spear-
heads (Fig. 76, 4, 7, 13) are frequently met with.

In addition to the more elaborate cairns, cromlechs and
barrows found on the Nilgiri Hills, Breeks, to whom we owe
most of our knowledge on this subject, found what he took to
be ancient examples of the azaram or circle of stones within
which the Toda buries the ashes of his dead at the end of the
second funeral. In such azaram in the district between
Kotagiri and Kwodrdoni, Breeks found bronze bracelets and
rings, iron spear-heads, a chisel, a knife and an iron implement
in something of the style found in Malabar and differing from
those usually found in the cairns.

Breeks points out that the characteristic feature of the
cairns and barrows of the Nilgiris is the circle of stones, and
that some consist of an insignificant circle hardly to be dis-
tinguished from the Toda azaram. He often found it difficult
to say whether a given monument was a cairn or an azaram,
so that it would appear that there are intermediate grada-
tions between the more elaborate cairns or barrows containing
tlie pottery and rnetal work and the simple Tocl^ azaram.

FIG. 76 — VARIOUS OBJECTS FOUND IN THE NII.GIRI CAIRNS, TAKEN FROM

EREEKS.

714 THE TODAS chap.

From the amount of rust on the iron implements, however,
Breeks concluded that there was a long interval of time
between the most recent of the cairns and the oldest azaram^
but he points out that if the latter are really azaram, they
show that the Todas used at one time to bury such objects as
iron spears.^

As regards the cairns, Breeks points out that though the
figures of many animals occur in addition to that of the
buffalo, most of the animals are so badly imitated that it
is difficult to identify them, while the figures of the buffaloes
are singularly characteristic and often very spirited.

The only implements found by Breeks which might be
agricultural were shears and sickles (Fig. ^6, 12, 5), and he
recalls the kafkati burnt by the Todas with their dead, which
is a curved knife, different, however, in shape from the sickles
often found in the cairns.

On the other hand, very few of the human figures found in
the cairns resemble the Todas in any way ; the women have
the low-country top-knot instead of the Toda curls, and they
carry chatties on their heads, which would never be done by a
Toda woman at the present time, whatever she may have
done in the past.

Breeks himself inclined to the view that the cairns are
Toda monuments. One- objection which has been made to
this view is that the Todas exhibit little or no interest in the
cairns, and offer no objection to their excavation. I have
already given reasons - why this cannot be regarded as a
conclusive argument against the Toda origin of the monu-
ments. The Todas certainly identify the hills which possess
stone circles with the abodes of their gods, and the absence
of objections to the excavation may merely be due to the
fact that they have no traditional injunctions against inter-
ference with these circles.

In dealing with the religion of the Todas, I have advanced
the view that the ritual and beliefs of the people furnish us
with an example of a religion in a state of decadence. It
seems probable that the Todas once had a religious cult of a

' It will be remembered that the Todas claim to have once possessed a spear
which had belonged to their god, Kwoten>. '^ See p. 445.

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 715

distinctly higher order than that they now possess, and if
I am right in supposing that the Todas came from Malabar,
it might follow that they brought their highly developed
religion with them, and that although certain features of the
religion may have undergone great development, the general
result of the long isolation has been to produce degeneration.
The study of the religion suggests that we have in the Todas
an example of a people who show us the remnants of a
higher culture.

If we could accept the view that the cairns, barrows, and
cromlechs of the Nilgiri Hills were the work of the ancestors
of the Todas, we should have at once abundant further
evidence that the Todas have degenerated from a higher
culture. We should have an example of a people who once
used, even if they did not make, pottery, showing artistic
aptitudes of a fairly high order which they have now entirely
lost. The Toda now procures his pottery from another race,
and, so long as this is of the kind prescribed by custom, he is
wholly indifferent to its aesthetic aspect. I doubt if there
exists anywhere in the world a people so devoid of aesthetic
arts, and if the Nilgiri monuments are the work of their
ancestors, the movement backwards in this department of life
must have been very great.

It is easy to see how the Todas may have lost such arts,
supposing that they once possessed them. The Toda now
regards nearly every kind of manual labour as beneath his
dignity, and if a people showing artistic skill in the adorn-
ment of the articles they use in everyday life should hand
over the making of these articles to another race, it is fairly
certain that the artistic side would suffer, and this is
especially likely to happen when the artisans whose services
are employed are such people as the Kotas.^ Assuming that
such a transference took place, it is easy to understand the
complete disappearance of art even higher than that which
the contents of the monuments show.

The use of the bow and arrow and the club in ceremonial

' The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their previous home had
heen accustomed to procure their pottery from others, but had when they reached
the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for help in this direction.

7i6 THE TODAS chap.

furnishes us with another example of material objects which
have wholly disappeared from the active life of the Todas, and
here again it is easy to see why the disappearance has taken
place, for on the Nilgiris the Todas have had no enemies, either
human or feral. This disuse of weapons has indeed so obvious
an explanation that it cannot be treated as an instance of
degeneration ; and while the origin of the cairns remains
doubtful, the only evidence of degeneration of culture is
shown by the religion ; and though it seems to me that
the evidence here, especially that derived from the nature
of the prayers, is conclusive, it may not be so regarded
by all.

In the preceding lines I have put forward for consideration
the tentative hypothesis that the Todas may furnish us with
an example of a people who once have possessed a higher
culture of which some features have undergone degeneration.
If we combine this hypothesis with that advanced earlier, that
the Todas came from Malabar, we may suppose that the
Todas brought the higher culture with them from this district,
and if this were so, the original culture of the Todas may have
been on much the same general level as that of the dominant
castes of Malabar at the present day. On this hypothesis, it
seems to me most likely that in their new home the religion]
of the Todas underwent a very special development, its ritual]
coming to centre more and more round the buffalo, because!
in their very simple environment this was the most accessible]
object of veneration. I think there is little doubt that the]
extraordinary development of the ritual of the dairy must
have taken place since the Todas have been on the Nilgiris ;]
and, as I have already pointed out, it seems to me most prob-j
able that the degeneration of the religion has been largely a]
consequence of the extreme development of this ritual aspect
of their religion.

If we reject the view that the Todas are representatives of
one or more of the castes of Malabar whose institutions have!
in some ways degenerated during a long period of isolation,]
the most likely alternative view is that the Todas are one of]
the hill tribes of the Western Ghats who have developed a]
higher culture than the rest in the very favourable environ-

XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 717

meat provided by the Nilgiri plateau. I have already referred
to the resemblance between certain Toda customs and those
of one such tribe, the Hill Arrians, who live in the hills in
Travancore and on the Travancore-Cochin boundary. These
people are fair, about five feet six inches in height, and
frequently have aquiline noses. They inherit in the male
line, and have an early marriage ceremony, followed by another
in which cloths are presented to the bridegroom. -After child-
birth the woman lives in a shed for sixteen days. They bury
their dead, the earth being dug with the ceremony to which I
have already alluded,^ and though we are not told that a
cloth is laid on the corpse at the funeral ceremonies, Fawcett-
records the fact that a cloth is placed on the grave. There
are thus several points of resemblance between their customs
and those of the Todas, and this resemblance extends in some
measure to the physical appearance and suggests, not only
that they and the Todas have been influenced by the same
culture, but even that they are people of the same race. We
are here, however, plunged almost entirely in the region of
conjecture, and we must wait for further information before
we consider whether such tribes as the Hill Arrians are
representatives of the same race as the Todas, both having
been driven from the plains of Malabar into their mountain
fastnesses, or whether the Todas and Arrians are two hill
tribes of similar descent who have each been influenced by
Malabar, of whom the Todas have advanced more in culture,
owing to their exceptionally favourable environment on the
Nilgiri plateau.

The whole of this last chapter is, I am afraid, open to the
charge of being highly conjectural. It has, however, seemed
to me desirable to raise some of the problems suggested by
the existence of the Todas. In the settlement of these
problems much further research is necessary, and I have
somewhat reluctantly dealt so largely with the conjectural
topics of the chapter, because they seem to point clearly to
two lines of research in which further work is necessary.
One is the archaeology of the Nilgiris, which would, I believe,
now well repay further investigation ; the other is a detailed

^ See p. 402. "^ Loc. at.

7i8 THE TODAS Ch. xxx

inquiry into the more popular customs of Malabar and
especially of its less known peoples, such as the Hill Arrians,
of whom I have just written. It is in the hope that further
interest may be awakened in these lines of inquiry that I
have devoted so much space to the hypotheses and surm.ises
of this final chapter.

If further research should show that the Todas are derived
from ancient races of Malabar, it is possible that the existence
of this strange people may help to illuminate the many
dark places which exist in our knowledge of the connexion
between the Aryan and Dravidian cultures. It is even
possible that the Todas may give us a glimpse of what the
culture of Malabar may have been before the introduction of
Brahmanism, a culture from which many features would have
disappeared, while others would have undergone special
development ; and, if this were the case, the complex dairy
ritual of the Todas would be the most striking instance of
the development, a development, however, carrying with it the
germs of that degeneration from which the Toda religion
now seems to be suffering.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

I give here a translation of two extracts from Portuguese
manuscripts preserved in the British Museum. The original
spelling of the names of places and persons has been pre-
served and I have added some notes. I am indebted for the
translation to Miss A. de Alberti.

The Mission of Todramala} — This new mission of Todramala
belongs to the college of Vaipicotta, and it seems necessary to
give your Rev. an account thereof that you may be informed of
what has been discovered, as well as of what still remains to be done.
Vague rumours had reached the Lord Bishop Dom Frco. Ros that
in the interior of this Malabar, among some mountains, there
dwelt a race of men descended from the ancient Christians of S.
Thomas ; in order to discover and open the way to them he sent
from our seminary a Cassanar^ and a Chamas, which means a priest
and a deacon, who after traveUing for more than fifty miles reached
the summit of the mountain of Todramala. Here they came upon
a race which appeared, in accordance with the rumour, to be of
those who were driven from the territory of S. Thome by the many
wars in former times and scattered through these parts. They did
not call it by that name, however, but pointing in the direction
of S. Thomas, they said that certain men came thence, some of
whom settled in those mountains, and others went further down, of
whom they knew nothing. The Cassamar thereupon took occasion
to ingratiate himself with them, saying that those who settled lower

1 Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464-5, MS. 25-26 vol. [Translation].
" Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church.

720 APPENDICES

down were his ancestors, and therefore they were all of one race, and
they had come solely to visit them as their brethren and relations.
This moved them to such love and pity that men, women, and
children embraced and welcomed them with tears. They found no
trace of Christianity in them ; they had neither crosses nor books,
though they said they had some once, but they were lost as those
who could read had died out. They have no pagoda worship nor
pagan ceremonies. On being questioned concerning their god they
spoke of a bird, a father, and a son, from which it may be presumed
that they had some notion of the Blessed Trinity. They rejoiced
to hear of the creation of Jhe world and other discourses which the
Cassamar and the Chamas held with them ; and they were very
eager that they should remain with them a long while, but they could
not do so, as their guide was very pressing that they should return.
They are a somewhat white-skinned race and tall of stature ; they grow
long beards and wear their hair after the ancient Portuguese fashion,
bushy on the head and falling on the shoulders behind. They have
necessaries in abundance, namely, rice, some wheat, vegetables,
and meat in great variety, both fowls and wild game ; quantities of
cattle, and so much milk that they cannot use it all and give it to the
very cattle to drink. Many other things were related of their
customs which I leave until more is known of them. Upon this
information the Father Vice-Provincial, at the instance of the Bishop,
resolved to send thither a priest well acquainted with the Malabar
tongue, and therefore he commissioned the father who was going to
the residence of Calicut to inquire the easiest road and best season
for this mission. He found that it was much nearer Calicut through
the territory of the Samorim, and that the best time was the month,
of January, when, by the help of God, a father will set out with
several Cassamars, and of what occurs your Rev. will be informed
next year.

The Mission of Todatnala} — Last year your Rev. received a brief j
account of a new mission destined for Todamala to a certain race]
dwelling in the interior of this country of Malabar, among rugged
mountains, at a distance of fifty leagues or thereabouts. These]
were supposed to be descendants of the Christians of S. Thomas who]
had somehow drifted to those parts. Though last year the Bishop
of Angamale, Dom Frco. Ros, sent a priest belonging to the Christians
1 Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation].

APPENDICES 721

of S. Thomas, accompanied by a deacon and a good guide, to explore
the land and acquire information concerning this race, they did not
bring back such full and certain intelligence as was desired. There-
fore the Lord Bishop asked our Vice-Provincial to send one of our
fathers, and the choice fell upon Father Yacomo Fenicio,^ who has
known the people of Malabar for many years and is well acquainted
with their language. The father set out from Calicut, where he
resides, and whence the road is easiest, and with the assistance of good
guides reached the desired destination, though at the cost of great
labour and risk. Having acquired ample information, he returned
to Calicut from Thodomala, and on his arrival wrote a letter to the
Vice-Provincial, dated the ist of April, 1603, giving him an account
of his discoveries, of which the following is a copy —

Copy of a letter from Father Yacome Finicio to the Vice-
Provincial OF Calicut, \st of April, 1603

Thanks be to God, I am returned from Todamala, though with
great labour and little satisfaction, for I did not find there what we
hoped and were led to expect. And as the prosecution or abandon-
ment of this mission depends upon it, I think it necessary to give 5'ou
here a detailed account of all I discovered and endured. The road
by Charti being impracticable on account of the wars which had
broken out among the people, I was obliged to go by Manarechatem,
and this was providential for us, it being the road taken by the
Cacenar whom the bishop sent last year. It is thirteen leagues from
the shore of Tanor. So far the way was safe and easy, this being the
territory of the Samorim, and in every village we met people who
knew our Christian Errari,^ the nephew of the Samorim, who
accompanied me. I was very glad of his company, because he
offered it himself, and because he could speak Canara, the language
of the Badegas, neighbours of the Todares. Before we reached
Mararachate we had an interview with the chief ruler of the Samorim,
who lives within two leagues. I gave him a palm-leaf from Carnor,
chief ruler of the Samorim, in which he bade him give me the men
and assistance necessary for my journey to Todamala, and to go with
me himself if necessary. The ruler welcomed us with many

^ In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is given
Ferreira.
- A member of the Errari or cowherd caste.

3 A

722 APPENDICES

compliments, but as regards the journey he made many difficulties,
and not only he, but many others of that place said that the way was
very long and full of wild and rugged mountains ; that there were
elephants and tigers, that it was very cold up there, and finally that
there was a risk that some of us would die. The ruler wished to
send two Naires, who knew the way, with me, but they would not go
for fear of falling sick, even though I would have paid them well.
Finding that they made so many difficulties I pressed the Errari to
return to Calicut with his people, as it was feared that they would
fall sick upon the way, and I would go to Manaracathe and there
provide myself with a guide and escort. This touched the Errari
upon a point of honour, and he bade me not to speak of such a thing,
for he was resolved to go, and his Naires had all bound themselves
by an oath to go likewise. The Errari had with him a Varser,^ which
is little less than a Brahmin, and he said to me, " Father, if I die on
the road, bury me where you will ; it is of no consequence." I asked
another young Naire if he wished to go, and he replied, " I will
accompany your Reverence while I have breath." Upon this we took
leave of the ruler and went to Manarecathe, where we found the very
chatim who went with the Cacenar ; however, the Errari thought it
best to take another more trustworthy, who had relatives in the
country. Here we were told that it was six Canara leagues to
Todamala, which is twelve Malabar leagues, and that it would take
two days and a half to get there. Everyone provided himself with
clothes against the cold of Todamala, and with provisions for the
journey ; also with pots which the Naires carried on their heads, not
for want of coolies, but because the Naires and Brahmins will not
allow those of a different caste to touch the pots in which they cook
their rice. The arms were left behind that the natives might not
suppose that the people of Malabar had come to fight with them.
Thus we set out cheerfully, and the first day, as we could not reach a
village before night, we dined, and started between eight and nine
in the morning, and marched quickly until evening that we might not
be benighted in the thicket, for fear of the elephants, and yet our
guide said we had only travelled two Canara leagues. That day we
crossed a sandy mountain.

The second day we wished to start at dawn, but we met fifteen or
sixteen men of that village coming by the road we were to pursue,
all armed, and they told us that there were three elephants in the

^ ? Vaishya.

APPENDICES 723

way, so we waited until nine o'clock and in the meantime the
elephants sought their pasture. This second day we supped at the
foot of a very high mountain over which our road lay, and as there
was no village and there were elephants about, after supper we
climbed part of the mountain and slept there. After midnight we
climbed nearly all the rest of the mountain by moonlight, with great
labour and fatigue. On reaching the summit other great mountains
appeared, and others beyond them, at which we were all astounded,
for some of them were so steep that we were obliged to descend in a
sitting posture. When the Errari found himself on these mountains,
he said that God was punishing him for his sins, and that going up
and down such mountains would shorten their lives by ten years.
The chatim, our guide, looking down from a mountain, said that
merely looking down dazzled his eyes, and so said the Naires on
other occasions in similar circumstances: But I could not restrain
my laughter, and began singing hymns in Malabar against pagodas,
whereupon the others laughed too, and joined in the hymns. It was
now noon, and we had still another mountain to climb before reach-
ing the village of the Badagas, neighbours of the Thodares, but we
were so tired that we could go no further. We wished to dine, and
there was very good cold water flowing from a mountain, but we had
no fire. The Errari offered to go up with the Brahmin and to send
us down a light. I would not suffer him to take so much trouble,
nor was it necessary, for the chatim, our guide, struck fire from two
twigs, and thereupon everyone sat down to rest, cooking his rice
meanwhile. When we had rested we climbed the mountain and
reached the village of the Badegas. It is a village of 150 to 200
souls, called Meleuntao.^ The Cacenar is reported to have visited it.
Here we found the chief of the Todeos and spoke with him. He
promised to go and assemble the rest, that we might speak to them.
In this village they have fowls, cows, goats, rice, lentils, mustard
seed, garlick, and honey. They brought me some wheat in the husk,
which was very difficult to remove, and therefore it seemed to me
more like barley or some other grain than wheat. The Badagos are
like the Malabars, and they say there are two other villages like this
in these mountains, four, five, and six leagues distant from, each
other. These trade with the Thodares and sell them rice, buying
buffalo butter from them, which they carry to Manaracathe for sale.
The next day I wished to discourse to these Badagas concerning our
^ Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur.

3 A 2

724 APPENDICES

law. I showed them the pictures of Our Lady of St. Luke, telling
them that the child was God, who became man to teach us his law
and save us. I showed them a gilt Bible and told them that it was
the book of our law, and as they all surrounded me, I went up into
a high place and the Errari with me. I spoke in Malabar and
the Errari interpreted in Canara, which is their language. A Badaga
who understood Malabar could not contain himself, but came up to
where I was and spoke to me in Topas.^ Then I taught him that the
law given to us by the God made man was contained in ten com-
mandments, &c., and they all rejoiced at the ten commandments
and their explanation. Only at the sixth ^ commandment the Topas
Badaga represented to me that the Malabars also had many wives.
I told him that this law was not the law of the Malabars, but of God,
and that they did wrong in having many wives, whereupon he was
satisfied. Finally I told him that I had not come to teach the
Thodares only, but them also if they would accept this law. They
replied that the law was very good, but they did not dare adopt it,
neither could I live in these barren mountains, &c. I make no
doubt that if a priest were there they would all be converted. While
I was in this village of Melentao the priest of the Thodares came
thither, but he remained outside the village, for he may not touch a
woman. I went to see him and found him seated on the ground
with seven or eight others seated near him. He was a huge man,
well proportioned, with a long beard and hair like a Nazarene falling
on his shoulders, the front hair drawn back over his head, leaving
his forehead uncovered. His dress was a shawl from the waist to
the knees, and the rest of his body was naked ; he held a sickle in
his hand. When I had come up to him and sat down, he asked me
how I was ; I replied that I was well and all the better for meeting
him, for it proved to me that God was my guide, since I had come
from so far to see the Thodares and immediately met with their chief.
He asked the purpose of my coming. I replied that I had come
to see the Thodares, having heard that we were of the same race
and laws, and that last year one of our people visited them and gave
us a very good account of them. I asked him if they knew from
whom they were descended. He said no, and thereupon would
have taken leave of us. Then I said that it was not right to wish to
leave us so soon, since we had come so far solely to visit them, and
^ I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is called
Torya. ^ Seventh ?

APPENDICES 725

upon this he remained. Then I inquired of those around who
he was, and what was his office. They replied that he was called
Pallem and was like the Belicha Paro among the Malabars.
Belichaparo is he who takes care of the pagoda, and sometimes the
devil enters into him, and he trembles and rolls upon the ground,
and answers questions put to him in the name of the pagoda.
I asked if the Thodares had pagodas ; they replied that they
had a live buffalo cow for a pagoda, and they hung a bell round
its neck, and the Pallem offered it milk every day, and then let
it loose in the fields to graze with the rest. And every month or
thereabouts, the Pallem seizes the buffalo by the horns and trembles,
saying that the buffalo bids them change the pasture, and thereupon
they change their place and pasture. By the milk and butter of this
buffalo and that of its children and grandchildren, which already
reach 120, this Pallem is maintained. On this mountain where
I was there were 100 Thodares,^ and they had three pallems between
them, each having his buffalo for a pagoda. When the buffalo dies
the Thodares assemble, choose one of these hundred, tie the bell
round its neck, and it becomes a pagoda. Besides the buffalo they
have 300 pagodas to whom they also make offerings of milk. I
asked him why he carried the sickle in his hand, and he replied that
God commanded him to carry no other arm or stick but only that sickle.
He used it to scratch his head, which was swarming with lice, and they
could be seen crawling among his hair. I asked if he was married; he
answered that he and his younger brother were married to the same
woman, but as he might not touch a woman in the house she always
lived with his brother, but he sent for her into the bush every weekr
or so, when it was a fine day. And when he liked he sent for any of
the wives of the Thodares whom he chose, and the husbands
allowed it so long as he paid them. I asked if they had books and
he said no ; none of them can read or write. He also told me that
they had a father whom God took up to heaven, body and soul, and
the buffaloes looked up to heaven after him, and that was why they
made offerings to the buffaloes. At last I gave him one of the
looking-glasses from Calicut, with which he was very pleased and said
he would give it to his wife. Then I took leave of him, after show-
ing him the pictures and Bible, at which he wondered. Besides this
pallem they have another whom they call Ferral,^ who is present

^ By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows.
" Evidently the wtirsol.

726 APPENDICES

when they give the buffaloes salt water, and he trembles, bidding
them give them drink, and they will give much milk, and grow fat,
and give butter in plenty, &c.

The next day we went to visit the villages of the Thodares. We
climbed quite half a league above this village, and on reaching
the summit nothing was visible on every side but mountains and
valleys ; all was desert without a single fruit or forest tree, excepting
in an occasional damp place where there were a few forest trees.
There are no palm trees or jacks in all these mountains, nor any
fruit trees, as I have said. As we traversed these mountains and
valleys, every now and then we saw a herd of buffaloes in the
distance with a Thodar or two guarding them. In this way we met
four or five Thodares and sent them to fetch the rest. As no
women were visible, I promised one a looking-glass if he would
go and fetch them. He hastened away up a mountain and brought
back four women, who remained at a distance through timidity and
would not join the rest. I sent them word that they must approach
if they wanted looking-glasses, and then they came up. After this
we went on for another half a league or more and came upon
two Thodar huts at the foot of a mountain. They were like a large
barrel half buried in the ground, or like a covered bier. They were
nine spans in length and the same in breadth ; and six spans in the
highest part. The hoops of the barrel were of thick reeds like
Indian cane, bent into a hoop with both ends fixed in the ground.
Pieces of wood from the bush were laid across these reeds and
covered with grass. The front was made of stakes set on end, like
organ pipes, with no other filling whatever. The door was a span
and four inches wide, and two spans and an inch high, so that the
Errari and myself could scarcely enter, and inside we had to kneel.
There were two beds with grass mattresses on each side, and a small
pit in the middle of the hut which was the fireplace. There was
a little window on one side, a finger's length high and a span wide.
Beside these houses was a pen for buffaloes, and close by another
little house where they make the butter. They said the other
houses were half a league distant from each other. Thirty or forty
Thodares assembled ; they are clothed in a large sheet with no
other covering but a small loincloth four or five fingers wide. Their
arms are long sticks smeared with butter ; when new they look
like strips of white paper at a distance, but they cure them and they
turn black. They wear long beards, and rather long hair, but not so

APPENDICES 727

long as the Pallem. It was two months since I had shaved or
cut my hair, so that I looked like one of them, and they did
not wonder at me as they did at the Cacenar, who went there
with no hair or beard. They never shave except when one of them
dies. At a death they kill half of the dead man's buffaloes, and
the other half goes to his heirs. If he has no buffaloes each person
gives one, and half of them are killed and the rest are left. They
burn the dead body, but it must be wrapped in a veil of pure
silk, which they call a toda-pata, worth five or six fanams ; and if this
is lacking they must wait for it, though it be for a year. In the
meantime, in order to preserve the body they open it at the loins,
take out the entrails, and cut off the occiput ; then they place it
in an arbour and dry it in the smoke. Two brothers marry the
same woman ; she lives with the eldest at night, and with the
youngest by day. Others have two or three wives. They do not
eat fowls, cow's flesh, nor goat, and so they breed none of these.
They do not eat buffalo's flesh, but only wild boar and venison.
They eat no salt. They have no crops of any kind, and no
occupation but the breeding of buffaloes, on whose milk and butter
they live. They have no vassals, as was reported ; on the contrary,
they are subject and pay tribute to the Badega chiefs. When
they eat they hold the rice in their left hand, take a lump of butter
in the right, mix it with the rice, and so eat it ; when their meal
is finished they rub their hands together and wipe them on their
hair, and so they all smell of butter. In colour they resemble
the Malabars, some whiter and some darker ; they are generally
moderately tall. Their ears are pierced or bored, not long like
those of the Malabars, and some wear a silver circle in them like
a ring. They wear black threads round their necks, and some
have a large silver bead like a pater-noster in front. I had a skein
of black thread in my pocket and drew it out ; a Thodar seeing
it begged it of me earnestly two or three times. I told him that
I must give it to the women, and I divided it in four and gave
it to the four women above mentioned, and I gave them a looking-
glass each, with which they were very delighted. The women
wear nothing but a long sheet like the men ; they wrap it round
them, throwing the right end over the left shoulder, and so cover
themselves. Their hair hangs loose, but their faces are uncovered.
I said that the women lower down wore bracelets, chains, and
jewels on their arms and necks, and in their ears, and thereupon one

728 APPENDICES

of them uncovered her arm, on which she wore four large well-made
copper bracelets. The sheet worn by both men and women is
so filthy that it looks as if it would not burn if you put it on
the fire, and if water were thrown on it, it would not penetrate.
The men look after the house, cook the rice, do the milking, make
the butter, and mind the buffaloes. The women do nothing but
pound the rice, and sometimes mind the buffaloes in the absence of
their husbands. In speaking with the Pallem I asked him whether
he or his wife cooked the rice ; he replied that it was a great
disgrace among them to allow the wife to cook the rice. The
Thodares being thus assembled, I told them that, hearing that
we were of the same race and law, I had come to visit them,
and as I knew they had neither priest, book, nor law, I being
a priest had come to teach them. I asked if they were glad to
have me with them, and they replied that they rejoiced greatly
at it. I asked if they would follow all my instructions, and they
said they would. Then I asked if they would leave off adoring the
buffalo and the 300 pagodas. They replied that they feared the
buffaloes and pagodas would do them some harm. I said I would
be answerable for it, and that I had more power than the pagodas.
Then they said that if I would defend them they would willingly
leave off adoring them. I asked if they would give up the custom
of two brothers marrying one woman, and they said they would. I
asked if they thought it right to give their wives to the Pallem ; an
old man replied, " If it is the command of God, what can we do ? "
After this they asked me of their own accord to show them the
pictures and the book ; I did so, and they paid homage to them with
great rejoicing. I also gave them a looking-glass each, and after
discoursing and conversing with them for some time I asked them
to give me two children to take away with me ; they excused
themselves, saying that they could not do so just then. I asked
from whence they were descended, and one replied that he had
heard that they came from the East, and some remained there while
some settled lower down. They were amazed at seeing white men,
and asked me to uncover my arms for them to look at. They were
delighted with the Errari's red tunic and gold buttons, and velvet
cap with the gold braid.

At last I took leave of them, promising to return at some time
during the year and remain with them longer. It did not seem to
me necessary to delay any longer, nor to lay any foundation of our

APPENDICES 729

faith, as I do not think that the present is a suitable time for
the Company to undertake such out-of-the-way enterprises, since
it cannot attend to others of greater importance which are close
at hand, for want of workers. The Thodares only number a
thousand, and these are scattered about four mountains, two
belonging to the Malabar, where there are 300. I went to one
of these which belongs to the Samorim, another belonging to
the Naique, where there are another 300, or a little over ; and
another belonging to another king, near Charti, where there are
another 300 or rather more ; the whole distance being eight Canara
leagues, which are sixteen in Malabar. And they live scattered
about — every month or thereabouts they move their village. The
whole district is uninhabited desert. The winds and climate are
very cold ; the water is excellent, but icy cold ; it flows down from
the mountains ; it cannot be drunk at a draught because of the cold.
One is obliged to pause, and after drinking one has to wait awhile
for the gums and teeth to get warm. The journey there and back is
very laborious and can only be undertaken in January and February.
From Manarcate upwards it is impossible to travel in a litter. On
the return journey I was very fatigued and asked if it were possible
to find men to carry me. I was told that there were plenty of men, but
that it was impossible to be carried over these mountains, where one
person alone could only climb up and down with great difficulty.'
Besides this, the Errari and all the rest were very pressing that
I should return before any of us fell ill; the Errari said he was him-
self indisposed, as well as some of the others. They could not tell
me anything concerning the Blessed Trinity. I asked them why
they wore their hair loose, and a Badaga replied that in the time of
Charamparimatei they killed the father of the Thodares, and they
asked, "Who killed our father? " and they answered that God killed
him; whereupon they unbound their hair and said, "Never will we
bind up our hair again until we have killed God, in revenge for our
father [and] for the broken pots." On the return journey the Badegas
showed us a shorter and less difficult road, which took us two days
and a half, but saved going up and down the last steep mountains.
However, there was no lack of mountains to climb, but they were
not so difficult, though the first day we climbed down one which was
very high and steep. We numbered fourteen with the guides.
There was a Badega village at the foot of the mountain, and seeing
us they took us for a hostile band and fled into the bush. Our

730

APPENDICES

guides called to them not to fly, for we were men of peace who had
been to visit the Thodares, whereupon they returned, and coming
down we found them armed with their little lances, but we saw the
women and children still hidden in the bush. A little further on we
came upon four or five more houses ; these people also fled into the
bush, the women carrying the children on their backs. The second
day we slept in the bush two leagues from Manarecate. There were
tigers and elephants about, but God preserved us and we all reached
Calicut in safety, thanks be to Our Lord. Several afterwards fell sick,
however, among whom was the Variel, who is still suffering. May
God restore him, for he has promised me to become a Christian, and
has already broken his own law as regards food, &c.

APPENDIX II

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1812. Keys, William. A Topographical Description of the Neelaghery
Mountains (a letter printed in Grigg's Manual of the Nilagiri District,
Appendix, p. xlviii).

1819. "A Subscriber." Letter to the ALidras Courier, Feb. 23, 1819

(reprinted in Grigg's Manual, Appendix, p. Hi).

1820. Macpherson, Evans. A Letter reprinted in Grigg's Manual, Appendix,

p. Iv.

1 82 1. Ward, B. S, Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of

the Neelgherry Mountains (printed in Grigg's Manual, Appendix, p. Ix).

1829. Hough, James. Letters on the Climate, Inhabitants, Productions, etc., of
the Neilgherries or Blue Mountains of Coimbatore, South India.
London. (Letters previously published in the Bengal Hurkaru, 1826.)

1829. Young, D. S. An Account of the General and Medical Topography of
the Neelgherries. Trans. Medical and Physical Soc. of Calcutta,
vol. iv, p. 36.

1832. Harkness, Henry. A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race in-
habiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills. London.

1834. Jervis, H. Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery ; with an
historical and descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills. London.

1834. Mignon, Capt. Notes extracted from a Private Journal written during
a Tour through Malabar and among the Neilgherries. Bombay,
American Mission Press (I have not been able to see a copy of
this book).

1837. Schmid, Bernhard. An Essay on the Relationship of Language and
Nations. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. v, p. 133: on p. 155 is
a section "On the Dialect of the Todavers, the Aborigines of the
Neelgherries."

1837. Barron, Richard. Views in India. London. (Coloured plates of Toda

man and woman, and of the village of Kars. )

1838. Birch, de Burgh. Topographical Report on the Neilgherries. Madras

Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. viii, p, 86,

733 APPENDICES

1838. Schmid, Bernhard. Ueber Spiache- und Volkerverwandschaft, Halle.
On S. 27 is a section on the dialect of the Todas.

1842. Stevenson, Rev. Dr. A Collection of Words from the Language of the
Todas, the Chief Tribe of the Nilgiri Hills. Journ. Bombay Branch
of Roy. Asiatic Soc. , vol. i, p. 155.

1844. IMuzzy, C. F. Account of the Neilgherry Hill Tribes. Madras Christian
Instructor and Missionary Record, Madras, vol. ii, p. 358.

1844. Anon, Madras Spectator, Aug. 31, 1844, p. 559 (an account of a Toda
funeral).

1844-5. Congreve, H. The Descent of the Thautawars. Madras Spectator,
1844, pp. 361, 655, 694, 768 ; 1845, pp. 29, 37, 6s.

1847. Congreve, H. The Antiquities of the Neilgherry Hills, including an

Inquiry into the Descent of the Thautawars or Todas. Madras Journ.
Lit. and Sci., vol. xiv, p. 77.

1848. Ouchterlony. Geographical and Statistical I\Iemoir of a Survey of the

Neilgherry Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1848, vol. xv, p. i.

1849. Schmid, B. Remarks on the Origin and Languages of the Aborigines

of the Nilgiris, suggested by the papers of Captain Congreve and the Rev.
W. Taylor on the supposed Celto-Scythic Antiquities in the South of
India. Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc, vol. iii. Part I, p. 50-

1 85 1, Ford, Sir Francis. Neilgherry Letters. Bombay, 1851.
1851. Burton, R. F. Goa and the Blue Mountains. London, 1851 (pp.
316-344)-

1856. Caldwell, R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages.

London ; p. 503, "Are the Nilgherry Tudas Dravidians?" (2nd edition,
1875. P- 555)-

1857. Metz, J. F. Die Volkst'amme der Nilagiri's. Basel.

1857-8. Metz, F. A Vocabulary of the Dialect spoken by the Todas of the
Nilagiri Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., N.S., vol. i, pp.
103, 131, and vol. ii, p. i.

1864. Metz, F. The Tribe inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills : their Social
Customs and Religious Rites ; from the rough notes of a German
Missionary. Second enlarged edition, Mangalore.

1868. Shortt, J. An Account of the Tribes on the Neilgherries. Madras

(republishes part of Ouchterlony's Memoir).

1869. Shortt, J. An Account of the Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries. Trans.

Ethnol. Soc, N.S., vol. vii, p. 230.

1870. King, W. Ross. The Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. London

(republished from Journal of Anthropology).

1873. Marshall, William E. A Phrenologist among the Todas. London
(includes "a Brief Outline of the Grammar of the Tuda Language,"
by the Rev. G. U. Pope).

APPENDICES 733

1873. Brecks, James Wilkinson. An Account of the Primitive Trilies and
Monuments of the Nilagiris. London.

1873. Burnell, A. C. Specimens of South Indian Dialects. Mangalore.
1873-5. de Qualiefages. Etude sur les Todas. Journal des Savants, Paris,

1873, P- 729 ; 1874, pp. 5 and 96 ; 1875, P- 3°-

1874. Walhouse, M. J. A Toda Dry Funeral. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 93.

A Toda " Green Funeral." Ibid., p. 274.

1874. Kittel. On some Dravidian Words. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 205.

1877. Walhouse, M. J. Archaeological Notes. Indian Antiquarj-, vol. vi, p. 41.

1880. Grigg, H. B. A Manual of the Nilagiri District in the Madras
Presidency. Madras.

1894. Natesa Sastri, S. M. A New Study of the Todas. Madras Mail,

Aug. 28th, 1894.

1895. Thurston, Edgar. Tlie Todas of the Nilgiris. Bull. Madras Government

Museum, vol. i, p. 141.

190X, Thurston, Edgar. Todas of the Nilgiris. Ibid., vol. iv, p. i.

? Ling, Catharine F. The Todas. Publication of the Church of England
Zenana Missionary Society : London.

1904. Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi. A few notes on the Todas.
Journ. Anthrop. Soc, Bombay, vol. vii, p. 68.

APPENDIX III

List of Toda Villages (not including // mad)

Village.

Clan.

Badaga name.

lie/narks.

Akirsikodri

Nidrsi

Taranadmand

male funeral place.

Arpar

Pam

Ars

Kuudr

Anekkalmand

Artol

Taradr

Aretahnand

Atimad

Taradr

Karadikottumand

EirgCidr

Nodrs

Nerkodumand

Erparskodr

Piedr

Yeppakodumand

Jdrtol

Kuudr

Edattalmand

Inikitj

Pam

Bettumand

Isharadr

Kars

Kadimand

Iildi

Kwodrdoni

male funeral place.

Ivigar

Kuudr

Kekidamand

in ruins.

Kabudri

Pan

Tebbekudumand

male funeral place.

Kakhudri

Melgars

Kaggodumand

Kalmathi

Kars

Kalmattimand

in ruins ten years.

Kalmad

Kars

Kulamand

in ruins.

Kanodrs

Devarmand

ettidinad.

Kapthori

Keadr

Kunnapemand

in ruins.

Karars

Keradr

Karia

Kuudr

Kariyamand

Kars

Kandalmand

efiidinad.

Karsh

Kashtkodr

Kuudr

Kattikadumand

unoccupied.

Katcrk

Nodrs

Kaitarkemand

Katikar

Kwodrdoni

Kodanadmand

Katol

Melgars

in ruins.

Kavather

Nidrsi

Kabaitcraimand

Kavidi

Piedr

in the Wainad.

Keadr

Karrikadumand

etudiiiad.

Kebar

Nidrsi

female funeral place.

Kedar

Nodrs

Kangalarmand

in ruins.

Keirod

Kuudr

Keradamand

[place.

Keradr

Kannagimand

etiid/nad, also male funeral

Kcrkars

Taradr

Karrakalmand

Kcshkar

Kanodrs

APPENDICES

735

Village. Clan.

Keshker Kars

Kidiiiad Kidmad

KirsAs IMelgars

Kiudr Kuudr

Kiush Piedr

Kodrers Piedr

Koers Keradr

Kozhber Kuudr

Kozhtudi Nodrs

Kudimad Taradr

Kudodrs Nodrs

Kudradr Keadr

Kiidrmas Taradr

Kiidrnakhum Nodrs

Kugwuln Kuudr

Kuirsi Pan

Kiilikal Kwodrdoni

Kulkodri Nodrs

Kiilmud Kars

Kiilthpuli Nodrs

Kiirkalmut Kuudr

Kurvas Nodrs

Kusharf Kusharf

Kfiudi Piedr

Kiuldr Kuudr

Kuzhu Kars

Kuzhd Kanodrs

Kwaradr Keadr

Kwatkash Piim

Kwirg Kuudr
Kwodrdoni Kwodrdoni
Madoni Pedrkars

Madsu Pam

Madsu Kuudr

Marsners Pam
Melgars Melgars

Melkodr Kuudr

Melur Pedrkars

Merkwadrvalth Kanodrs
Meroln Piedr

Mirzoti Melgars

Miilni Kuudr

Molkush Kuudr
Momanothi Piedr
Mulors N6drs

Muthukor Kuudr

Nasmiodr Kars

Naters Pan

Nedrdol Taradr

Badaga name.

Remarks

Kakcrimand

also called Minikimand.

Kengoduniand

%atimad.

Karimuliinand

Hadaniand

Kokimalniand

in ruins.

Kasubiramand

disused.

Kuliniand

Kombutukkiniand

Kudukkaduniand

Kudiniahnand

kalolmad.

Kudinagamand

disused.

Kolimand

Kolikkalmand

in ruins.

Kolakkaduniand

in ruins.

Malaividumand

female funeral place.

Kurudamand

etitdiuad.

Anaikundukuliman

id (? Koildi).

Kundakodumand

etudinad.

Kunditolmand

near Kanodrs : disused,

Kugadodmand

Marunallimand

female funeral place.

Korangumand

Kodudonnemand

eludmad.

Manjathalmand

disused.

Manjakkalmand

etiidmaa.

Mekkodumand

Madaliyurniand

Marlimand
Malkodmand

(Aganadniand)
Natanerimand
Kilmand

male funeral place,
male funeral place.

female funeral place,
funeral place for boys,
disused.

736

APPENDICES

Village.

Clan.

Badaga name.

Remarks.

Nelkush

Nodrs

Neykadimand

in ruins.

Nerigudi

Nodrs

Nerguiimand

Nerngodr

Kuudr

disused.

Nersvem

Kwodrdoni

Nervenumand

in ruins.

Nersvem

Nidrsi

Nadumand

in ruins.

Neshkwodr

Keadr

Nedikoduniand

Nidrsi

Nidimand

etiidinad.

Nirkatji

Kuudr

Nirkachimand

Nirsht

Piedr

Nirsk

Pam

female funeral place.

Nodrmad

Taradr

Nadumand

Nodrs

Muttanadmand

ettidiiiad.

Nongarsi

Kars

Kettarimand

in ruins (? belonged to

Piedr).

Niiln

Melgars

Nerigulimand

6dr

Nodrs

Aganadmand

6rs

Taradr

Alaikudalniand

Padegar

Melgars

Kottapolmand

also called Kotapol, see

p. 664.

Pakhalkiidr

Kars

Bagalkodumand

Paliners

Kuudr

Pam

in ruins.

Pamarkol

Piedr

female funeral place.

Pan

Onnamand

etitdiiiad : often called
mand."

"One

Panmuti

Nidrsi

Banatimand

Parzkadi

Nidrsi

in ruins.

I'athadr

Nodrs

Buddankodumand

Path mars

Pan

Bettumand

Pedrkais

Pedrkars

Bedakalmand

etiidinad.

Pegarsi

Keradr

Attumand

in ruins.

Peivors

Kuudr

Pekhodr

Keadr

Osamand

" new mand."

Peletkwur

Kars

Attakoraimand

Perg

Pan

Yeragimand

kalolmad.

Perththo

Nodrs

Perittitalmand

see p. 648.

Peshkimad

Pedrkars

female funeral place.

Pevar

Taradr

Pevarmand

in ruins.

Pidati

Nidrsi

Bendutimand

Piedr

Waraguduniand

etiidmad.

Piitth

Kuudr

male funeral place, near

Kuudr.

Pineiwars

Nodrs

Pinnapolamand

in ruins.

Pirshti

Nodrs

Baggulamand

Pirsush

Kuudr

Billanjikadumand

Pishkwosht

Kanodrs

Bikkapatimand

Podzkwar

Kars

Narigulimand

or Piizhkwar.

Poln

Kusharf

Pagulimand

Pdmad

Pemand

Kars

in ruins twenty years
^ Peletkwur.

: near

Pongiidr

Pedrkars

P6sh

Melgars

Onnekudimand

APPENDICES

737

Village.

Chill.

Badaga name.

Kemarks.

Poti

Piedr

Pattimand

Potvaili

Piedr

disused.

riilkwiulr

Taradr

Olakkodumand

rullhkuln

Keradr

Bikkohnand

Punmiul

Kwodrdoni

BanukucUiniand

female funeral place.

Punumikatuni

Kuudr

female funeral place.

Purati

Nodrs

Porlimand

Puretimokh

JNIelgars

female funeral place.

Purskudiar

Pan

Porikodiyoramand

Pushlar

Taradr

Pattaraimand

Pulamad

Kuudr

disused.

PCuol

Nodrs

Puttahnand

Piivar.s

Kars

Ammakoraimand

Puvi

Pam

Pudiyapalamand

male funeral place.

Sultar

Pedrkars

male funeral place.

Sudvaili

Piedr

male funeral place in the
Wainad.

Taktut

Pam

place for small male funerals.

Taknin

Kanodrs

near Kanodrs.

Tamakh

Kuudr

Tamogamand

Taradr

Tarnardmand

etitdi/iad, and male funeral
place.

Taradrkirsi

Kars

Kavaikkadumand

male funeral place, also
kalolinad.

Tarkodr

Kuudr

Terkodmand

Tavalkiidr

Piedr

Tavattakoraimand

Tcbmars

Taradr

Urutharaimand

Tcdshteiri

Nodrs

Talapatharaimand

Teidr

Kusharf

Denadmand

Te'igddr

Taradr

Telhodumand

kalolmad.

Tigoir

Piedr

Tukkaramand

Tim

Pan

male funeral place : possibly
another name of Kabudri.

Tothikcir

Nodrs

Jegadevarmand

in ruins.

Tovalkan

Keradr

Tuvalkandimand

Tudrkvvur

Kusharf

Todakaraimand

Tiilchoven

Pam

male funeral place.

Umgas

Kusharf

Yemmekahiiand

Ushadr

Melgars

Kavaimand

male and female funeral place.

Wengudr

Taradr

Venakodumand

in ruins.

3 B

APPENDIX IV

In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or
kinds of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their ^
I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston *

ceremonial
and Mr. K

Ransfachari.

A It mil I

Avelashki

Kabiidri

Kadak or kadakimil

Kdkdr

Kdkhildri

KAkhldri

Kdki7d

Kdrkekoi

Karneizi

Kers

KMz

Kid

Kiri or Kirsi

Kiuii

Kiirers

Kiirskat

Kwadiki or kzvadriki

Kwagal

Kwatimali

Main

Melkddri

Mors

Ndrk

Pdrs (wood)

Pdrs (leaves)

Parskuti

Pdshr

Palhain/iiil

Patin

Pelkko dsth in u I

Pcshteinmul

Rubus moluccanus, L.

riedyotis stylosa, Br.

Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl.

Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A.

Eragrostica nigra, Nees.

Dregea volubilis, Benth.

Gardneria ovata, Wall.

Mappia foetida, Miers.

Rhamnus Wightii, W and A.

Acronychia laurifolia, Bl.

Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight.

Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f.

Probably Olea robusta.

Amaranthus (speciosus ?).

Hydrocotyle asiatica, L.

Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight.

Strobilanthes, ? species.

Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata.

Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L.

Coriandrum sativum, L.

Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn.

Piper sp.

Michelia nilagirica, Zenk.

Andropogon schoenanthus, L.

? Sidero.xylon.

Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem.

Eleagnus latifolia, L.

Dodonaea viscosa, L.

Solanum indicum, L.

Panicum miliare, Lamk.

Rubus cllipticus, Sm.

? Phylloclilamys sp.

APPENDICES

739

Pohvet Pavetta creniflora, DC.

Potur Anaphalis oblonga, DC.

Pai Ilex Wightiana, Wall.

Purs Rhododendron arboreuin, Sm. and Elaeagnus latifolia.

Puthimiil Rubus lasiocarpus, Sni.

Pnv ox pfif Sophora glauca, Lesch. •

Piivkal Strobilanthes, ? species.

Takmiil Berberis aristata, DC.

Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight.

Teinki'idri Senecio corymbosus, Wall.

Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl.

Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species.

Tiveri Atylosa candoUei, W and A.

T6drsiiiilch Diospyros sp.

Tori or toriiiitil Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl.

Tildr Meliosma pungens, Wall, and M. Wightii, Planch.

Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC.

WMr Ochlandra sp.

3 13 2

GLOSSARY

Only the more important Toda words used in this book are
included in the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical
order, neglecting the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The
numbers refer to the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms
are aiven.

Adrpays, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64.

agar, a stand in the dairy, p. 60.

rt/, the deposit after the clarification of liuller used as food, pp. 50, 242.

altig, a vessel of the ti dairy, p. 90.

Amnbdr, the world of the dead, p. 397.

an {anna), elder brother, p. 486.

(■///, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572.

Anfo, a dairy, p. 112 ; also a god, p. 188.

Arpatznol ox drpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407.

(f/'j-, house, p. 583.

drsaiir, buffaloes of the Kwodrdoni //, p. 121.

drs/'ip, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175.

ashkkartpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580.

Atir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112.

dv (dT<1), mother, p. 485.

dzarain, the circle of stones in which tlie ashes are buried at a funeral, pp. 337,

379-
dzdranikcdr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378.

EpotirikhtSrs, a double hut, p. 29.

a-, a male buffalo, p. 47.

erkuDiplthpinii or crkuinptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p. 274.

crnkar, sacrificial place at the crkuniptthpiini ceremony, p. 276.

£rs, leaf

,'rsfei/j, the act of making a leaf-cup, j)}). 75, 148.

crtatpitn, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

ertalindr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

erlatpiir, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58

tii'idpali, chief dairy, p. 40.

742 GLOSSARY

etiidmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp. 24, 36, 419.

etvainolkedr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337.

ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102, 326, 368.

idith, "for the sake of," p. 216.

tdi'kwoi, a vessel used at a ti dairy, p. 90.

idrlul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583.

iiniidrikdys, stones at certain villages, p. 439.

in, father, p. 484.

{r, a female buffalo, p. 47.

irkarnnis or irkar/iius, the milking-place, p. 53.

irkartpiin {irkdrithtpitii), milking-vessel, p. 58.

inwrliti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the //, p. 293 ; or to another division of

the clan, p. 294.
irnhdrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124.
itpdlvHsthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172.
irsankdti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381.
irskidithbutiiol, the day of migration, p. 124.
Kabaii, iron.
kabkaditi, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of the dairy,

P- 73-
kachiitthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358.
kadr, the calf-pen, p. 26.

kdfkati, knife burnt at the dziiraiiikrdr, p. 381.
kagilrs, the ti name of the k'dvii, p. 103.
kainiflkhti, a salutation, p. 31.

kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the/rr/i?/, p. 97.
kdkiiders, leaves of the /trt/CvJr/ plant, p. 79.
kdki'il, stick used in ihe poni'ip ceremony, p. 178.
kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58.
kaliiielpiidithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496.
kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420
k&ltmokh, the attendant on a. pa/ol, pp. 42, 105.
kalvol, a path, p. 26.
Kaviasocirolam , legendary Todas, p. 195.
katidj-vazniidr, the evil eye, p. 263.
kaj; a young calf, p. 47.
karenpoh, the calf-house of a ti, p. 85.
kdrpun, a milking-vessel of the //, p. 90.
kdrs, stone.

karfid, younger, p. 485.
kariivnbdr, the mother's village, p. 547.
kdmiiol ox kdrivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333.
kdtfi, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24.
kavtilpfiv, a flower, id. hi.
kcdr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368.

kcilatiktirsir, Ihe wt'trsiilir of Nidrsi and Kwodrdoni, p. 7l-
kepitn (kaipiin), vessel to hold water, p. 57.

GLOSSARY 743

kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp. 148, 572.

kertnbdr, a funeral place, p. 338.

kevencirAt, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31. 571.

kip, the broom, p. 32.

kiiiin, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

ko, stake used at the erkuDipttkpiini sacrifice, p. 276.

koghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the //, p. 89,

kon'tp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

kubiintuni, the cloak of ihe pa/o/, p. 103.

kitdeipir, the wfirsidir o{ Pan, p. 71 ; also the sacred buffaloes of Piedr, p. 81.

kiidi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p. 588,

kudr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542.

ktidrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66.

kudrpalikdrtinokh , the dairyman of the ktidrpali, p. 66.

kiidrs mani, the bells of the piinir of the //", p. 9 1 .

kiidrvar:,, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583.

kiidupel or kitdubcl, family, p. 545.

kiigh, daughter, p. 485.

ki'ighir, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47.

kugvali, a sacred dairy of Taradr, pp. 41, 76.

kitgvalir, the buffaloes of the kitgvali, pp. 41, 77.

kiigvalikArlinokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76.

kiilalir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 113.

Ktilinkdrs, a god, p. 188.

kiinedsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600.

Knrub, a Kurumba, p. 641.

knntbltdirhili, Kuiumba sorcery, p. 262.

kitsk (? kfidsh), structure for young calves, p. 26.

knter, floor, pp. 62, 583.

kiivn, the perineal band, p. 30.

kuviin or kitpuit, a vessel used at the kiigz'ali of Taradr, p. 79.

kwaintir {kwoindr), the ti name of the penndr, p. 103.

kwarkiil, stick used at the pon^p ceremony, p. 1 78.

kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614.

kwoi, the milking-vessel of the ti dairy, p. 89.

kwointr spring supplying water for a ti dairy, p. 85.

kwoinbrtpet, a wand used by the /a/^/ when milking, p. 90.

kwotdrs, the calf-house, p. 26.

Kwoien, a teu or god, p. 193.

Kwoto, a god, p. 203.

kwottiin, seat, p. 29.

kwimgg, the ordinary bell, p. 424.

Kwiirg, Coorg, p. 114.

Mad, village, pp. 24, 338 ; head, p. 282.

madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405.

viadol, village people or clan, p. 36.

madth, the churning-stick, p. 60.

744 GLOSSARY

maj, buttermilk.

fnajpariT, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27.

majvatvaiidrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28.

maiir, a barren buffalo, p. 47.

mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424.

mankilgh, er's daughter, 488.

manvio/ch, sister's son, pp. 484, 488.

ina7-tv% the sacred buffaloes of the Kars clan, p. 68.

7!u1n/f>, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

marvaitiolkcdr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372.

masth, axe, pp. 57, 585.

tnatchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512.

Mav, a Badaga, p. 630 ; also sambhar.

meilkMr, extra share, 560.

nieititn, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57.

merkaldrs, double hut, pp. 29, 318.

mersgiirsir, the wursn/ir of 'Nbdrs, p. 71.

mcthkiidi, place of cremation, p. 343.

viiniapir, \\\& wursulir oi Keradr, pp. 71, 192.

mogal, forearm, also segment of furelimb of calf corresponding to metacarpus,
p. 281.

tiiogoi, a cubit, p. 5S8.

mokh, .son, child, p. 485.

mokhthoditi (inokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526.

iiiokhndrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494.

Monddrdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad.

tnbr, the name of buttermilk at the //, p. 107.

tnbrkiidri'ki, a ladle of the // dairy, p. 90.

fiioj-ol, privileged visitors to a //, p. 107.

iiibrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the //, p. 90.

jiibriip, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the ti, p. 175.

mil, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422.

inuli o\ mill, a name for various plants, p. 145 ; also used for thorns, p. 194 ; and

for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267.
mulimrbditi, the ordination ceremony oi \he palikarfi/iokh, p. 148.
mun, mother's brother and wife's father, pp. 487, 492.
milrn, the sieve, p. 32.
murthvichi, anger, p. 260.
Nairn or noiin, the council, pp. 32, 550.
ttdkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47.
nan, a young shoot, p. 145.
nanmaktid, a club, pp. 381, 586.
ndrlkpiini, a game, p. 596.

nashperthir, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nodrs, p. 69.
iicdrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57.
nSdrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527.

GLOSSARY 745

iici, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50.

nersaliti, a salutation, p. 304.

neurzutpol, name of the kdltinokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139.

neiirzulnkars, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438.

7iipA, stream, p. 26.

«?V, water, spring.

iiirbdibudiiMr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kaliinokh, p. 153.

niroditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157.

nirsi, the fire-stick, p. 60.

nbdr, country, place; sometimes used for 'ceremony.'

nbdrkiltchi, ancestors of buff;iloes, p. 112.

nbdrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186.

tiodi-ved, younger brother, p. 486.

Notirzi, a goddess, p. 189.

01 or hi, man, husband, p. 489.

on, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65.

ihi, a god, p. 184.

Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492.

Pakhw&r, a river, 418; also a god.

pali or palthli, the dairy, p. 26.

palikdrtmokh {} pallikdrjthtinokli), the dairyman, p. 39.

paliiiol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405.

pdliiidn, staff used in churning, p. 52.

palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98.

paniiip, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175.

pdpiin, a water-vessel at the ti, p. 92.

pdrki'il, stick used at ihe ponup ceremony, p. 178.

parsers, milk-leaves, p. 317.

parstr, buffaloes of the Kars //, p. 1 17.

pdrskadrvenmti, vessel to hold butter, p. 58.

pasthtr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39.

pcjtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58.

pdlatmdr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58.

pAtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58.

patcherski, the husked grain ol patm (samai), p. ^%o.

pdtol, one who has held the ofhce ol palol, p. 104.

pdlun, screen separating the two rooms of a // dairy, p. 86.

pdv, threshold.

pdvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65.

Pedr, a Tamil.

pelk, the lamp, p. 60.

pelkkodichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144.

pelkkatilthwaskal, fireplace at a // dairy used in lighting the lamp, p. 92.

pent, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill.

pen, butter, p. 58.

penndr, the string supporting the knvn, pp. 30, 572.

pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166.

746 GLOSSARY

pepeirthti, a rite at the ki'tdrpali, p. 67.

pepkaricM ox pepkarichti, the ceremony of making t\q\^ pep, p. 166.

pepkarmus, the milking-place of a //, p. 85.

peptorziini, a dairy vessel of the ti, p. 89.

pepilti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78 ; also the
ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135.

perithtr, buffaloes of the Nodrs ti, p. 113.

perkilrsol, the lower stage in the office oi kaltjnokh, p. 105.

perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39.

pejsdsij; sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgars, p. 69.

persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the //, p. 89.

persinir, the sacred buffaloes of a //", p. 84.

perild, elder, p. 485.

petuni, a piece of tiini, p. 105.

plan, grandfather, p. 485.

pMv, grandmother, p. 486.

pilikbren, sorcerers, p. 255.

pilindrtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306.

piliutpol, a sorcerer, p. 255.

piHiltvichi, sorcery, p. 255.

pineipir^ sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69.

podri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396.

pbcfrsktuiii, the loin-cloth of the fahl, p. 103.

p6h, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45.

pShkdrtpol, the dairyman at Kanodrs, p. 79-

pohvelkdrs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96.

pohvet {pohpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96.

pbl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47.

pbliii, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544.

polniachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60.

pon, festival, pp. 85, 161 ; up, p. 383 ; see also p. 496.

ponkdrtvaimokk, boy who takes a leading part at the iniortiti ceremony, p. 302.

ponnol, festival day.

poni}p, a salt-giving ceremony at the //, p. 177.

phnniinkiirsh, outer room of dairy, p. 56.

piidrshtipir, the wiirstilir of Kars and Taradr, p. 71.

pjIkHrilputkilli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572.

piil, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85.

piiliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509.

pttnelkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27.

piiiiir, the ordinary buffaloes of a //, p. 84.

piinrs, a name for two days, p. 142.

piirstr, buffaloes of the Kars //, p. 117.

ptirsiilpiini, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p. 319.

ptit, a stirring-stick, p. 60.

pflthpep, the buttermilk obtained in \\\q. pcpkarichd ceremony, p. 169.

ptiliir, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39.

GLOSSARY 747

piitkuU, the cloak, pp. 30, 571.
puzhiirs, seclusion-hut, p. 313.

piizJmtpiini, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344.
Saliniad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421.

sedvaitazinokh, name of the woman in the viokhthoditi union, p. 526.
Tadri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376.
tadrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30.
A?/, fern.
tagdrs, a chain.

tars I r, buffaloes of the Pan //, p. 119.

TilrtJidrol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
tarilpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar village, p. 177.
tdrvali or iarpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61.
tih-valikdrtiiiokh, the dairyman of the tcirvali, p. 461.
tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153.
tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489.

tedshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60.
Teikirzi, a goddess, p. 186.

teiks, stone or post at which a bufflilo is killed at a funeral, p. 349.
Teipdkh, the Paikara river, p. 418 ; also a god, p. 187.
teirtir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112.

Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34.
tek {tekhl), basket, p. 57.
tererslhi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523
tersainptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333.
terzaiitirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66.
tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office oi palol, p. 154.
teshnir, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of \he^ palol, p. 157.
ten, god, p. 182.

teiikwoi, clay vessel made at the ponAp ceremony, p. 179.
teuol, diviner, p. 249.

teutiitusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290.
//, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83.
tiir, the buffaloes of the //, p. 42 ; also used of a special group of these buffaloe-s

at the Nodrs ti, p. 112.
tikelfmdv, Badaga associated with a //, p. 98.
ti mad, a village or place belonging to a //, p. 83.
tbratthwaskal, fireplace at a // dairy used to cook food, p. 91.
tbrztiDi, the ti name of the mil, p. 89.
til, the buffalo-pen, p. 26.
tMr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433.
ttlkitthkdi's, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597.

tiikidir inani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424.
tun, a seat or bed, p. 30.

tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572.
ticniiiortiti, offering of a tiiiii, pp. 294, 305.
tunittislhkdlttiiokh, the full kdltmokh, pp. 105, 152.

748 GLOSSARY

iiirdvali, the cooking-pot of a ti dairy, p. 90.

ttij-i, knife.

ttvacirindr, material made by the Todas, p. 574,

Uldrwurthkurs, a wand, p. 60.

iilkktirsh, inner room of dairy, p. 56.

tinfr, bufifaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112.

{Ippun, a vessel of the tt dairy, p. 90.

Tlpunkiidi (? ilppjinkiidi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 176.

/crvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313.

iltkhren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263.

iltpol, medicine man, p. 263.

Wdk, vessels burnt at the dzaranikedr, p. 381.

warsir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //", p. 112 ; and of the Pan //, p. 119.

wash, grain-pounder, p. 32,

waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582.

wilrsol, the dairyman of the wiirsiili, pp. 40, 72, 74.

■ivfirsidi, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71.

ivursitlir, the buffaloes of a tvfirsiili, p. 40,

INDEX

The numbers in Clarendon type refer to the most important places
where the subject is considered.

Abduction of women, 525, 535, 554

Adoption, 549

Adultery, 525, 529

/Esthetic appreciation, 26, 570, 715

Afterbirth, 190, 323

Age, teUing, 416, 469, 480

Alcohol, 476, 581

Ancestor-worship, 446

Ancestors, offerings to, 293, 297, 309

taboo on names of, 462
Anniversary ceremony for the dead,

373

Archeology of Nilgiris, 711, 717
Arrians, 402, 717

Arrow, 280, 333, 586. See also Bow
Ashes, put on face, 269, 324, 326,

579
Astronomy, 592, 634
Atonement, 274, 298, 300, 306, 310,

449
Aunt, paternal, 332, 488, 500

Badagas, 6, 15, 29, 90, 98, 102, 108,
i33> I37> 160, 181, 237, 261, 323,
336, 342, 377, 541, 550, 559, 589,
594, 598, 604, 616, 624, 630, 694,

705, 723
Barley, 60, 321, 332, 380, 435, 600
Basil, holy, 435
Bastardy, 531, 546, 665
Bathing, ceremonial, 103, 303, 307, 317,

354. 390
Bear, 267

Bees, 118, 191, 196, 198, 266
Begging, 7, 202

Bells, 40, 66 et set/., 197, 208,
352, 376, 3^3. 389, 4i9> 424,
712, 725
Betting, 386, 597
Birch, Mr., 472
Blood, 201, 282, 375, 390
Boar, wild, 138
Bones, used in sorcery, 259
as relics of dead, 365, 697
Borrowing, of customs, 319, 377,

424. 435, 451, 555> 579, 594,
686, 702
of words, 484, 602
Bow and arrow, 199, 319 et seq.,

376, 381, 392-5, 397, 516 et
Sil^ 539, 547, 586, 639, 697,
715

Brahman, 75
Brahmanism, 4, 718
Breeding of buffaloes, 48
Breeks, Mr. J. W., 14, 16, 103,
199, 203, 207, 211, 287, 313,

377, 385, 423, 428, 444, 473,
572, 579, 596, 604, 609, 610,
613, 630, 635, 636, 639, 640,

Bribery, 508, 525

liride-price, 502, 522

Bronze, 1 18, 207, 712

Broom, 32, 72, 135, 246, 381,

697
Buddha, 591
Bufl'aloes, 47 et seq., 428

creation of, 184, 186, 18S, 192

giving salt to, 175

killed at funerals, 349, 375, 390

migrations of, 123, 204, 406

oft'erings of, 292

ownership and inheritance of,
560

pedigrees of, 470

23s,
447,

410,
633,

366,
seq.,
705,

184,
365,
559,
612,
712

585,

750

INDEX

Building, 584

Burial, of children, 324, 391, 479

of afterbirth, 323

of ashes at funeral, 382

vestiges of, 402
Burnell, Mr. A. C, 476
Burton, Sir R. , 439
Butter, 50

clarification of, 242
Buttermilk, 50, 64, 107, 166, 209,
242

put on bell, 247

Council, 550

of gods, 182, 444
Counting, method of, 590
Cream, 168,

Creation, of buffaloes, 49, 184, i{
188, 190

of man, 184, 459, 640, 711
Cremation, 337, 343, 361, 403
Crime, 553

Crooke, Mr. W., 586, 696, 698
Cross, 199
Crow, 139, 269
Curd, 49, 64, 171, 242
Cursing, 138, 140, 194, 196

Cairns, 219, 444, 451, 619, 712
Caldwell, Bishop, 603
Calendar, 590, 634
Canarese, 494, 602
Caste, 34, 679
Cat, 284, 431, 433
Cat's cradle, 600
Caul, 324

Caves, 184, 190, 191, 224
Celibacy, 80, 99, 236
Census, 469, 473
Cephalic index, 18, 708
Charms (amulets), 269, 333, 428
Chieftainship, 551, 556
Childbirth, 313, 323
Children, 18, 576

funerals of, 391
Chillies, 103, 266
Christianity, 458
Churning, 52 et seq.
Churning-stick, 60, 89, 108, in, 126,

134, 135, 185, 190
Cicatrices. Sec Skin-marks
Clans, 16, 34, 186, 505, 631, 643

gods of, 449
Cloth, giving at marriage, 502, 537

699, 705, 717
Cloth-giving ceremony at funeral, 358

ei seq., 396, 537, 701, 717
Clothing, 30, 571

ancient, 196, 237, 330, 366

of dairymen, 62 ct seq.

of dead, 342
Clubs, 381, 383, 586, 715
Coagulation of milk. See Curd
Cochin, 699, 711
Coconuts, 361
Colour-blindness, 532
Communion with the divine, 232
Conception, miraculous, 191, 196
Cooking, 581, 728
Coorg, 1 14, 697, 705
Corroboration of evidence, 10

Dairy, 38 et seq., 231, 422

as funeral-hut, 339

imitation, 315, 324, 330

offences against, 295, 399

orientation of, 46, 1 16, 436

purification of, 128, 136, 160, 163,
169, I79> 305
Dairy-vessels, 58, 89, 133

buried, 167, 242, 422

burnt at funeral, 379

imitation, 315, 324

purification of, 109, 136, 163, 168
Dairymen, 38 et seq.

gods as, 185, 194, 448

sanctity of, 448, 680
Dancing, 378, 384, 601

devil-, 249
Days, lucky, 410

sacred, 405
Death, origin of, 185, 400
Deathbed, 341
Debt, 566
Deception, 257

Defilement, 181, 234, 315, 426
Deification of mortals, 193, 203, 446
Demon, 269
Descent, female, 546, 709

laws of, 546
Disease, 215
Divination, 249, 309, 384, 392, 450,

. .635, 703, 725
Division of labour, 249, 27 1
Divorce, 508, 525, 535
Dog, 196, 267, 433
Dowry, 504, 563
Dravidians, 494
Dubois, the Abbe, 5, 701
Dung, buffalo, 32, 142, 151, 173 ct seq.,
196, 205, 228, 305, 406, 580, 583,
656

INDEX

751

Eagle, 196

Ears, of sacrificed calf, 284

split, of calf, 278, 302
Ear-piercing, 334, 391
Earth in ceremonial, 163 et seq., 295,

343 et seq., 390, 402
Earthworm, 265
East, 46, 94, 136
Eclipse, of sun, 592

of moon, 593
Eighteen, 98, 103, 184, 415
Eldest son, special portion for, 560
Elephant, 387, 712
Emblems, 423, 585
Endogamy, 34, 504
Evasion of ceremonial laws, 328, 406,

454, 519, 670
Evil eye, 263, 332, 333, 387, 636
Exchange of brother and sister, 522
Exogamy, 34, 505
Expenses of ceremonial, 305, 335

method of sharing, 544, 558
Expiation, 140, 554

Face, ceremony of uncovering a child's,

331
downwards at cremation, 363
Family, 541, 545, 558

average size of, 474-7
Fasting, 126, 133, 135, 168, 170, 291,
294, 303. 305. 307> 354> 370, 390,
592, 593
Fatherhood, 322, 517, 547, 564
Fawcett, Mr. F., 331, 402, 697, 707,

709, 717
Feasts, 83, 161, 164, 167, 169, 170,
232, 292, 304, 305, 306, 310, 321,
332, 335> 369, 405, 409. 524> 558,
592, 597i 662
Ferns, 58, 128, 129, 180
Fertility, 474-7
Finicio, Father V., 99, 104, 250, 635,

693, 721
Fire ceremony, 290
making, 437, 581
sanctity of, 437

special wood for, 148, 152, 158, 174,
276, 344, 379, 438
Fire-slicks, 60, 291, 438, 582
Five, 91,257,413

Flesh, eating, 209, 285, 290, 640,
727
of sambhar, 309, 432, 456
Floods, 215

Flowers, telling time by, 321
telling age by, 415

Folk-tales, 47, 1 14, 664, 676. See also
Mythology

Food, 580

for the dead, 361, 380, 382
restrictions on, 102, 370, 406

Fords, 131, 418

Frenzy during divination, 253

Fright, remedy for, 268

Frog, 265

Funeral ceremonies, 337 et seq., 727

Future life, 397, 403

Gall-bladder, 281, 284

Games, 385, 596

Genealogical method, 11, 461, 465,

483, 619, 691
Genealogies, 461, 565

of buffaloes, 470, 548
Geographical position, 4
Ghi. See Butter

Gifts, of buffaloes, 320, 332, 336, 396,
562

of money, 329, 335, 396
God, a supreme, 386, 456, 595
Gods, 182, 443

Hindu, 211, 251, 273, 457
Gourd, 203

Government, loi, 550. See Council
Great Bear, 594

Greetings, 497. See Salutations
Grigg, Mr. H. B., 472, 557, 679
Guimet Museum, 75

Haddon, Dr. A. C., 3
Hair, as funeral relic, 364, 379
cutting, 103, 333
in magic, 257, 267
methods of wearing, 369, 574, 724
tying, in ceremonial, 92, 221
Hairiness of Todas, 18, 708
Half-breeds, existence of, 532
Hand-lnirning, ceremony of, 313 et seq..

366, 394
Hare, 592

Harkness, Capt. H., 14, 15, 26, 159,

287, 422, 427, 429, 437, 473, 516,

536, 563, 574, 579, 610, 620, 630,

632, 650, 664, 672, 695

Head, covering the, 345, 365, 367, 369,

394
Hell, 399

752

INDEX

Hero-worship, 446, 452
Hills, fire ceremony on, 290

relation of gods to, 183 el seq., 443
Hinduism, 269, 457, 696
Hindus, customs borrowed from, 273,
410, 579

objects borrowed from, 90, 108, 381,
572
Hoe, 268, 402

Homicide, 195, 197, 261, 262, 555
Honey, 191, 266, 291, 321, 361, 500,

580, 592, 642
Hos, 697

Hough, Rev. J., 365, 472, 695
House. See Hut
Hunter, Sir W. W. , 604
Hut, 28, 220, 583

funeral, 339 ct seq.

imitated in ceremony, 328

mud, 313, 584

ownership of, 558
Hypnotic condition, 254

Idols, 426

Illness, 251, 256, 297, 306, 309, 371,

399, 408, 525, 557, 578, 626
Images, 458
Impurity, 102, 131, 135, 244,326, 327,

368, 403, 567
Incantations. See Spells
Incest, 156, 505, 530
Infant marriage, 502, 523
Infanticide, 478, 518, 520, 554, 691
Inheritance, 11,560. See also Dttsccnt

of magieal powers, 249, 256

of youngest son, 559
Insects, 215, 265
Intelligence, 20, 531, 551, 567
Intermediaries, 234, 258
Invocation of deities, 229
Irulas, 6, 191, 2IO, 642
Izhavas, 700

Jackal, 432

Jaggery. See Sugar

Jealousy, 194, 399, 516, 530

Jervis, Lieut. II., 431

Jews, 459, 710

Journey to the next world, 398

Jupiter, 595

Kanisans, 699
Keloid, 578

Keys, Mr. W., i, 472, 694
Kidneys, 281

Killing calf at sacrifice, 279
Kin, salutations to, 320

duties of, 498
Kinship, 483
Kite, 204 el seq.
Knee-cap, 365
Knife, 280, 333, 381, 585
Kois, 698
Kotas, 6, 48, 52, 108, 121, 195, 197,

200, 364, 377, 397.585. 635, 715
Kurumbas, 6, 185, 191, 200, 201, 209,

262, 378, 555, 632, 640, 641

Lameness, 199, 210, 251

Laments, funeral, 356, T^S^elseq., 490

Land, ownership of, 6, 557, 632

Language, 602

Leaf- cup, 75

Leeches, 399

Left hand or side, 92, 145, 239, 273,

.342, 355, 366, 528
Levirate, 519
Life-token, 423

Light, reverence to, 34, 213, 437
Limes, used in sorcery, 259
Liver, 281, 284, 286
Lizard, 265
Luck. See Days and Omens.

Macpherson, Lieut., 694

Magic, 249. See Sorcery

Malabar, 378, 459, 641, 688, 696, 698

Malayalam, 250, 254-5, 602, 702

Manu, 698

Marriage, 313, 321, 502

after death, 366, 392, 514, 701

communal, 531
Marshall, Col., 14, 48, 91, 159, 211,
341, 363, 427, 434, 470, 479, 483,
548, 610, 612
Measures, 588
Medicine, 209, 323, 634
Medicine-men, 271
Memorials of dead, 440
Migrations of buffaloes, 123
Milk, given to the dead, 342

restrictions on use of, 68, 102, 370,
406

.sanctity of, 68, 231, 239, 429

water regarded as, 318, 327, 329
Milking, 53, 1 18

INDEX

75:

Money, 114, 325, 329, 360, 361, 380,
396, 405-6, 590, 659
Venetian, 590
Monsoon, 188
Months, 590

Moon, new, 132, 157, 167, 169, 170,
175, 291, 300, 315, 319, 327, 36S,
3S9, 390, 411, 436, 590, 592
full, 411, 436, 592
figure in the, 592
Morality, 23, 476, 529
Morgan, Mr. L., 494
Mother-right, 547

Mourning, 339, 343. 355-6, 365. 374,
37S, 380, 382
for buftaloes, 356
Mud -house, 313
Mundahs, 697
^furder. See Homicide
Music, 364, 382, 600, 63S
Muzzy, Rev. C. F. , 15, 287
Mysore, 108, 187, 193, 705
Mythology, 3, 77, in, 116, 1 18, 121,
122, 182, 219, 228, 287, 400, 4:;!,
439, 592, 595, 640, 647, 664

Naickers, 698

Nails (of fingers), 103, 268-9, 3^5, 406

Nairs, 331, 699 ct sfi/., 707, 722

Namliutiris, 699, 701, 707

Name, change of, 625

giving, 332
Names of hells, 115, 117, 120, 208,
656 e/ seq.

hows, 320

liuffalocs, 47, 69, 71, 81, 113

dairies, 43, 113, 117, 119, 649 et seq.

personal, 619

sacred, 216, 614

taboo on, 626
Nasal index, 18, 708
Nicknames, 624
Nine, 160, 415
Numbers, sacred, 412 et seq.

uneven, 154, 412

See also Three, Five, Six, Seven
Nine, Sixteen, Eighteen
Numerals, 58S

Offerings, 274, 292

to Hindu gods, 457
Omens, 1S5, 201, 273
Omentum, 283

Opium, 476, 555, 581

Ordination, I44 </ seq., 168, 276, 389,

406
Orientation, of houses, 583-4

of dairies, 46, 116, 436
Origin of Todas, 693
Ornaments, 103, 155, 322, 341, 361
376, 382. 52S, 563, '579. 728

man wears woman's, 376. 381
Ouchtcrlony, Capt., 472, 477

I 'ad field, Mr. J. E., 698

Pandavas, 613, 695, 699

Panyas, 210, 264, 642

Paramours, 366, 526

Pasturage, 123

Paternity, 548. See also Fatherhood

Paths, 26, 86, 105, 126, 224, 225

Pedigrees. See Genealogies

Personification, of dairy. 423
of bells, 426-7
of forces of nature, 447

Perumals, 710

Phallic worship, 447

Phonetics, 605

Physical characters of Todas, 18, 707

Pigments, 579

Pigs, 398

Pleiades, 593

I'oetry, 600

Polyandry, 2, 464, 515, 5,1, 555 t'/ seq.,
538, 568, 696, 699, 705, 725, 727

Polygyny, 464, 519, 521, 549

Polynesia, 461

Pope, Rev. G. U., 435. 603-4, 610
702

Population, 471

Porcupine, 267, 594

Possession, of men by gods, 200, 45 1
of buffaloes, 451

Pot broken at funeral, 383, 698, 701

Pounder, 32, 72, 135, 195, 246, 381-2,
399. 440, 585, 697

Prayer. 65, 76, 92, 94, 96, 98, 1 14,
126, 128, 135, 136, 137, 138, 149,
163, 168, 173, 174, 180, 182, 192,
204, 207, 211. 213, 235, 270, 278,
286, 288-9, 291, 303, 306, 307,
310. 312, 323, 334, 401, 422, 450,
453- 457- 571, 614, 621. 639, 647
relaticin to spell, 272

Pregnancy, ceremonies of. 313 ^/ seq.,
696

Property, 40, 70, 311, 392. 464, 541,
549> 557

Prophecy, 198

3 C

754

INDEX

Propitiation, 274, 292, 311, 401, 449
Punishment, 298, 310, 449

vicarious, 351
I'unnett, Mr. R. C, 474, 532, 691
I'urgatory, 399
Purification, 92, 144 et seq., 367, 377,

389, 433, 684. See also Dairy,

Dairy-vessels, Bathing
Purity, 244

Quarrels, 257, 260, 295-6, 554

Rain, praying for, 215
Rangachari, Mr. K., 494, 738
Rats, 398, 431
Red cloth, 254, 361

pigments, 579
Reddies, 698

Relics, 364, 367, 373 el se,]., 428
Religion, 442

degeneration of, 312, 453, 460, 714

relation to magic, 272, 459
Rib, creation of woman from, 184, 458
Rice, Mr. Lewis, 114
Riddles, 599
Right hand or side, 239, 273, 325, 342,

348, 386
Rings, 174, 1S5, 201, 306, 361, 366,

428, 579
Ritual, 38, 231, 452, 718
River-gods, 187, 250, 418, 444
Rivers, 418, 501

Sabbath, 411-2, 459

Sacrifice, 210, 219, 241, 274

Salt, 142, 166, 174, 175 et st'<j., 232.

263-4, 285, 321, 335, 726, 727
Salutations, 31, 34, 65, 95, loi, 189,
258, 278, 304, 320, 332, 356, 399,
417, 419, 496, 502, 528, 630, 636.
641
lo buffaloes, 355, 429
to the dead, 343, 370, 379, 498
to jackal, 432
to tiger, 431
Sambhar, 49, 71, 191, 201, 309, 387,

432, 630
Saoras, 697

Sastri, Mr. Natesa, 321, 334J 358
Schmid, B., 15, 591, 602

Sea, 121, 425

Seclusion, after childbirth, 245, 295,
324, 697, 705, 717

at puberty, 538

during pregnancy, 313
Servitude, 566
Seven, 57, 145 el seq., 228, 349, 3S5,

387, 414
Sexes, proportion of the, 472, 477
Shaving head, 195, 268, 391, 576, 663,
684, 727

of child, 18, 26S, 332, 457, 576
Sickle, 141, 714, 724
Sieve, 32, 72, 135, 246, 381, 397, 585,

639, 697
Sin, 292, 300, 310, 377, 399, 554
Sin-bearer, 377
Sirius, 594

Sister's son, 395, 397, 49S
Six, 334, 385^ 414
Sixteen, 415
Skin-colour, 18
.Skin-marks, 576, 633
Smallpox, 209
Snake, 138, 216, 265, 267, 419, 593.

595; 710
Snake-bite, cure for, 267
Social organisation, 34
Sorcery, 171, 229, 255, 298. 450, 545.
632, 635, 690
of Irulas, 642

of Kurumbas, 185, 309. 555, 641
Spear, 203, 428, 712, 714
Spells, 257, 259, 264. 270. 272
Spirits, malignant, 403
Spleen, 274, 282, 284, 433
Springs, 85, 185, 219, 227-8
Squirrel, 265
Stars, 379, 593

Stone implement, 376, 390, 434. 585
Stone, lifting, 252, 406, 439, 597 "
-Stones, in magic, 257, 267
memorial, 439, 597
people turned to, 187, 440
sacred, 438
Succession. See Descent
Suffocation of sacrificial animal, 288
Sugar, 137, 174, 321, 335, 361, 366,

380
Suicide, 202, 555
Sullivan, Mr., 556

Sun, 94; 126, 128, 206, 214, 223, 226,
324, 328, 331, 397, 436, 447. 592,
594
Survivals, 312, 315, 330, 402. 403. 42S,
445, 574, 585, 586. 685, 688,
702
Syml)olism, 363, 375
Syphilis, <^7^

INDEX

755

Taboo, 231, 241, 494

on names, 462, 494, 624, 625, 626

Tail, cut, 278. 302

I'ali. tying the, 321

Tamarind, 331, 702

Tamil, 602, 702

Tattooing, 578. 5S5

Teak wood, 349

Telegu, 494

Thanksgiving, 232

Thaich. 25S, 268. 291, 326

Theft. 295. 555

Thorns, as needles. 585

Thread briclge, 399

Three, 67 et seij., 238, 264 ef sei/.. 278.
202e/se,/., 315. 343 e/ se</., 412.
501. 698

Threshold. 65. 92. 128, 145 c/ sei/.,
303.Vi-^,y., 315, 331, 423. 548

Thurston, Mr. E.. 2, 14, 18, 255. 262.
321, 323> 345- 3^i^ 373^ 374, 377-
379, 384. 557. 574, 578, 5^0, 592,
596-7. 601, 610. 641, 642. 707,

738
Tiger, 138, 185, 1S9. 194, 214. 216,

267, 417, 431
Time, telling Ijy means of flowers. 321
Tiyans, 699

Tobacco, 167, 295, 335, 361, 581
Torres Straits, 3. 461, 464, 530, 567,

599
Totemism, 432, 455, 540
Toys, 598

Transmigration, 204
Trees, 67. 185, 219, 433
Truthfulness, 10, 13, 156, 439. 466

test of, 421
Turban, 419. 574
Twins, 480

Uganda, 461

Umlnlical cord. 323

Umbrella. 324. 381

I'ncle, maternal, 190. 211, 226, 332,

333, 334. 33^>^ 395, 444- 499- 500.

547, 619, 630

X'edic sacrifice, 288
\enus, 591, 593, 594, 620
X'illage, 23, 644, 734

ownership of, 558

sanctity of, 419
N'ill.ages extinct. 620. G51, 655. 675
\ows, 293, 298, 306, 575-6

Wainad, 188, 190, 200, 209, 225, 250.

338, 361, 381, 399, 420
Walhousc, Mr. M. |.. 255, 345. 363.

383-4
Ward. Captain B. S.. 472. 528. 694
Weapons, 381, 586, 716
Wells. S<e Springs
Whey, 50

Whitehouse, Rev. Thomas, 693
Widow, 241, 365, 367, 369, 370
Widower, 241, 365, 369, 370, 394. 519,

523, 571
Wives, transference of, 309, 523. 533

e^ seq- , 554
Women, and magic, 272

exclusion from ceremonial, 135. 245,

285, 300, 354
intelligence, 22, 567
position of, 566
relations with dair) men, 62, 68, 72,

78, 99, 103, 155. 236
special paths for, 27, 673
special work of. 32. 49, 263. 567
Wood, special for fires, 148. 152. 158,
174, 276,438, 582
special for funeral pyre. 344, 379
Worms, 266
Worship, 213. 441, 442. 448. 452. 453

Vama. 397

N'oungest son. special portion for, 559,
:;6o.

R. CLAY AND SONS, LTD., BREAD ST. Hn.L, E.C., AND Et'NGAV, SUFFOLK.

PODREIDI = Filiersveni = PIUD

Nddrs I

I Nodrs

PADUK = Sinami = MUSHKEIDI
Nddrs Taraiir Nodi-i

MUDRIGEIDI = Terchir (35) = Savdur (20) = ODRKURS = Obalidz (12)
Nodfs Kiuodrdoni I Taradr A'odn I A'ars

No ch.

?UVENERS = Sinadum

X/drsi I A'Adrs

(See 40)

KALKUTVAN
d. y

I Pilzueleimi (49) = Kebuveli (22) = Meldz (22)

Melgajs Taradr I \Taradr

veli

No ch.

POLUIAAN = Kebuveli (21)

Nddrs I Taradr

No ch.

"•■'., I

Uignrk (tl) = KIDJ

L NATUL* J T Jmr, LTEIK^nRVAN J T "'A?!? KBRKADR =i Pilw.ltlmi («) = Kebuvell (») = Haldz (i.l

KIUSTHVAN = Sinderg
Taradr I Nodrs

(See 23)

ODRIGEIDI

d. unm.

PEROL = Nersveli (34)

Nodrs I Kwodrdoni
No ch.

tCHOVAN = KUDRVAS = Kavener

Pdm I Kars I Nodrs

(See 36)

(See 11)

PITHIOLV = Piliaph (21)

Kars I Taradr

No ch.

I
KWURSEIDI

d. iinm.

Pushtovarii

Nodrs

PEIGVAX = Nersveli (34)

Nodrs I K'lUddrdoni

No ch.

KAINIR ^ Udz(2i)
Nodrs I Taradr

ieeg)

SINGUT = Arlidz
Kars I Nodrs

ISPO = Petalidz (25)

Nodrs I Taradr

(See \

PAKH - Mokidz

iradr I Nodrs
(See 20)

MADKARS

.1. V.

Sana!

AGIEVAN = Pepur

(See 44)

TEITUKHEN = Navob

Tiitaiir I NCnlrs

(See 23)

KIDRNERS = Tichidz

(See 43)

Kebters
d. y.

Mushkaveli
d. y.

arsp:idi

d. y.

I'AN'DOTHI = Pun/Ill
Pan I Nodrs

UVEini
d. y

TOASNERS = Nersami (7)

No cli.

(See 16)

POSEIRI = KERSKEDRVAN ^ Turchveii
Kanodrs I Taradr \ Xodts

(See 29)

TIDJKUDR

(See 25)

ARGWA

rPlSniz* 1 T ^'55?™" KAUriJlNEBS = S«rpillrl.M

AWr,

1 A»„

Noch.

MONDOTHI = SlnaK<B) = NOTEIOI

[|i«

l^Hj

'S-y "???'"

..»

d.y.

"tk""

""S'

j-S-

=''Bi.""rffir

PrRSNEBS = Sapnlr OSHKIAH

.1,

Ldi F.^

(Sec 101

ramrfr ' T ,VA

TOASNBHS = Hersaml [;

K^m,lKm k.iJdol

KARMAHS = SIregl (7) - - PEITHAHS

KEWE,,

TIDJKUDR

OWA

ar-^j I

[^,^SJg|]=SlrBBl

iil?' ?[%'■"! """«,:"•']

:Lr r

ERGUDRVAN = Sinpups
Kars Piiiii

ARMARS 1 _ o; ' .
ilTMARSjT i?®^'

SAKARI =rSeg(i6)^ Ramidz(3Sr
Kars I L Ptm I Pdni

(See 6)

Noch.

= Arkidz (43)

I Nidrsi

Sinduvi
d. y.

li (3)r=Sunderap (2i)=NUDRIKI KADRKUTAN=Mosur

■i- I I Taradr h'nr.i X/ihsi Kars

I (See 42)

RS 6 M0KUDR=Natcham(8) PUNISHKI=Sinmukuti (28) Sinameli

d. y. .Vidrsi | Kars Kars I Kanddrs

(See 42) i. m.

JEN= ridjamani (42)=Prams (5)] ESHKIAGULN = Prams (5) = ARKNERS

irs I L Nhirsi I Xodrs J Kars I Xodrs I Kars

LKKIDI = Kavener (3) PUNIDZ=Singaveli (4)=K0RNERS

Kars i Nodrs Kars Nodrs I Kars

KARSKUTAN

d.y.

eli(4)

orkhes KATCHEIRI=PURGUDR=Aikut

Kars Kanodrs I Piiin I Kars

(See 28) See 38)

I I

"- I

'«"'"'

[0NJES=S1nB8,velU4)

r TdLErol -| ^ KERVBII

KRS sSiDBlbttj) P6LKAB :

'■'"'J

NERS

KARNISI = Sinur
Pciiii I Kays

(See 37)

pnip (6) = Termidz (441

Ndci7-s

Mels'trs

JEN

IDI

PALADRIVAN = Nelkos
Pan I Kars

(See 16)

i(43)

POLKAB = Punabuv

Kanddis I Kars

(See 30)

POPNERS = TIMNERS = Silkot

Piiti! j Pan I Kars

(See 36) (See 18)

KABUDRI = Kolidz(43)

Kais I Kidisi

No ch.

KULKADAN

Kars

TURSKF.lDl

d. unni.

PILGEIDl
d. unm.

KUDRVAS = Havener (3)

Kais 1 ydi/rs

KUPARS

NARSI

UNEN

;UTTHURS = Puveli(2o) = Sabnir (34) = PATXER

h'ais I Taradr I K-Modrdoni i Kars

i. m. KARSPISTI I

12.

KINEIRI

Kanodrs

Edzurt

(See 29)

ODRKURS = Obalidz Kunguman

Xudrs

Kars

(See i)

(Sw )i)

„L = ..„„

NIRSKOI
d. y.

MONGUDRVAN

eheimi

Aperap

Erzai

S = Punbuv
I /Cars

;See 46)

Kupizveli (44)
Melga}'s

KIUNERVAN = Pathudveli (4 0

Ka>s I A'idrsi

KUNPURADI

I
NONMUDRI

r TOLEIDI 1
LnERTINERSJ = Poidjveli

MOKHUDRIKI

KUSHKEN

(See 24)

= Sinmundeivi (20)

I Tarniiy

PUDRVAN = Naskeiveli (46)
Kars I Melgars

(See KEITAZVAN)

16.

ALVAN = Pilithikeb
Kars I I'an

(See 14)

NIDRSIEVAN = Panbuv
A'uirsi I Pan

(See 43)

lami (7)

'\'ars

tsner

KARSEIDl = Isnir
Kars I Pan

(See 8)

ODIKARS = Oridz (35)
Pan i Kvudcirdoni

KIRSI = Selidz

Melgars I Pan

TERSINGI

r PUNERUVAN-i

KUTTHURS = Tedjveli
L PATXER J I Pan

(See 47)

(See 12)

pidz

Ovalidz

MUTCH UD

I "■'-

BONCSnrHI s NlUCtr')
HUTKUDB = RBinlr(>7)

IBlTAZVANi

'•" I

= Sett IK6dRI = MjldB

I ,..

['SF]r^«''

= KaniSP(>« = NORTIHBRS

T "■'■'■■ -\ ■"■ Y ^-

'■™" . I '

IHOXHVAN = Simlzvell («

;i '""

iz(44)l
Igars J

'ilzink
Pan

20.

(i4) = MADBEITHI = KatcheH (4) = Kebeli (50) = Serpnir(26) = IRCHEIDI

Taradr

No ch.

\oiiys

Kitiiiiad

Koadr

No ch.

SIRIAR = Pupidz(35)

Taraili- \ Kivodiifoni

ENKUTAN

Jaiadt

PEPOB = EINUDJ = E^og

Mclgais I A'oifrs I Taradr

(See 44) (See 3)

21.

theidi

KEGIEVAN = Tupseimi
Nidrsi I Taradr

KUTEIDI = Apsenup(9)

Taradr I Kars

(See 42)

riTHIOLV = Piliaph
Nodrs I Taradr

(See 3)

ERUTIl I

[LJENJ = Sadamut

IDRSHKWODR

Sindavul

(See 9)

"I
KEINODZ = Sinabuv (8)

'Taradr I Kars

KUDRVAS

NIPKUDR = Matchidz

Nid)si I Taradr
(See 42)

PULGUDR = Olidzeimi
Piitn I Taradr

(See 38)

J. , ..I,

-- lk6dhnerJ = Puv«

1 ■"*" .r-

KAKAR = Sindudi>(;7)

^^m

'■-' \'

r>&"in=T

KudjjiiWi

VAN = TUPMlml PITH10I.V

].s.d

.ir

*••"

[?ffi

m.l

lOBSHKWOOR SlndV

PULDSNIR = Slndarmdo) = SinmlrtB) = Pumldit!)

I .,....,

"■'- I '"

r NbTlRZi 1

IKUDR

r NOTIRZI 1
L PODNERS J

Melgari

Aiir

'faradr

(See 47)

Tiilgeimi

'I'aradr

e 50)

r MONERS n I

KEDEVAN = Mutuveli

L KORADRVAN J I Taradr

(See 50)

PUNER

Taradr

>THNAN = Linglmishi

A'rt?-.v I Taradr

(See 10)

24.

othvani
araiir

IRKIOLV

Taradf

ORGULN = Nuridz (m)

Tnrndr | A'ars

No ch.

MARZUNPUN
Taratir

= PUNOG = UDRCHOVAN

I A'ars 1 /'((OT

Oselig

Tarndr

(See 4)

(See 14)

(See 36)

25.

Turcheimi
d. unm.

S) = TIVENERS

Taradr

Magabuv KAGERIKUTAN = Nulnir (:o) Matchmoitheri

farad) I Aars

'■^™!.

'-'"r'

[T.

Ann 1 r««rfr

"" 1 '

""V.".

lS«.o)

''■"■"''

T ^■'■

™"'°r'°"'^"'*

-ur

t6lE1DI = Nelaml (9) = PoHjvoll (n; =

.!/**»« I /l,r^.fr

■* .. L

> = «U

TORRVAN = PQnicrth

PEIGARSI = Unereimi (4) = PANIOLV
Keradr ' A'Mrs Kocidi-

D = Sinadum

>■ i K'eraiir

[See 24)

ETEPI

KULMUKI = Kalidz

Kwddrdoni 1 Ke?-adr

KIRSIN

Keradr

Sinamani (23)

Taradr

(See 32)

Pupidz (35) = Kwotidz = PUNGWUDR

K^vbdrdoni I Nidrsi I Keradr

ch.

No. ch. No. ch.

= Seppnip

I Keradr

PARSKUDR = Terzikeb (14) = Pumidz (8) = PERSIKUTAN

Ke7-adr I A'ars I A'«;-v | Keradr

No ch.

27.

PULSHl = 9 (33) = 9 (49)
Kandiirs I Kwddrdoni Melgars

PPURS = ^ = 9
\lelgars I Kars I Kanodrs

(See 46) (See 7)

r PUNGARSI 1 I

LkURSOLV J = Malami
Kars I Kanddrs

(See 7)

1" (39)

KUNTEVAN = Katveni (49) = Pandut (45)
Kanodrx Mclgars I Melgars

PATOK = Paton (34)
Kanddrs I Kwddrdoni

pup

nodrs

KWAIKUDR

Kanddrs

No ch.

TUSKEIDI = Maknep

Kodrs I Kanddrs
(See 3)

MOKUDR = Slgar

Nidrsi i Kanddrs

UVGAR = Samidz

2\lddrs I Kanddrs

(See 42)

(See 3)

TEv6 = Ladikikudr J =

PUl^Hl = 9({J) .= ,?<<

[1S5§3K'] =

"'""" L''*

NKRATXUTAN • SlfkltrCtol

pbNKIIIIVAH « K*>!m<

^'^"U*^

ODARH • s

TOTmitllR, 7 5KlS„ KALKWOT * "^rvw SIURIKITAX = KlnMlMBltM) K«hk™i = KARNIsr » tJ.W

■™-' I

■ P«iulMu> KASKUDR - Slnrnil

6 = 9

A andd> s I

. c5' = ?

hanodrs I

TEIKHU]) = KiuneimiCs) = TEITARSVAN
Kanodrs I Nodrs I Kanodrs

Many ch. born dead

:i = Aikut (S)

Kars

nmukuti

■Canddrs

Kupidz (4=;)
Melsrai s

MOGOI
d.y.

<5 =
Kanodrs \

MURIKUTAN = Filzueleimi (49)
Kanodrs I IMclsrars

Koshkveni = KARNISI
Katiodrs I Pdiii

Tushkveli
Kanodrs

PUNGIEVAN

Pain

Siegnir

Kanodrs

(See 37)

ORZAN = ?
Katiddrs I

ULINKERVAN
Kanodrs

MONGEITHI = Nilig

Kars I Kanodrs

(See 15)

PATIRSH = Sinkab
Kzvodi-doni I Kanodrs

(See 35)

:ASKUDR = Sirmul

Kars I Kanodrs

(See 13)

PUNER = Pashtnirveli

Kivddrdoni I Kanodrs

(See 31)

31.

.mi(i4)

TUKUD = Kol2veli(3o) = KUPINERS = rlVIakidz (43) = Singib(43)l

Kivdiirdoni I Katiodrs | Kwoifnloni I L Nidrsi I .Vidrsi J

No ch. No ch. No ch. No ch.

32.

KIURVAN = Tapseimi(4T) = SinurUi) POLKAB = Konureimi

Kwbdrdoni I Nidrst \ Nidrsi Kanodrs I Kivodrdoni

Noch.

(See 30)

KULMUKI = Kalidz (26)

Kwddrdoni | Kcradr

= Kapal(4i)

1 yidrsi

i. m. i

33.

Kwodrdoni I

HUNARSKUTAN = Methovi (8)
Kivodrdoni I A'ars

POLIAR = Murgveli (2S) = Kupanveli (j)

Kwddrdoiii I Kanodrs \ Nodrs

Noch.

ORUDZ = Sinul (28)

A'^oodrdoni I Kanodrs

w ^,

:t^:^.

s.rmuuii,,! -siiiBibi.ji
„ I L »(,,< I .v/7,„ J

'•il:':*"

= TvielmK*!) Ttlmui.VAN = SIdupUi) kJuRVAK = T^MlmK..) - 8m«;;J«'> '^i^ T JSSwSi/

T!W"'

l-Ol.MK ■ MqrtvelK'') = KupnnvoHn)

kTCHARAP = [Putnersdi) = Sar?veli(v:<)) =

foTS']

T "7-55? T r"' rf? 7 IM^*'° ~ SmiAB = Pupldz

„., I

■ IVAN
N

Nl
J = PEROL = Nersveli

I Ncnirs I Kivodrdoni
(See 3) (See 3)

umers (23) = Sargveli (30) ] = KEMNERS

aradr Kidmad \ Kivodrdoni

PODJ — Siners (40)
Kivodrdoni I Nidrsl

JDIOSAN

KWODRON

EIDUZVAN 9

TEDJVAN = Nersaveli
Kiiiddrdoni I Kanbdrs

EIKIARZ "i I 1

KULINKERVAnJ = Salnir ODIKARS = Oridz KIUTNERS = ? .

Kandd7-s I KivDdrdoni Pant I Kwodrdoni Piiin I Kivodrdoni

(See 30)

(See 16)

(See 37)

PilimUPg (7) = Sinkab (30)
Kars I Kanodrs

KENEN = Sateg (39)
Kivodrdoni \ Pdin

NALANI

KERANI

36.

;RS = Pandut(45) = Silkot(io)

1 JJi/^a>-s I A'ars

i. m. No ch.

37.

PATIRSH = Sernir(5o)
J^dm I Kidinad

KALKWOT = Turpur(2

Pant [ Kanodrs

No ch.

{ — Makidz

Piiiit

r PUNDU 1 '

LkEINMUVJ = Aiidz

J iiradr I J\iiii

(See 22)

38.

jGU)liclzeimi (21)
iwraraiir

SAKARI = Ramidz

Kars I Piiiit
(See 7)

UDRCIl'oVAtl = PanduK

;.T».;™„

TT'

jz-

l<mSy]^

I "■■■

J, ''"■* I

FUCHON = Andereimi(i3)
Pavi I Kars

SEILI

KUDERSON

KENEN = Sateg

Kivod>-doni I Piiin
(See 35)

Piiin

Siiipuni

MENKUT = Piligar
Nodrs I Pcim

(See 6)

KEIREVAN = Kebars
Kcradr I Nidrsi

(See 26)

TNERTOLVAN I

L PALPA J = TEIGUDR = Uwer

Nodrs I Nidrsi
(See 4)
(See 16)

PARSOV = Tipur

Keradr I Nidrsi
(See 26)

41.

Ti'ilsveiii

TEIDULVAN

Kivodrcioni

KULGEIDI
Kars

MKLKIDVAX = Sargveli

/'/(/« I Nidrsi

KIURVAN = Sinur

Kwihirdoni \ Nidrsi

(See 7)

(See 39)

(See 32)

42.

Nelkar
I'dm

iraveli

Vidi-si

KADRKUTAN = Mosur (8)

Nidrsi h'ars

Cham (8) =

K'ars I

Sigar (27)
Kanodis

NUDJEN = Idjamani

Kars 1 Nidrsi

MALN

Nalur

(See 8)

^1 '

MOKUDR = Natehum (O = SI»«r(.M "'{?;',?'' " '^"^*"'

[tokasI = >'='g:jj

'■■■" I-

.1"""

rPANERSn I

TOKAS = Pergveli
L PUNER J I Nidrsi
Taradr

JTAN = Panjilkeimi (3) = Tebeli (8)
Nodrs Kars

= Pathudveli

I Nidrsi

ee 14)

(See 23)

KODRNER = Arkidz

Kars I Nidrsi

I
(See 7)

PERSAKUDR = Sinamut

Kars I Nidrsi

(See ;

KODRTHOKUTAN

5) = KODRNURS

I Mclgars

Sinaman

lal (25)

r KUDENERS 1

L TIVENERS J = Miznir

SIRMOKH

Melga,

(See 25)

45.

NAJAR =^ Kwotidz

Met^ars I Kidrsi

No cli.

46.

askeiveli
^lelgars

ARTOVAN = Tushknii-
Kars I I\Ielgfirs

(See 14)

PUSHTIK6dR = Klnll

tRtOLl = TEIKObRVJ

r [k6pRHIbJ I !wtie»n

FangayeU. n6tiI

m. , - .

= Selld2(i6) kANCI

"i"^ " " "T"

>elidz(i6)

Pan

KANGUDR

d. y.

PARVISHKI

FRSEIN = Sipnir(26)

'e/gars Kcradr

No ch.

PARSKUDR = Singumidz (3)

Melgars I yddrs

No ch.

49.

S = Pilivutukh
Mclgars | Pan

Pichidz
J'dvi

TKEINIKUTANl

L ANULVAN J

J'liiii

I'iligark
^/els:<lrs

Sinothvani
d.y.

(.See 38)

itoveli

el^ars

NERKUTAN - Pilimeihovi (3)
Melgars Nodrs

rPUSHTEIDn I

L KEITAN J = Narstufi
Nodrs I Melgars

(See 6)

Tushkeimi
d. y.

IKUTAN - KERKADR = Pilzueleimi
nnodrs I Nodrs I Melgars

(See 29)

(See 2)

.;r=" J., "" I

'lis- [«".!SKr]. J

' JTrf^

[KjftM!i.J =

mi (2) = MALKIEVAN = NATULI
.f I Kidiiiad \ Kidmad

OVAN = rATCHARAPT = Sapgveli
irdoni L KEMNERS J - -

Kii'ddrdoni

(See 34)

KIJIEVAN = Pungur
Kidmad I Nodrs

No ch.

NURMANERS = fSinput (33) = Singar (39)

Kidmad

Kivcdrdoni | Pam
No ch.

».]

KONDIKUDR

POTHENKUDR

Teinesveli
d. y.

Tersnerveli
d. y.

Kenerveli
d. y.

52.

JS = Parateisi
>- I Kiiiidr

(See 64)

PARSNOLV

(See 54)

RIOLV - Naspilthi
iharf I Kuitdr

MUTEVAN = 9

Kit ltd) I Fedrkars

r KEITOLV -|
LtoNJIVAN J = Kavanl

Piedr I Kuiidr

(See 65)

HGUDR PAMKUDR = Kadakveli

Kcadr I Kmtdr

(See 69)

KEIKUDR

Kuiidr

Stillborn.

jnep PILIAR = Sinodz (68)

'udr Kiindr \ Ketuir

(See 63)

PILIAG = Sintagars (6?)

Kuudr \ Picdr

No ch.

d. y.

'"t V^\'\ "•■■*

(SMfo)

pNODBNERS-i _ I

LIVAN = Nalmlds (71) PONOUDR = Nalldt <60 [ KARODZ ] :

rNONCARSIVAH] _ I

[.W.SS;i!SJ.K..,l,„

K^=A?i^

1 ™K.r'

1 ►'^VKNER

""^K

p4™. = Ka:M«.™-,«

VN = Nipveli (68) = Piliurs (62)

Kcadf I I'icdr

No ch.

ANERSVAN = Nirveli (63)

Kiiuc/r Keadr

ULTZKUDR = Sllkldz POL

Kcadr I A'tauir

(See 68)

rMIDJKUDRI I

LkERGUDR J = Aiidz

Pied?- I Kiiiidr

(See 63)

) = TULIKARK

I Kuitdr

MUTHNER
d. y.

- PETHOVAN
PILCHIEVAN

- PELDOVAN

Kcadr

\ = Pili

J I A'«

Piliars

i(dr

See 70)

KIUSH = Puviars
Kiilhei't 1 Knudf

(See 72)

55.

idr

= ANDU = KEITAS = Sipnir (63)

Kuudr I Kuudr I T/fr/'-

EITAl
d.y

Namelidz (62)
Fiedr

KATSOG

Kuudr

ray^sr] = p.„L

KAHKIEVAK = Pil.i

KDU B KBITAS = SlplrC-il

"•'■"" I

L . I

I .-...,

r EISODR -]
BRHER = PEILBT

yS?

r LkIgEnIk^I ^ "AVdDRINERS = V

ODAS
Kuudr

rTORSHKIAZn
L MUSHKIAZ J = Sindeig
Kendr I Kuudr

(See 68)

"1 I r TONERS n I

J = Katchakuti PIRSTUSHTI = KWOTNERS = Narstufi
I Kiaidr Piedr I LKUDRIKUDR J I Kmidr

See 64) (See 62) (See 72)

— Sulnip (63)
Piedr

■■ TIKIEVAN
Kuudr

TUSHTKUDR

Kuudr

h (68) POLWA = KWONGUDR = Sirkidz TINGUDR TEIVELEGI

ir Piedr I Piedr I Kuudr

(See 62)

(See 63)

ridz(63) = TILIKUSH
Piedr Kuudr

PEIKHAR
Kuudr

(63) EBON = Punmldz (71) = MARGUDAN

Kuudr I Pedrlcars I Kuudr

KANOKH = Sanmidz(63)

Kuudr I Piedr

57.

Idz (71) = Sindul (65) = Sintharap (68)

\/iars \ Kitshar/' \ Keadr

\ \ ■ 1

No ch. No ch.

KURIEVAN = Punzulciini (69) = TEITNOI-V
Kniidr 1 Keadr 1 Kuudr

rPONMUDRIn rMIDJKUDRl 1
KIUKXKKS = PERPAKH = PONMUDRI = | KERGUDR J = Kosar

Lk.A(.E\KKsJ Keadr Keadr I'Udr K-uiidr
Keadr

Hitch (See 70) (See 68) (See 70) (See 63)
'nudr

1 riMUSHKUTAXl !
)VAN = Pinpantlcuti L PEITVAN J = Pilikadrk
dr 1 Keadr Piedr Kuudr

(See 69) (.See 62)

1^1

FkIUDNEHS I = Sincram

KW6dHTH0TZ = Tersveli (fij) = Tupveli (67)

FkIUDNERsI = PBRPAKH =

rN6DRNERS-| _ I

Sv*** I '*T"i^""

''"■" I

5,ffl^'

NERSOLVAN = Pinpurs
Kuudr I Kuskarf

'ushtenip

Kusharf

57) = KEIRODI

Kuudr

TULIKARS

d. y.

KILADRVAN = Tersveli (63) = Toridz (65)
Kuudr I Piedr I Kusharf

Noch.

KODIKNERS = Kosayeli (64)
Kuudr I Piedr

POLWA = Pilimoitheri

Piedr I Kujidr

(See 62)

rMUSHKIRI") I

L KKITVAN J =: Pilitush

(See 5S)

r TAKHVAN "1 I

LpII.IVURSH J = Pilibuv
Kiiiii/i- I riedr

(See 58)

PUNATVAN

Kuiid)-

V TULINERS 1
= tilikark: = LkarsxkrsJ = Piiiurs

(See 53)

^asami (53) = Pushtakluiti] = Punthateimi = TaznlP (60)
Kiiudr I Kuudr Knsharf I Kuiidr

Kiiudr 1 Piedr

(See 56)

ERSVAN

I I rPONKARS-l I

NERON PANGUDR = Sever

j L SIRIOF J I riedr

\ (See 72)

NARGUDR = Tolveli(58) = Edjog (56) = Sinut (56)

I'icdr I Kintdr \ Kmidr ] h'ttiidi

KUDROLCH

GARSIVAN = Punzut(54) = MANINERS

Pifd?- I Knvdr I Piedr

■e 52)

Potidz

ricdr

TILIODZ = Sinain (52)
t'iedr I Kinidi-

PONGUDR = Malidz

h'lnidr I Pied)-

(See 52)

= [PjiMmUs

PILIAG = Slnlaerars

'-n

""T^f^

'■'"ii

"'"' T Iw' ""

'"sfll^fl" ''

Noch.

r TtJLINERS 1
«.../- AwJ*"^ ^ LkarSNEKsJ = Pillups

NARGUDR = TnlvdJ (jS) = E(UbK(j6) = SlnuKs^l
rf.f. 1 AV»rfr I Kh«X I AV„.<.

*■'■■" I ""■"

'J^ilrf^ ^ [kudhikudII ^ ^'''"'''

KWdDRTHOTZ -

I TBITN1R I . '

KESHKIEVAN
d. y.

MUDRIEVAN
d. y.

NERS = KUDRIEVAN = Pushtveli = Sinduvi (72) = Edjog(s6)

iedr Piedr I Kulkein

r TONERS -1 |

= KWOTNERS = Sipnir
I LkUDRIKUDRJ I I'ied,-

Jee 55) (See 7?)

Kulhcm I Kuitdr

No ch.

MIDJKUDR = Aiidz (53) = Kosar (57) = KERGUDR
Piedr I Kuudy I Kuiidr \ I'icdr

No ch.

No ch

KARKIEVAN = Pilinir (5>) = Isnir (52)
Piedr I Kuiidr I Kitudr

No ch. No ch.

KARODZ = Unidz(s2)

Piedr I Kuudr

anmidz

Piedr

64.

6 = 9

Piedy I

i 6

d. y. d. y.

PILIKID
Piedr

Kebarkuti
Kuiidr

NIDSHTEVAN = Kwelvtars (6o)
Piedr Kuudr

POTENERS = Piliurk

h'uiidr I Piedr

ATUSH
Piedr

KODIKNERS = Kosaveli
Kuudr I Piedr

(See 6i)

(See 54)

.6 = P
Pijdr I

PADREVAN --=^ Pjlzink (52) =^ MUSHKUT
l^iedr Kutidr Piedr

ARSK.UDR

d. y.

PUSHKUDR

EISODR = Sinir (56) = Erozveli (70) = PEILET

Piedr I Kuudr I Keadr Piedr

PAKHNERS

Piedr

TEKIAR i

d. y. d. y.

I '■■"■"

^s^

1 1

•^js;"

"""

1 1 i i

'■'■'■''

POTBNBRS =

N = Rwtlvliin(

-l^

£<^

,-».l

u.s-»i

I v„„.

.■L«

r MADSU 1 _ r TUTNERS T _ rPEHPAKH-l

"""■^ I *••'•"

66.

>o)

PORGURS = Tinars
Kuudr I Kusharf

(See 57)

Simiar

Kusharf

67.

Kusharf I

NERS = Sinduvi(5S) = Sager (5^) = PUVENERS = MONGUDR
harf I Kuudr I Kuudr KusharJ Kusharf

No ch.

ee 57)

Turveli

Kusharf

f Mi[)kitVA.\ -| _ _ ri*BIINKH-l

rPEBNKHn _ I

NBRPONERS =

A-».*ar/ I /-^X^

r NABUBS 1 = [ PUHGUSIVAH J = Sle^nlr

VZ)^

KWODRTHOTZ

r*':

*"/f<^'"'

1 A'««rfr

1 «•»*

UKHUD-

.±-.

acevan-Cko^b'^

°nI°bs]--i

oJvell

[-piraATV/u.]^^

Irvl

*■"»" 1

*W,- 1 A-

jAir/

A-».A-.r/ A-..

''' 1

A«*C.-

•A »"><'- 1

'""'

(S<, pLrN

ER)

(S«5l

,..,

AW, I

V = L KOBONERS J = Tersvell

Kjiudr I Keadr

rPUNATVAN n I

LanersvaxJ = Nipveli

'Kinid>- I Keaii>-

(See 53)

Slntharap

Keadr

ULTZKUDR

Keadr

Silkidz(53)

Kundr

No ch.

TEBKUDR = Nutnir(7i) = Puvizveli (65)

A cadr I Pedrkars j Kusharf

(See PERPAKH) (See PERPAKH)

69.

Muteimi

Keatfr

52)

r PESKOT -\
Ltui.ikarkJ =

KiiKiir

9
A eadr

(See .54)

PAMGUDR

Kci./r

PICHIEVAN

Keatfr

Mitch (57) = Kadakveli (52)

Kuudr I Kiiudr

No ch.

70.

PAREIVANl !

PERSEVANJ = Sinokh
Kintdr I h'eadi

KIUGI = JMliakh
Kiaidr I Keadr

(See 52)

(See 57)

KEINKURSI = Surgaveli
Kuudr I Keadr

(See 54)

[tSSSSk].

Nuraeuvell (jS) -

r EISdDR -|

as?

(Sj) B MONCKIDRVAN

r I'AKH -I I

ONADJ = L KIL J = Sllkldi

'"''""' "*■""

t6nehs kwo

'"''"'"'■

m,kL,k

■*■■'

TUSHKIEVAN = Sinat (52)
Pecirkars I Kiniar

KAVAN

KIRSIN = Samal (6S)

Fedrkais I Kcadr

rKULTHGUDR-I

L TILIVAN J = Nalmidz

Kinidr I Pedrkaii

MERSVAN = Kureimi (55)
Pedrkais I Kuitdr

KISTHENERS = Talldz (56)

Fcdrkars Kitudr

i PONODZ

d. y.

(See 52)

r KANERS 1
LkUDRIEVAnJ = Sinduvi

Kitlhci,

(See 63)

ONER>
d. y.

KURIKUDR

Kiilhein

NGUDR

SIRIOF

Knlkeiii

A>clOSANCflfx,

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